 It's time for the Lorne Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, brought to you every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. A presentation of the Lorne Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lorne Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lorne Jean. Good evening, this is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lorne Jean Chronoscope. Mr. William Bradford Huey, editor of the American Mercury, and Mr. Hardy Burt, noted author and correspondent. Our distinguished guest for this evening is the honorable April Harriman, director of the Mutual Security Agency. Mr. Harriman, I'm sure that our viewers will be glad that you are making this second appearance on the Chronoscope. Very happy to be here. And tonight, sir, it seems that in these final days of the campaign that the Korean issue seems to be uppermost. And I'd like to ask you first, sir, do you think that the tactic, as a political tactic, General Eisenhower's promise to personally go to Korea is an effective one? I can hardly believe that it is. The way that came about, you remember, was that he indicated that he had some quick and easy way to end the war on Korea. And then when he was pinned down, the only suggestion that he could make was that typical of a military man, that he would go to Korea. When I think all the American people know that the heart of the trouble in Korea, in the fighting career, isn't in Korea. It is in the United Nations and in the Kremlin. And I believe people understand that and understand that it is a political tactic, perhaps rather in desperation. Mr. Harriman, originally, General Eisenhower had made the suggestions that Asians could fight Asians. In other words, the South Korean troops could be trained. Now, do you think there's any validity to that? Number one, Eisenhower knows, as well as everyone who is with the government, that we have been training South Koreans just as fast as they could be trained for over two years. There are over 400,000 South Koreans now well trained. They're taking responsibility for over half of the line in Korea, not only fighting bravely, which they've always done, but fighting very effectively, and they want to take on more and more as they're able to do so. Now, this idea of Asians fighting Asians shocked the people in Asia because it broke from what we've been trying to do in the last seven years, build up the concept of collective security, which is working and which is the basis on which we can look forward to a successful ending of this struggle, not only Korea, but against the worldwide communism. Well, now, sir, you've had extensive experience as a representative of this government abroad, and a good deal of that experience was alongside General Eisenhower, wasn't it? Well, I've known General Eisenhower for the past 12 years and worked very closely with him, and I do know him well. Well, now, during that 12-year period, did you have a high regard for his ability as an international negotiator? I had a very high regard for him as a general, and I still do, but I have never had, he has never had an experience as an international negotiator. You would recall that he claims now to know how to deal with the Kremlin. Well, the facts of the matter are, and I knew it at the time, because he came to see me in Moscow. He thought that he could get along with the Russians. Marshal Zhukov would succeed Stalin. He wouldn't believe me when I said it wasn't so, and he came back and testified to the Congress that these were his words. There is no one thing I believe which guides the Russians so much as having friendship with the United States. I don't blame him for his hopes. Many honorable Americans had those hopes, but I do blame him for trying to pretend that he knew how to deal with the Russians. Then or now, he has a military man's approach. He's shown that he does not understand our domestic affairs. That isn't any secret. He doesn't understand the international situation outside of the military, and that is one of the reasons why I am opposed to his election as president. The Coles publications, Look Magazine, had a rather impressive cartoon last week in announcing their support of General Eisenhower, and they said that their entire support was based on the assumption that he would be more effective in a nice negotiator than Mr. Stevenson. Now, do you think that Mr. Stevenson would be just as effective as Eisenhower in dealing with foreign powers? I think far more so, because, number one, it is not only the man, but it is the association. Now, first place about Stevenson, he wanted to know about communism. He went to Russia in 1926, and he learned, and he's been elected the dangers of communism ever since. And in addition to that, he's had both experienced during the war in the Navy Department. He represented us in the United Nations, and he's had considerable experience as governor in administrative affairs. Now, it's a question of the people that a man gets around him, and it is a fact that three quarters of the Republican Party in the Congress have voted against or to cripple the major measures, which are those which Eisenhower professed that he was for. In other words, you don't believe that, Mr. Harriman, that Eisenhower is internationalist-minded, that he would... Yes, he is internationalist-minded, but he looks at things from a military standpoint, and he hasn't any more experience with economic affairs or political affairs internationally than he has here at home, and I show you. There's no scene. In his post in Europe, didn't he have to deal with in economic and political terms? He was the commanding general of the international army there, and that is another myth. The international negotiations were handled by our political leaders, and he dealt with bringing together of this international army, and he did that extremely well, but he had nothing to do with the economic or the political aspects. This is a question of fact, I'd like to... In fact, I'd like to ask you, Mr. Harriman, immediately