 Fy oeddiwch, wrth gwrs. Mae'n gorfod o'r eich cyffredin iawn i'ch gael i fynd i rôl ymgyrchu'r llef, ac mae'n grŵi'r hollig o bwysigau cyfnodol, gyllid ymgyrchu'r llef, ydw'r amlou gan yma gwrsach o'r troi ar hyn o'r stafoddiad. A oeddiwch i'r cael ei gweithio'r gweithio, rydyn ni'n gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio. ddylau gwirioneddol. Wrth hynny, mae'n gweithio'n golygu i'w gwirioneddol yn gwizio'n gwirioneddol. Ac mae'n gwirioneddol o'r maen nhw ymddi. Rwy'n dechrau o'r gwirioneddol yn cael y cyfrifol o'r wrthig. Rydym wedi'u meddwl am y syniadol yn y ddysgufyr ymddiannig yma, yn y Llychodraeth Gwyrddol, oherwydd yma'n cyfnodol yma o'n cyfrifol o'r cyfrifol o'r cyfrifol o'r cyfrifol o'r amser. These matters will be dealt with on my subsequent papers. My presentation instead considers the metal work, its quantity, its character, all the mental styles, and ultimately date, leading to our conclusion for a likely date of deposition during the second half of the 7th century. The extraordinary character of the Statichord Horde is now well-established. It has no direct parallels for its scale, quality, or make-up in its local setting, in its Anglo-Saxon setting or indeed, in wider Europe in the 7th century. Our understanding of its quantities as altered significantly from the initial figures given following discovery. After the removal of soil, revealing many further fragments ac yn ymddych chi'n gweithio'r fragnwys yma y gallai fynd yn ddiddordeb. Felly, mae'r ffyrdd yma yma yw 4 kg o gwyllwch yma yw 1.7 kg o gwyllwch yma. Mae'r llwyddoedd bwys meffel. Mae'r ffrwng o'r gweithio'r gweithio. Mae'r ffrwng o'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r 4,599 gwyllwch. the silver found overall to be far more fragmented, so there's an inverse relationship between the actual four인지 gold versus one point seven kilograms of silver and the far more fragmented nature of the horn ready sort of objects. The original cane numbering system based on rathol tidbits that were so expedimentally bydd i sgwnaeth RUST, boed yn rhywbeth oedd negeson o'r catalog yn gynnig, gyda 697 yng Nghymru. Rydych chi'n 600 oedlaeth sylwig werthwyneud yn golygu ar y catalog. Yn meddwl angen, bydd yn gwneud. I gynnal, mae'r angen i llwyddiant yn ymateb o'r adegach, yn oedd gwneud i'r barchau gyda'r deudio. Many sets of fittings have been identified that are critical to understanding what the collection representsdioleth yr hynny. The same character of the assemblage, indicated by the deliberate retention only of gold and silver metalwork, is further reinforced by the masculine and nemesh of character indicated by the finds. Arrhod gwrs 500 obju depressing, i.xa 80%, of the collection by og nationwide count are fittings from weaponry. Mostly from the hilt of swords with only a small number from scabbards. Just three buckles might also come from weapon harness. But as has long been pointed out, the iron blade are not present, nor are there any gold coins and nor are there any female type of jets, such as broaches. There is, however, at least one magnificent helmet and a collection of large and elaborate mounts, some of which may be from war gear. Lastly, of course, there is the small but very significant collection of church treasures, including the Great Gold Cross and the Strip with its biblical inscription. The new findings do not challenge what was apparent early on that ours is a warhawd, which must in some way relate to the cauldron of bloody conflict from which the early kingdoms of England would emerge. All of the objects can be accommodated on the battlefield. There are at least 74 pommels, 159 hilt collars and hilt rings, 170 plates from the Guards of Swords and over 120 other small mounts thought to come from the Helps of Swords and Finding Knights. Most of the pommels are of cocked hat form and closest to Mayne Dean's tight beckon false denaro, which is dated broadly from 570 to 650 AD. But a smaller number of the pommels take a round back form multiple at the 7th century. As Leslie Webster long ago argued, the Horde's Great Gold Cross and other Christian treasures, including the Pectoral Cross and Inscribed Strip, can be seen as representing small contingents of churchmen on the battlefield. All, therefore, is a lived wargear. Furthermore, the weapon fittings come from the swords and knives of leading warriors, and likewise the church gear must have belonged to religious figures in royal retinues. There is nothing from the rampant fire of an army. In this, the Horde represents a great departure from the view of the warrior that we had become accustomed to. As presented by the rusted iron fittings from shields, spears and swords from the periods thousands of weapon graves. By contrast furthermore, when swords from burials have been found with help fittings, they are typically of base metal, only very occasionally are they so grand as those that we have in our Horde. There are a small number of objects that appear princely, even royal. The helmet is chief amongst them, but there are also some large mounts that are suggested as possibly fittings from saddles. There is one