 Right, so Hanjambawote, Santanisana. I'm pleased to be welcome here today. I gave a talk in 2019, which was the beginning, at least for me, of sharing some ideas about the growth of the Swahili imaginary, really the development of the Swahili imaginary, and the way in which art and visual culture was spreading. So we're continuing with that idea today, but actually in a more focused way, because the emphasis is upon contemporary installation art, which comes under this category of post-colonial, post-modern. We're moving way beyond, if you know East African art, tinga tinga, and tourist type art, and into art which is very much international and global. So installation refers to the entire space is being used really to help make one message or to create one message. Now, what we're going to do is to compare two different installations that currently are in East Africa. When Francesca Faye spoke at last year's barraza, she was speaking primarily about the Asper artists. I asked myself what I said earlier on, very much focused on the Asper artists, but we're talking about two projects, projects which have led to exhibitions which have shown recently in Nairobi, in the case of the Nairobi Contemporary Art Institute, which has only been created in 2019. And the old Noshi project, which was established in East Africa in 2019, also but actually started in Berlin. In both cases, these are dedicated spaces, new spaces for showing contemporary post-modern art. So it's a critical intervention in East Africa, not what's happening outside of East Africa, because there's a whole lot happening there too in the terms of the world of art. In terms of Swahili, of course my interest is, I start with the common denominator, which is the kanga, and we move into other spheres of making. So Kasbali Sioia Keambi, Sioia Keambi is a Kenyan artist. She's created an acronym for herself, which is Kasbali, which comes from her joint or her, what is the word she uses actually, really her woven or meshed personality, her nationalities, which are Kenyan and German. Kasbali is Clown, Trickster in German, and her Palle is taken from Swahili, a meeting there. And she's used Swahili a bit in her recent exhibition, which is what Angelika will be speaking about after I do the introduction. And then I'll go on and talk about Manki Melli Remains, which has been one of my passions and focuses in terms of East African art. For about the last, what is it now, four years, I've been, when I spoke in 2019, I hadn't visited the old Moshi site. I have now been twice. And I've also taken girls from the school where I taught on Kilimanjaro in the 1960s, which is where the Swahili comes from or what's left of it. And we've been bringing girls to visit this particular project of A-level history students. You'll hear more about that. That exhibition is a combination of old Moshi cultural tourism, which had actually started before the project gained much more girth from German, actually Berlin, the German decolonization project called Flynnworks in Berlin. I've given you underneath these two images, one of from Nairobi and the other from Moshi, websites and places where you can do more checking. Basically, this talk is, or the slides like Jonathan's talk is too long. And I hope that you will ask us for a copy of the PowerPoint, which we can send to you. I'm EC6 at SOAS, for some reason I didn't, because I'm no longer teaching here. Perhaps I didn't put in my address and Angelica is AB17 at SOAS. So if you write to either one of us, we will send you the compressed copy of the PowerPoint so that you can have our references and some of the ideas, which I simply will not have time to develop during the talk. Okay, so we go to the next one, please. This is the background, a bit of the background in terms of expanding the Swahili imaginary with art and visual culture, which at least in my mind, I talked about in 2018 dealing particularly with visual art. And to my surprise when I rethought about that event, they were indeed women artists that I was talking about, which is what Francesca built on last year. I won't say any more about that. In the center is the Swahili, sorry, is the kanga, which is probably the iconic in terms of broad and general audience, iconic symbol or sign of Swahili culture. But when you look more deeply, I think historically, well Swahili actually, excuse me, the kanga does have history back to the late 1800s, but much older history of course comes from the architecture and there are at least four world heritage sites that when we're talking about Swahili visual culture, we need to consider. And if we go, of course, these are the stone towns and there's been so much written about them and then their counter cultures and Swahili people who are not living in stone towns who also have their visual culture. But article I particularly like was one by Farouk Topan, Professor Topan who might be here this afternoon, I hope, where he spoke about small objects which carried aesthetic meaning for Swahili people and the two examples he gave were a fly whisk and an incense burner. And that article I found very useful just in terms of measuring popular ideas of Swahili culture with maybe core Swahili ideas. The metaphor I use for that is actually roots and roots. And this comes from various people, but Gavin Genji's one South African artist is where I first heard the idea mooted decades ago, literally. It's the idea of what is the core and we think particularly of Swahili core culture, it's like a rhizome root like