in 1945 and 46, there perhaps was a great deal of misunderstanding in this country about the true nature of the communist conspiracy. Now, is it a matter of fact that you alerted this country to the nature of the communist conspiracy before General Eisenhower did? Well, it's a fact that, as recorded, in the Inceptor of Forrestal's diary, in the notes of his diary, that I explained the dangers of communist aggression and subversion, both in Europe and in the Far East, and that was a year before or nearly a year before General Eisenhower testified that he thought the Soviet policy was friendship with the United States, so that is perfectly clear. Now, I don't know when General Eisenhower began to realize the dangers, but it was considerably after that time. May I ask a question about the current campaigning, Mr. Harriman? The tactics of the president and this give-em-hell-Harry approach type of campaigning have been rather widely criticized as not being in very good taste. Do you think that they've been in good taste or bad taste? Well, all I can say is that I've been around with the president, and sometimes I've been around to different states after he's been there. And the American people like to, of great respect for the president and also like the way he lays things on the line. It is a rather an odd thing that the so-called one-party press and the Republicans have been yelling about what he's been saying and not commenting on the daily smear that goes on by a man by the name of Richard Nixon, who constantly says things which are not true about the great Democratic candidate. And I think it's been, it is, they are yelling about it because it is hurting them. Do you believe Nixon is hot-headed? I do believe that the very high-level campaign of Governor Stevenson, fact he's talking sense, fact he's explaining things in his position, is inspiring people with greater and greater confidence. I assume that you- The swing, if I may say so, as I find it around the country, is growing with momentum and it's all one way. It's disappointment or disillusion with Eisenhower and the people that he's become associated with and greater and greater respect and confidence in Governor Stevenson. When did you, from your position of respect for Eisenhower, when did you become disillusioned, sir? Well, I have admired General Eisenhower as a general. I have never been in support of him as the president of the United States. I do not think he has had the experience outside of his military experience and I do not think military experience qualifies a man for the presidency of the United States. It is a very special type of work. It's always been protected in every form from on the economic side and he is accustomed to be briefed by highly skilled people and whereas in a political life, you've got to select very carefully your advisors and judge whether their advice is sound and good and I do not think the military experience is the right kind of experience for the great responsibilities that the President of the United States has. Do you believe that Governor Stevenson's experience has made him, has trained him for the job? I certainly do because he's had experience in government, the federal government, during the war in the Navy Department and representing, as I say, our country and international negotiations and he's been one of the fine governors of one of our most important states and he's shown his administrative ability and he was a very experienced lawyer and a man and then he's also showing a man of very deep confidence in our country and a very deep understanding of the aspirations of our people and the future of our country. I think it was St. Louis speech where he outlined the, I think he said the limitless frontiers that existed was given everybody a real... From your experience abroad, sir, do you think that the nature of our political campaign here has damaged our relations abroad? Well, if the election comes out in the manner in which I believe it will with Governor Stevenson and the strong Democratic Congress, by then I'm, then there will be renewed confidence. What the people of Europe and around the world fear is that we will turn away as we did in the 20s, leave Wilson's policy of sharing, the United States sharing the world responsibilities for peace and order. That fear is very vivid still in people's memories and they're afraid of Taft, they're afraid of the isolationists that are surrounding Eisenhower and they've been quite shocked by the statements that Eisenhower has made during this campaign. You know, he's talked one way in one state and one way or another and they're watching those things constantly. But you feel that the election of Governor Stevenson would repair whatever damage has been done? Oh, certainly. Do you think it would be possible to cut taxes under Stevenson's administration? I'm sorry, Mr. Burt, time is up. Thank you very much for being with us. I wish I could have answered that question. Thank you for being with you. Hope to be with you again after the election when we can talk about the future. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight are entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Longene Chronoscope was Mr. William Bradford Huey and Mr. Hardy Burt. Our distinguished guest was the Honorable Averell Harriman, director of the Mutual Security Agency. Next Tuesday, millions of Americans will go to the polls to exercise their right and privilege as citizens. Don't let your vote be lost, my friend, for freedom of choice is a very precious freedom. It extends throughout our life in this great republic, even to the things we buy and it's to help you exercise freedom of choice in the watch that you make your own that we on this program give you the facts about Longene. It should mean something and it does mean something that in competition with the world's best watches, Longene is the only watch to win 10 World Spare Grand Prizes and 28 Gold Medal Awards. 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