reconstruction illustrated here. So we may also have the possessions of the commanders of armies, as well as those of their sub-command. Almost all of the objects show damage that was done before burial. The evidence suggests crude but systematic removal, a harvest of bullion or harvest. No care was shown for the contemporary high social and artistic value of the pieces. And with only a small number of exceptions, reuse would not have been possible for the objects. Cut marks are frequent, and it has been possible to capture some fascinating details with photomicrographs. Knives were used to chop open parts and sometimes to lever, with even the point of the blade apparent in some cases. There are additionally dents from smithing tongs used to pull pobbles from the ends of swords. This may be a clue to the class that undertook the dismantling, the smith, the class that would also have had the specialist knowledge to separate out gold from gilding metalwork. But there is some damage too that appears non-incidental, being instead deliberate in targeting, perhaps even iconoclastic. On our pectoral cross, one arm is bent and the other is broken. The arms of strong construction and considerable effort would have been needed to have broken it. The predominant style of the weapon fittings, represented by multiple sets of pommels and hilt collars, comprises all over coverings of gold filigree, typically with the filigree forming interlator style to animal ornament. A smaller number of pommels and hilt collars are in a different style, comprising all over clozzone ornament. Again, the pommels and collars form sets. Together the many sets identified, indicated without question, swords and fighting knives were being manufactured with matching hilt fittings. It is my contention, furthermore, that such distinctive ornament could represent the outputs of different regional royal workshops and could have functioned thus to convey regional identity and obligation as forms of kingdom styles. A further possible regional style is suggested from the over 100 small mounts in the collection, from the grips and guards of swords. Recognised as similar to examples on a preserved horn hilt in the British Museum, shown here, I have turned mintly cumberland hilt style. Next, therefore, is to consider where such regional styles might have originated, and this is currently very difficult, due to the lack of parallels for the hord's objects generally. And because most of those that we do have are single finds with poor understanding of their depositional context. A very close parallel for the filigree style, as well as for the techniques of manufacturing in the horde, is the method of detective find from market raisin in Lincolnshire. The small yellow triangles on this map, you can just about make out, indicate further examples of related pommons with filigree, all over filigree ornament. They plot a distribution across the Anglian kingdoms north of the Thames. Perhaps an origin for the style in the kingdoms of Lindsay or Northumbria might be possible, but also the absence from the kingdom of Kent is interesting, as is the approximate alignment of some of the finds along the Roman road system. There are even fewer parallels for the hord's clovone style fittings, which are the red dots on the map, just three of them. With the far apart examples from Suttonhu and Dinham, chief amongst them. The principal clue to a possible region lorogen for the style is the quality of the clovone. Both the geometric and zoomorphic styles of clovone seen on the weapon fittings, and on other objects in the collection, have their best parallels in the metalwork of Suttonhu and the wider East Anglian kingdom. I shall return to this on shortly. The Cumberland Hill was found during the 19th century, somewhere in the modern county of Cumbria, and it alone is sparse evidence for where the related proportion of hord fittings might have originated. Though it is tempting to suggest they might possibly represent another northern style, perhaps with growth in Northumbria. There are, in addition, a number of mounts of animal form on this side of the sky. That, it is argued, comes from the grips of weapons, though they have no direct power. And their company, as drawings show how they would have been inserted, did have this mount, for example, would have been inserted, flushed with the grip. The set of a pair of birds, that also has a fish that accompanies it, also has its greatest affinities with the garnet prosone of the kingdom of East Anglian. A further key characteristic of the metalwork is animal art, with over 140 examples. The art represents a key intellectual heritage for the early 7th century. Prior to and during the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity. Successive traditions were widely shared across Europe, with repeated motifs and forms representing the likely remains of a pictorial system of Germanic pagan belief. Pommel 57 here stands out in particular for its rich iconography, with 14 creatures of varied species in total. Most notable are the little boar heads at the apex, for they represent a sort of Anglo-Saxon