a ginger root has many different sources. And I think this is one of the things that makes it difficult to actually grasp what Swahili means. And then there's so many different extensions. Francesca went off very much in the feminist direction, which is what the evidence actually shows. But there are many other artists who are using elements of Swahili, either core Swahili or the more extended kind of Swahili feelings in their work. So they'll leave the Kanga part there just to say there's a lot. Last year, Angelica presented ever so briefly the spreadsheets that we worked on together which is online. And then last year's Baraza, besides talking about feminist Swahili extensions, you had to get as your guest, I recall, and saw actually online, Abdu-Razat Gurna. And just to point out, these are two diaspora, Lubaina Hamid, whom Francesca was talking about, and Professor Hamid, Professor Gurna, both absolute stars for Swahili in the international circuit in the diaspora. And what we are talking about today is back in East Africa and rooted in East Africa very much. So now it's Angelica Gurna. Excellent. And you can stay here. You can share this with us. That's fine. I stand. So thank you so much, Ex-Bet, for this introduction. I just want to say that I am just giving now a very small intervention on a broader presentation by Es-Bet Koth, who is our expert in East African art and so on. So I am sort of a supporting act, as they say. And I will just very briefly intervene here with presenting you a little bit more detail, the exhibition that I was lucky to see in Nairobi thanks to, again, Es-Bet introducing me to the work of Silvia Kiambi. I was really very much impressed by the exhibition. And also with Silvia, we also hosted a talk at Swahili. That was my first actually interaction with her. It was an online event where she presented her exhibition. And then after that, I was lucky enough to be able to visit the Nairobi Contemporary Institute of Art in Nairobi, with a new institute founded also by others, but including Michael Armitage, who is a leading Kenyan international artist. So just in brief, because I want to take too much time, I just want to introduce you to Silvia Kiambi, as I said, she's an international artist of dual heritage. She's born in Kenya, but she also has German heritage. And she is now one of the sort of leading, I would say, contemporary artist from Kenya who has been showing her work across many different platforms, both on the continent and internationally. Just to point out she's an exhibition, sort of the highlight was the Biennale in Venice, but she also exhibited Art 154 and many other international art fair. So just going into the actual exhibition, Kaspali Kaspali is a very interesting character and as as already mentioned, Kaspali is a sort of metaphor and symbolizes many different elements in what Silvia is trying to convene with the art. And just to add that actually Silvia is a multi-dimensional artist. She uses various ways of expressing her work through multi-media artists. And so with this body of work, which as you can read here, it began in 2018 in the region of Usambara, in Tanzania as you know, Usambara mountains and then expanded into a series of intervention that Silvia conducted in Nairobi city and so through the use of Kaspali, she's trying to sort of deal with issues of trauma and violence and historical inequalities by sort of using Kaspali as the... Also again, another important element that we wanted to convene here in this forum of Baraza is how Silvia is using the Swahili imaginary to express her art, and in particular in this evolution of Kaspali. So she's taking Kaspali, this character that she sort of embody and she, as you can see the image before, she's embodied by wearing herself the mask of Kaspali and going around different spaces where she's actually confronting the historical violence of her experience. So through this map basically that again is also written in Swahili so another important element is how she's using the Swahili language to convene artistic messages and then three sort of elements that emerge from the map. I don't have so much time, perhaps it's definitely going to say a few more things. Yes, so I'll have to sort of speed up. But just to say just to sort of make you think about three elements that really spring out from the map, from the work of, from the representation of Kaspali by Silvia Chiambi is obviously so Kaspali the rabbit, the metaphor that is very much present into the Swahili imaginary as well as the fact that Kaspali comes from the mangrove. So the mangrove again is another very symbolic element which we can just jump here quickly because I wanted to show you the mangrove on the right hand side and then these are the sort of three big elements that we feel represent the Kaspali the tricksters and what she's trying to tell us and finally also the performative, the performance element of of the practice and the fact that she's using sort of some reference to masquerade and to this idea of masquerade and sort of more traditional art and so the Swahili tradition, the language Swahili language, how comes into Silvia Chiambi's work is what we were trying to sort of convene here today and then looking at her as she's an international artist, she's you know, sort of a Kenyan based German based in that sense, but she has these references to Swahili culture, imaginary and history and then also Kenyan history and balance. So because yeah, we have running out of time so I leave it