 I, for one, look forward to learning more than lecturing. I want to share with you some of my thoughts about global cities in general, and I also want to share some of the data that we have about Gondi, especially, but also Delhi, that comes from a huge study that looked at 65 leading cities. First, a few thoughts about cities in the global economy. I think that a key trend that is now clear, but that 20 years ago was not, is that one of the specific contributions and hence strategic roles of cities in a globalising economy is the capacity to produce a very specific kind of knowledge capital. And we could call it urban knowledge capital, whereby the whole that this capital represents is more than the sum of all the high-level and talented and brilliant professionals and all the state-of-the-art professional knowledge firms. Something happens in the context of a complex city that makes possible this escalation, where all these creative classes produce something that they couldn't produce if they were not in the city. The question then is, why does this matter? And here is a second trend that has become very clear over the last 20 years. And that has to do with the recognition. We now know that. We didn't quite know that 20 years ago, that the more globalised a firm or a market becomes, and the more it operates in electronic networks, think global finance, the more it is subject to velocities and can in fact engage in those velocities because it is partly electronic, the more those firms, those economic sectors, those markets actually need the territorial moment. And that territorial moment gets mostly distributed across a growing network of global cities. That territorial moment has to do with that urban knowledge capital. When these trends began 20 years ago, the notion was the more electronic, the more able to assume enormous velocities, the less space and place would matter. In fact it has been the opposite. There are in a way two geographies to globalisation. One is a geography of dispersal, of diffusion, more and more countries, more and more offshore, factories, more and more coal centres all over the world, and the other is a very tight geography where things get concentrated. This sort of, this concentration if you want of operations doesn't fall from the sky. It has to be made, it has to be built. Architects matter, engineers matter, all kinds of people. This making of this platform entails displacements of older users and older types of users. And out of that emerges a second feature of global cities, which is a new kind of politics, a politics that has to do with the rights to the city. And there is an image that I post, this is the image that I like to show. The politics of the rights to the city are local. They often involve contestation with a particular building owner on a particular block. But they are a new kind of global politics. Why? Because they recur in place after place. So you have, if you want an increasingly vertically integrated global economic system that hits the ground in all these global cities, and then you have a horizontal globalisation of a certain kind of politics. Each of the global cities we have visited has both features. This image I like because it suggests, I don't know if it is legible, but people, nice people and not so nice people, one is people and the other is policemen. Some policemen are also nice people of course, but you have de-bordering. It de-borders its own space, it de-borders the globe. It is in parallel this kind of politics to this urban knowledge capital, where the world is more than the sun of all the knowledge workers. Now, I want to go back to this notion of true geographies. And here are some slides that capture this. This is one of, I'm just, this is looking at it through the lens of a particular firm. Now this happens to be a very big firm. And I want to point out of the two geographies. One is a geography we might think of as a geography of extraction. The mines, the oil fields, distributed all over the world. But the headquarters, that's the global city function, in this case four places. Now this slide demonstrates not all these two geographies of globalization. And if we were dealing with consumer markets, it would be even more distributed. Think of all the big consumer firms. But it also shows us that cities in this geography don't just compete with each other. This big firm, Militum, needs several global cities. Here's another one, Rio Tinto, another big mining company. Two cities for headquarters. And I think that that is a critical issue. Number one that we have is two geographies. And global cities are, if you want a strategic geography for command functions or knowledge functions, et cetera. But the second trend is that as the global economy has expanded, you have seen an expansion of global cities. And one of the key systemic trends is that they actually form infrastructure, collective infrastructure for big global firms and for global markets. They are not simply competing. One of the things that I do in my research practice is to deconstruct the global economy into multiple circuits that constitute it. Strictly speaking, there is no such thing as the global economy.