joke. The little boars wear helmets. They represent an inversion of the idiom of the boar crested helmet, such as we encounter it in Beowulf. Instead of a boar crested helmet, we have a boar wearing a helmet. Common to many pommels is the motif of a pair of creatures. You can see it on these pommels. Often shown fighting. There can be no doubt it had meaning, and it can be traced back to long before the arrival of Christianity. The most striking instance of its use, together with bird beaks, is on the side of pommel 52. So here it is and here the pair of bird beaks. Here its Germanic character was set in deliberate opposition, but not necessarily confrontation with an early Christian inspired design on the other side of the pommel. This one here. The design's unusual arrangement of arches and crosses can be compared with that of a basilica on a Byzantine weight of approximately similar date. This pommel with its pagan, Germanic and Christian imagery is just one of many objects in the hall that open a new window on this important period of intellectual transition. Most of the animal art is of the four known as Salim's style too. Just two hill collars have the preceding style one, making them two of the earliest objects in the lecture. Both styles have long been studied for their chronological development, and the style two of the horde in particular has been important for our dating. Arriving at a date for the collection is not straightforward. Radiocarbon dating of its rare organics has not been possible, and there are no coins in the collection. Furthermore its atypical object forms have few well dated parallels. In quantity the style two represents an approximate doubling of the corpus prior to the horde in England. It therefore presented a great opportunity for reconsidering the styles used in Anglo-Saxon England. My conclusion has been to propose a new understanding of style two in England in the form of an early version and the late version. The early form can be found across Europe, but the late form developed somewhere in Anglo-Saxon England. The dating for the two forms of style two was arrived at by stylistic comparison of the ornament with examples from well dated contexts from England and Europe. In early style two the key creature is the zoomorph with the little heads around, a jaw and often a serpent-like body, although sometimes with abbreviated limbs in the form of a curl or a single hind leg. Examples can be found on filibrary cast and sheet metalwork across England that's focused in the south east. The key dated instances from England are Pricklewell, Alton and Southern Hoog. The earliest examples however appear in Scandinavia in filigree on weapon fitting, like the example at the top here from Langelland in Denmark. This agrees with the currently accepted position of style two developed first in Scandinavia around the mid sixth century before spreading across Europe by the last quarter of the sixth century. In Anglo-Saxon late style two the zoomorph, the key creature, is replaced by the quadruped in profile and altogether a more recognisable creature. It is harder to find well dated examples but key are those from Mount One in Southern Hoog. It seems this form of style two most likely came into use in the seventh century in the early part. In fact this creature form has long been regarded as generally later in Anglo-Saxon studies being the same that we ultimately find in early manuscript illumination. So what I am proposing actually represents more of a formalisation of the observation of others including George Speke and Kyra Gwylem Nielsen and that an entirely new conception. Indeed especially relevant for considering the dating of one early manuscript, the Book of Daro, is the very close likeness of the animal form seen on some of the latest objects in the hall. The Great Gold Cross and one of our omels can be compared directly with one of the objects in terms of its shape, in terms of leading position to the animals in the Book of Daro. I have mentioned already the connection between some of the metalwork of the Staffordshire Horde with that from Sutton Hoog. The linkages extend beyond general observations concerning quality of manufacture to include signature details which I believe support an argument that the proportion of the objects in the collection originated from royal workshops in the Kingdom of East India. A key connection first identified by Kyra Gwylem Nielsen is that of a motif on the cross that was copied from one that is seen on the maple wood cut in the mound, one burial. Here it is on the arm and here it is on the maple wood cut. In fact on the other arm there is a modified version of the same motif. Another is the frequent use of mushroom cellwork in the gynaic clozone of mushrooms up here. Whilst not unique to the Kingdom of East Anglia, so-called mushroom clozone appears to have achieved a popularity in the region that is not observable in clozone manufacturer elsewhere, notably in the Kingdom of Kenya and across other areas of southern England. Further affinities are found in the execution of the animal art, notably in the tiny detail of the