here, perhaps later on, yeah, and then this also again are the images of the exhibition. The exhibition is very, very moving, is very intense and you know it brings out I mean Silvia is really pushing boundaries that you know have not really been pushed that far in the Kenyan society I would say but now basically I just pass it back on to Elzbet to continue on the Mangimeli which is the second example of the sort of slightly different but to some extent the idea was to bring to you a very different exactly but just the idea of like located within East Africa and with certain connection so I pass it back on to Elzbet and then we can continue it in the Q&A. Thank you. So Elzbet, yeah? Three minutes. Right, okay. So this will be a real race. Mangimeli Remains is a collaborative transnational project that concerns restorative history and the repatriation of human remains. Now the restorative history part is extremely meaningful to me because when I taught East African history we didn't teach this. We taught about Chief Umkawa, we taught about Maji Maji but I was living on Kilimanjaro we actually were doing oral history but this I miss this so in a way it's me making up for my past perhaps by my interest in this project. Now no that's too fast. I think it's a question. The amse that you see in this photograph is the grandson of Mangimeli who was executed by the Germans in 1900 along with 18 of his his helpers or his headmen from different parts of Kilimanjaro so they had a collaborative it was in 1891 they had a collaborative fight and they defeated the Germans and then the Germans came back and defeated him not only did they defeat him but they took the Mele family land so what you're seeing now what you'll see on the next page actually is the land where the memorial is which is still government land in Tanzania but it started out as being German colonial land on the other page still back once so you have one more picture of Mangimeli when he was young the other direction the other direction I just wanted you to see Mangimeli when he was a young man and the text which is in this booklet is in Swahili English and German mostly we're using Swahili when we're talking about it the first time I went we used English but ever since then the whole discussion has been in Swahili although the reports that I get are actually written in English that's him the text itself is quite poetic and it's one of the reasons why I like the booklet that they prepared to go with this exhibition it's an entire experience that you have that's partially why we're calling this installation art the young man who leads the cultural tourism in Boshi commissioned this sculptor of Mangimeli to go under the tree on which he was hung or hanged that was actually in 1900 the tree itself is unusual it's an occasion tree Swahili I forget now because at that altitude usually these trees don't grow and it was where the Baraza was so not only did the Germans take the land they sort of ruined the tree at least not quite ruined it but they made it less social place to be the tree itself I would say is a witness to all this history and what I've done is picked out sections of the catalog or the booklet which fit with the stories that go with the images the next one we're already on the next one this is inside the exhibition and why it's an installation it's using many different kinds of images and media vintage photographs which are a bit like the ones you see from Zanzibar except they're more violent I mean they actually do have this trauma history in them these are students visiting the three sections that deal with Maisha the life Kifo the death and the word in Swahili that I have trouble pronouncing that means that they're after the three aspects of Wangi Welli's existence that we would like to acquaint students with so the students would be or any of the visitors actually would be looking at the vintage photographs they have already visited the tree and then they see this wonderful back one video which you can get online from Flynnworks in Berlin it's absolutely charming when the students write up what they see they're really taken by the video which gives the life and a bit of the thereafter of Wangi Welli and it's screened into a broken pot broken pot is traditionally where you would bury a second burial the dead in Chaga culture and now we can move on this I can't really talk through because we don't have time but it gives you a comparison of the two installations mostly how they're alike and believe me they're really extraordinary I've been looking at art in East Africa again for like 60 years and we haven't had these kinds of spaces like the Nairobi contemporary art institute provides or indeed this tiny little place at Old Moshe in Moshe in the sense of modernist white cube and so forth and so on and they're dealing with the traumas this is the last one, this is a bonus those of you who live in London or even maybe visiting for the day if you want the installation of the century so to speak this is Professor Ellen at Suey's work a very very famous Ghanaian artist at this point who has taken over and reimagined that take Turbine Hall as a ship you have the big sails you have actually a wall and one in the middle if you walk in towards Southern Turbine Station it becomes a globe it's free it's really worth your time on a rainy day or maybe any other day to see this incredible work by a Ghanaian artist little to do with East Africa but certainly a lot to do I must stop a lot to do with what installation art is