 So our colleague Pete will tell me if there's anything I've left out and we should also give thanks to some of the other funders who have helped support us in this rather difficult situation. So, in this paper, we're looking at livelihood enterprise in the way that they create economies and economies of scale. And I'm going to make a proposition that the lack of an adequate framework means that the broader economic contribution of refugees and IVPs is largely hidden and unseen. This has been on individual livelihoods, but not on the cumulative effect. And it draws on our extensive previous work on urban livelihoods in conflict affected settings. But this photograph is a battery. It's not my photograph unfortunately because we haven't been there yet. As you can see it's a hub of activities actually was established in 2012 because about 80,000 people. Some of you may know the area. But just in nine short years we have a complex economy that is well connected. But what happens in the less well connected camps, and also significantly what happens when communities of refugees and IVPs displace people or refugees in the case of Afghanistan move to cities. So we know that. This is our provocative question, a world without camps and we know that the trends are that displaced people are increasingly moving to cities so all the world's 88 million or so displaced people, 55 million internally displaced and the remainder asylum seekers, estimates suggest that probably over between 50 and 60% live in cities, but the policy regime hasn't changed to catch up. And will they move to cities to seek opportunities in work and education and social support. They're vulnerable and often they join the ranks of the urban poor so they become a subset of the urban poor who are even more vulnerable than many of them because of their experiences. And what our academic research has done is to focus on the, the issue of the burden of refugees rather than their potential contribution as economic agents to local economic development. We know that migration adds to the scope and scale of local economies. So our study is a large comparative study we think the first one of the outcomes of protracted displacement in camps and cities and we have these three core concepts and we're talking about this concept of economies livelihoods and enterprise, and the livelihoods bit has received quite a lot. I shouldn't stand near the screen. The livelihoods bit has received quite a lot of attention but the enterprise hasn't. And so, yeah, I think we need to go further on don't we I'll leave you to do this. So what we find from an extensive literature review is that the, the contemporary understandings of, of the displaced people refugees is fragmented. There's been this focus on individuals and many, there've been many livelihoods programs that have sought to support refugees in their work in their move towards self reliance. But we don't really know the cumulative impacts of that on host societies. There's been a lot of work on the sustainable livelihoods framework which many of you may know which have been around since the 80s. There's a very familiar diagram which shows refugee, the refugee or the individual at the, at the heart and having five assets of human natural financial and physical capital subject to vulnerability and policies and probe, and the kind of policy context, and the to improve outcomes. But we think that there are huge gaps in knowledge and gaps in the literature and those gaps are in looking at the economic pathways, the temporal aspects how do, how does the ability and those assets which people bring to their livelihoods how do they There are gaps in knowledge about the positive contributions that people make in their livelihoods to their situation, both in camps and in urban settings. There's a lack of understanding about own account initiatives and how people drawn networks and Patricia will talk about that and, and the issues of trans border economies we think also have been being missed. So we define displacing economies as taking these two components of livelihoods and enterprise. And we define them as being understood by the collective economy created by refugees and IDPs through their livelihood activity enterprise and need for services and consumption and through their mutual support and diaspora. So there has been emerging work on refugee economies. We define refugee economy slightly differently we draw on previous study that we did with ID to think about the enterprise which is coming from displaced people themselves rather than the larger ecosystem of aid and how that influences the development and the local economy of areas. And so what we what we've done is we've tried to summarize this in a framework and the bit that I'm showing you at the moment is effectively the sustainable livelihoods framework. So we have here the individual refugee with their human natural physical financial and social assets. We have the vulnerability context in which they work policies institutions and process and we also think the economic context is important as well. And then we look at the the strategies which individuals adopt how do they use the networks and the outcomes. So we move on and then start to think about the enterprises and the initiatives the the economic initiatives which they start to look at. We've done something parallel to think about those business activities and they might be an individual or somebody doing repairs or somebody working in a house but sometimes it, it can accumulate into something much larger. So let's think about this Pentagon here. Sorry, Patricia. That we look at, we look at market access and they've the five corners of this Pentagon being what access to people have to markets. What is their legal status, what are their trade networks, what space do they have access and what financial resources. So the same vulnerability framework but then you get this interlinkage and an understanding of a much larger ecosystem. So I'm not going to hand over to Patricia who talked to you about some of our very preliminary findings from this research. So now that we have more or less now ahead. So what is it that we're looking for although the, the, maybe we need more time for the diagram but we don't have it so actually I would like to discuss with you some of the preliminary findings that we have from the quantitative survey and the pilot that we were conducting for the qualitative interviews in my work. So as Allison has previously mentioned we have completed the analysis and as also Lucy has mentioned previously we have completed the data collection in three countries actually we are moving now to the qualitative stage. But some of the preliminary findings have already started to emerge and as many times happen as you will know is that once you start having that you have thought about it, sometimes you have even more questions about it. So we're trying to understand what this status is actually saying to us. So first, before I start with moving to the data, let's let's start for those of you who are not familiar maybe with the different context that we're dealing with the actual right to work and right to open unknown enterprise unknown and enterprise in these different countries is different for for refugees in all of them. So we have the case in Afghanistan where retinas and IDPs we're dealing with they are citizens of the country so in principle, they are entitled to the same rights. We