Y shaped division of the beaks of birds seen here on the great gold buckle from the Sutton Hoog mound on burial and again seen in the clozone on the bird from the purse. We have the very tiny Y shaped detail, both in cast and in size style too, and in the gynaic clozone. Then there is another further linkage in terms of the use of rare gynaic clozone cut garnet forms that we find in the hoard and that we only have power elsewhere in the Sutton Hoog. A link that was pointed out quite early on is our link between our lovely beautiful Seax fittins reconstructed here as the fighting knife and the very close in terms of quality link that they show with the Sutton Hoog shoulder class. In addition to the ornamental style so far presented, another is demonstrated by some of the latest silver metalwork which we have termed the early insular style. The group includes three magnificent silver pommels, one of which is shown here. Two of them have gold mounts on one side only of their silver cast forms and all have the novel feature of two ring knobs on their shoulder for the part of the sword ring tradition, the latest form of the sword ring tradition that we see across Europe. However no other pommel in Europe has two knobs, although unique. The pommel here shown number 76 has a pair of collars that we believe went with it and a pair of silver guards which again are unique from the Anglo-Saxon England which do have affinities with Scandinavian fittings and here we've reconstructed its original glorious form. The early insular style of the metalwork has been so called because it appears to anticipate the full insular style combining Anglo-Saxon and Celtic arts that we see manifested in the earliest manuscripts. Some of its characteristics are shown here on an extractive page from the book together with Comparanda on this side. In particular, tight interlace is a part of its expression. We also have examples of little animal heads that will mark the Celtic and Triscals and Triscaleons and Triquetres. As well as considering the typology and style of the objects, every fine was assessed for its wear, all for signs of repair, aspects that affect consideration of dated. An example of heavy wear is that shown on the silver pommel 68 where the decoration of the tops, edges and ends of the pommel has been worn smooth by decades of use. On these two photo micrographs we have contrasting light and heavy wear seen on different pommels with gold fillering in this instance. Overall it was found that objects with early style too showed more instances of heavy wear in contrast with only light wear seen on objects with late style too. Two places of repair are shown here, one is a garnet lost from our broken old cross, broken and repaired and another is this pommel here which had two red glass settings to replace perhaps lost garnets. The patterns of wear observed agree generally with Sue Brunning's findings from her study of other North European swords. The wear occurs mainly on fittings at the extremities of the hilt, shown as red on our schematic. Probably it was due to rubbing against clothing with the weapons worn habitually as a leap, that's being questioned. In addition longitudinal fine stretch marks have been identified on the plates of lower weapon guards which it is argued were caused by the routine polishing of the weapon blade. To conclude my presentation today I present the dating and from it our estimated date of deposition for the collection. The metalwork is not all of one phase it was manufactured over a period of more than a century in total. Though the bolt belongs to the late 6th to mid 7th century. Probably most was made and in use in the first half of the 7th century. The earliest phase comprises silver material with style 1 or early style 2 ornament, much demonstrating heavy wear. These fittings might have come from so called heirloom weapons that circulated for decades before they came into the hall. The middle two phases comprise the bulk of the gold material. The earlier gold phase is closely associated with early style 2 and filigree manufacture. The later gold phase is associated particularly with garnet manufacture, garnet balls on a manufacture and with later style 2. The final phase comprises our silver material with the early insular style. Note that this phasing has implications for considering the metal economy of the time. For it proposes a rich gold phase of manufacture that was preceded and succeeded by phases of silver manufacture. This is undoubtedly a simplification but is consistent with the trend observed by other studies that there was a sudden influx of gold to England from late in the 6th century but it was brief, with the debasement in coinage in particular suggesting that already by the 640s supplies of the precious metal were again running short. In the hall therefore we are presented with a true golden age, not only of artistic genius but also in actual terms. Finally, the proposed dating of the material has led to a revised date of deposition. We now believe the collection was most likely buried at some point in the third quarter of the 7th century. Thank you.