African contemporary art is now literally thank you thank you so much thank you wonderful, thank you very much fantastic talk, I think we have the petition next year for Barazza to be a two day event yes, we can have a bit more time for each of our presenters our next presenter is our very own Ida Hadjavaianis who, I believe your slides are here ready to go the video is ready, right? the video is ready the video is ready so let me just open it it's a PDF so can I have it wide it's a PDF so I need to here with that letter how should I do it? no, I think it's because we need to can you just open it pop up let me save it okay you know can you make sure we zoom with a free tile share are you recording? yeah okay so yes now welcome Ida Hadjavaianis so I should probably time myself so I don't overrun my time so my presentation actually is part of a monograph that I am working with Salahamdani who is here with us today she is on the life of her mother Salama Bintirubair and this is Salama Bintirubair who was born in 1912 and she spent her childhood in Kilwaki Vinge and the adulthood in Zanzibar although she did travel between the two spaces quite a lot now the monograph actually draws from recorded conversations between Salama and Salha and sometimes between myself as well and my sister because we are the grandchildren so these the conversations that I'm going to be that I'm working with now really took place in 1991 when both Salama and Salha were at the deathbed of Salama's oldest son his name was Adurahman Guy and he founded the Zanzibar Communist Party in the 60s so a lot was discussed as you would imagine and also recorded with a tape recorder and so I mean sort of like having found these cassettes we thought it was really good idea to try and write down what was discussed and hopefully like share these narratives and so because I thought I mean we thought it was important since they actually give an individual perspective that then feeds into the global sort of like narratives of communities that flourished on the Indian Ocean and in this presentation today what I want to do is I want to explore ideas or these notions that Salama grew up with and largely notions of ethnicity and race and I think that through her narrative we really see her own racialization and even out of the people around her and also we can see how others viewed her and maybe others who are like her which of course would then impact on the notion of the self and I sort of like I think I want to say this that since racialization actually is a process which often tends to emerge from differentiation and so when differentiation happens in a meaningful way you have this sort of like recognition of the race of the ethnicity and I have three examples that I want to go through with you today and sort of like my hope really is for you maybe to feedback and let me know if I'm on the right track or I've just made everything up do I move down no sorry I've seen all my whole thing okay so the first event that I want to mention sort of like seems to come back quite a lot in her recordings and I think it has a very strong imprint on how she came to understand herself the incident took place around 1917 when the British were fighting the Germans in Kiloa and so Kiloa is you can probably see sort of like Salama Soko that's slightly around there and so just for like background information a few sort of like months maybe before this event in 1916 it was rumored that a huge war was making its way into Kiloa which is where she was located and Salama who was almost four at the time sort of like has memories or maybe has been told about a general feeling of disbelief that no one could really dismantle the Germans it just can't be it's a mighty force and even the kids would play around and copy this man that they would call Simba Africa and interestingly sort of like history tells that this man does exist and his name is Paul Emil von Leto-Forbach the Germans can correct me later so literally the line of Africa and he was fighting a guerrilla war in the then duchess Africa so it's Africa so Salama sort of like mentions hearing that people were dying somewhere north like a lot of them were dying and I would imagine it would be around Tanga possibly and so this news trickling down into Kiloa meant that some families did decide to evacuate especially women and children from the coast they were located into the interior and Salama's parents Salama's parents were really no different so Salama grew up with her grandfather and her father her father passed away when she was eight and her mother who was with her throughout her life really so the grandfather is the patriarch of the family of the household and he decides that the women and the children have to evacuate to a place called Kisangi which is somewhere in the continent sort of and Salama has to be carried at the back of a man called Shomari and this man seems to have worked for many many years but before the journey there's a process that takes place where Salama is completely camouflaged with black so in Swahili we call this Mashinzi because it was feared that she had a fair complexion and she could easily have been confused for a child who had German ancestry and I think this fear was very much sort of like well founded because we know that children in the then Tanganyika whose mothers were African were taken away from these mothers because the mothers were seen as unfit to raise them and so they were raised in convents all across the region so you probably heard of the