make, we can discuss whether those legal rights have the factor representation in reality and what challenges are they facing in order to access to livelihoods and also have opportunities for their own business. But that will be part of the discussion. Then in Ethiopia, there's this out of camp policy that it's only applied to those refugees that are capable to show that they are self reliant without working actually. So only those that can afford it can actually have access to this outcome policy. There is, and there is this 2000 and only retrients actually cannot have access to that. So in 2019 has been there has been a change in the legal framework for refugees and it seems that there's going to be new opportunities for refugees to actually work till this moment they didn't have access to all the right to work. Right now they are trying to start to change that they might have access to particular sectors that something similar to what it's happening or what have been going on in Jordan. So they may have access to particular sectors those where they cannot be there will not be a competition with energy with Ethiopian nationals. Then finally we have Kenya, where, where the government actually states that a new NCR also states that those refugees that actually need assistance should go to the camps so most of refugees are invited to be to be in camps and many times not so invited but forced to be in camps. Many times, actually they have rights, the right to work, according to the legislation but they have to get a permit this class and permit. Many times it's not so easily awarded and for in order to get that you also have to be a registered refugees many refugees are in cities are not registered refugees. And when they want to be registered they many times get the, the answer like go back to the camp and then you will be registered is easier for you, if not if you stay in the city is going to take really long for you to get there. So they also are entitled to register this but their business but at the same time there are many barriers for them to, they have to be formalized in a certain degree and we know many of these business are informative citizen. So if we go to the data. And we have this first numbers we, we are going to see that's the case in Afghanistan. And what we are proposing here with what we can think that this data is showing is actually how cities can be displaced people more opportunities to be resilient to shops and stressors. So in the case of COVID-19 this data was actually collected in January, February 2021. There was a moment in Afghanistan when the coronavirus was hitting hard, and we can see the impact of people that were working previous to this placement and the people that were actually working now. So in the settlement in backup, it's out the outskirts of, of Kabul, but it's more like an IDP camp. And that nearly 70% of people interview may were working previous to this previous to the COVID-19. And this was reduced significantly to 52%. While in the city, even if we depart from a really lower rate of people working we could see only 39% percent we're working we could see that when COVID-19 strike, this rise to 53%. They have more access to new employment and then maybe they were in need to get employment, maybe there was a reduction in remittances or whatever but they were capable to actually respond to that. We know it's there's a difference it seems that this indicates that actually in the camp you have more access to employment but we have some other data that actually points to the quality of that work and maybe not be enough to cover for needs because when we asked them what it's, what are your main concerns in camps in backup, actually 87% actually said that it was the lack of work that was really worrying them. While you take the same question to Jalalabad to the city it was only close to 25% and mentioned that it was the lack of unemployment. And they were otherwise pointed to the high cost of cost of living and the corruption as a main concerns in cities and not so much about work. Yeah. So, this one is not moving. Okay. So, also here in Ethiopia, in Addis Ababa, we wanted to reflect about the amount of human capital that is actually not absorbed and is not wasted somehow so we had the percentage of people that were actually working in this placement, both men and women you can see 71% and 41% of Eritrean refugees were working previous to this pavement only 34% and 7% were working afterwards we can discuss about the reasons later. If there are questions about that I have many other ways to why this is not working now. Okay, so I want to take you to through a journey with me. I want to explain to you the importance of networks. That's one of the things that is really important diagram where we're trying to understand the pathways of refugees. So, let me take you to the journey of this Somali guy that once first moved to the camp, where he arrived in the camp he decided not to register. He had a good connection with with the camp authorities or not a good relation, not a good connection with the camp authorities and instead, join this group of John made refugees and moved to the city to Nairobi. When he arrived there he actually had the opportunity to be hired by an enterprise line by a refugee. And in that enterprise he actually made a friend, a really good friend. And together they decided that in five years they will be saving all the money that they came in order to open their own business because they were not planning to be employed. They were not planning to be employees for the rest of their life they want to run their own stuff. At the time they were having issues with the police because they weren't, he was mostly having problems with police but also his friend because he was Somali Kenyan so many times he was confused with the refugees and they have they have been chased many times. So, this is the next step so five years after that we have our friends actually starting a business with his friend only five years after. They decided by, by buying the supplies from wholesalers for free. They were getting this for free they were repaying later with zero interest, and little by little they were they managed to grow and actually afford to buy from these wholesalers. They decided to associate with eight other businesses in order to expand their business and be able to actually get goods from China and Uganda, they were paying jointly for the shipment so they can divide the cost of doing that, and they were slowly slowly improving the quality of their business. They have also a direct direction with direct direct communication and frequent communication with their customers through a line that was all the time open for them to receive claims for goods. And finally have problems sometimes at customs with the chain there was a changing problems so now they have problems with customs when they were trying to import things from China and Uganda. And you can see, there's a movement of actors they are no longer first the way refugees now they are over. And finally we have this one that is much more complicated. So I think just very quickly to wrap up our findings are in early stage we want to map this back onto the framework. We think that the displacement of economies framework will do that, but what it also helps us do is accept as a reality the urban component of displacement and enable us to look at the positive elements of that. Thank you.