Simbazi Convent in Dar es Salaam Ushirombo in Tabora Kivungiro in Lushoto and Tosamaganga in Iringa among others and so this fear is actually a sort of like well founded so to say. Now Salama remembers this experience as the first time when she became aware of being lighter than the other children in the grandfather's compound and so I mean Kila was one of these sort of like centres that exist at the intersection between continental Africa and the maritime cultures of the Indian Ocean where you have Zanzibar, Pemba etc Mafia etc and so she is the result really of coming together of these cultures her mother was Mgindo and her father was from Yemen so Mshihiri as we call them in Swahili and the Mashinzi process as I want to call it I think is a process through which differentiation takes place in a meaningful way for her and I think it stands really as a momentous sort of like time when she understood that she was different because no other child in the household had the Mashinzi apart from her. Her grandfather and her father were Yemeni as I said before deeply identified as Arab which of course has an effect on Salama and also her mother her name was Bintimwana was a very proud Mgindo I mean she always sort of like took the chance to remind them that the Mgindo had joined the Wama Tumbi during the Magi Magi resistance and so they are very strong folk you know at home she spoke Swahili it's the language that she understood and used at home but of course she also understood Mgindo and also Arabic but she could not converse in these two languages she just understood them her language we can almost say was the in-between language really that was in the region I would really say that this would be my first example of this in-betweenness of her realizing that there was difference let me calm down so this sorry this is her she was drawn when she was in her 30s there by hand by a man called George I think or something I mean we can check this later but this took five minutes by chalk and she kept it forever now the second differentiation I think is linked to the locales that she occupied as is the third as well which I will give in a bit so in the 20th century when Salama is in Kilwaki Vinge the town is divided into these racial sort of like quarters right and this is the result of the German urban planning where the cost consists of houses that are sort of like that were occupied by the colonial administrators really this triangle almost with the base being the coast where you have the Boma which is this for to here and then you have the customs house there was a hospital a governor's house and all these were by the water fronds and they were surrounded by greenery so largely Minazi coconut to coconut pounds as you can see the Boma has a three story and it also house the post office and the police as well it was built in 1891 for those interested in architecture and all these things and it was the most important building in the area literally that the German headquarters really and it is the plate interestingly it stood at the place of where was the Zanzibar governor all sort of like fought which was demolished to sort of like bring this at the back of this Boma you have the barracks and the prison and there were also cannons such as this one and I think was this photo taken by my student Ishmael I'm not sure I think so I need to sort of like acknowledge that but so she so in a sort of like in my research interestingly I found sorry I went too quickly I found that in the in this European side of town there was a doctor's house there was a telegraph and there were shops that were run by Greeks but Salama does not mention any of these things at all these are things that I'm not very sure if she knew about or if they just didn't I mean she just had no clue about them I mean it was in the side of town that she did not really have any access to and but the most exciting thing that was in this quarter was street lighting where every evening a man went around and hung a lamp on the road and this was actually present in her side of town which was the sort of like the commercial quarter where you have the Arabs and the Indians largely and sort of like I think according to the Jerusalem archives in 1886 there were 242 Indians in this quarter so the houses tend to have this arch doors and you normally have the shop and the residential area at the same spot now what's interesting though like okay for me and where differentiation really happens is that when Salama was born and until she was four her grandfather's house was actually at the European side of town by the sea but then you have sort of like this urban planning where the Arabs and the Indians could not be at the cost anymore and so they were moved to the commercial side of town and so I mean her grandfather did try to sort of like argue his case he bought the space etc but that was already taken into consideration and they move into this other side of town and I think sort of like when you think of sort of like being shifted from a space that you've occupied to one where there are people like you, you can see this differentiation taking place there so I've got four minutes to go I think I didn't time myself very well as well so this is the sort of like and this was taken by Ishmael as well you can see I was very dependent on Ishmael throughout my thing so this was the commercial side of town now the last sort of like example I take is from Zanzibar and she really settled in Zanzibar in sort of like after marriage largely and so she lived in an area called Mkuna Zini and Mkuna Zini is in the stone town and I think we all know that this space was quite racialized so for example I know this is quite debated but we did have like the urban planners like for example Harry Lancaster who put proposals for the stone town to have an Indian Arab and European quota and for everybody who was native to go to the Nambu side so I mean this has been very well documented by many people including Laura Fair and Abdul Sharif and everybody else but what this has done I think it has also left like a very huge legacy whose narrative has lived on in people's minds colonial legacy a legacy that seems that is quite strong in Salama's narratives I think sort of like in her recordings she does have a geographical location of people in stone town so for example she would say where she lived in Mkuna Zini was the area where sort of like designated for the Sunni Muslims and she mentions names that is Akina Lothi, Akina Shamsu and Akina Mamlo were sort of like the families that were meant to be there since they were Sunni Muslims but there are also others and these others are people like the Kula Tain the Hamdani, Bakathir and Said Mansab etc should also talk about Malindi and talk about this being the area which was designated for the Yemeni Arab especially Funguni there were of course exceptions such as there was the Kibrawanis family Al-Hitimi who were in Kiponda but sort of like the other ethnicities are really an exception really now Salama's narrative places Africans who originally from the continent so Bahra and for her largely from Kila as really being the poorest she knew of many who had come from Kila who were her friends and they worked as matopasi so street sweepers or wachukusi carriers and they lived in areas such as which was really seen as beyond Ngambu but she also talks obviously about sort of like other Indians such as the Gorolana Indians who would collect onions at the harbour and these onions would have fallen off due to sacks and so they were also quite poor but I think the difference really is that some of these sort of like people did have their community supporting them like you had the Numbazabure where they took a reside and all that so what I'm trying to say though is what happens to Salama in Zanzibar is she is surrounded by people of various ethnicities but there seems to be some kind of blurring of these ethnicities especially in stone town and somehow through this blurring she finds a space that she belongs different from what happened when she was young in Kila she is actually able to melt I think in a port where she fits in and so like you find that despite these geographical racial lines she is able to find an in-between space particularly in Zanzibar and so she would have this Keterika with the other Wangindo and Wayao etc. she can go to the Matine movies with the Indian ladies and walk to Koopa with her children so she's sort of like occupying spaces whether they were Indian European or African etc and so just at the final word I think I need to say that everything I've talked about today happened in a colonial context I can't talk about everything but this is specifically linked to Salama and then we find that whether Kila or Zanzibar although these were both Swahili states but they were different and the colonial state prioritized racial ethnic relations in both spaces but somehow it feels as if Kila probably had a more direct colonial rule and so it was more entrenched these racial lines were more entrenched than in Zanzibar and Zanzibar's cosmopolitan cosmopolitanism possibly made the ethnic lines slightly blurred especially for the inhabitants of Stone Town and I think maybe this is why Salama was able to embrace all ethnicities in Zanzibar so all of which sort of like somehow merge into having Zanzibar I hope this made sense because I was sort of like rushing through my thing this is actually sorry a painting of Zanzibar Stone Town that was done by Abrahman Hamdan who happens to be my uncle so I've really plugged in my family today as you can see thank you very much Music My name is Mariam Muhammad Hamdan I'm from Zanzibar I'm from Zanzibar but I'm from Shahada I'm from the Hague I'm from Tampere University I'm from Marikani, Yerumani and I'm from Zakiafrika Egypt and Sudan I'm from Saifika I'm from Kurgengi I'm from Chande I'm from Nwens and I'm from Hadisi but I'm from Hadisi I'm from Kewa I'm from Kewa but I'm from Bahaat I'm from Katia and I'm from Hadisi I'm from Bahadah I'm from Tariq I'm from Uzuri I'm from Hadisi I'm from Kittabu I am from Zanzibar I'm from Tariq I'm from Zanzibar I'm from Sazie I'm from Tariq I'm from Tariq I'm from metzohili I'm from tariq I'm from Kili but I'm from Yoruba I'm from Tariq I'm from Rousse I'm from Makseno I'm from Tandika I've been here ever since I was 9 years old. I can feel how important this is. I'm not a big fan of movies. I'm not a big fan of any of the children or anything else. I'm not a big fan of any of the children or anything else. I'm not a big fan of any of the children or anything else. How old are you? I'm 16 years old. I'm a huge fan of the children and my mother is a big fan of her. Hello Sarah. You know, I'm coming home to come home. I was in the kitchen for a long time, but I had to go to the bathroom. My wife and I were all staying there, but my wife and I went to the kitchen. She had the kitchen door open. When I was going to the movie theatre, I was living in the kitchen for a long time. I lived in the kitchen, I was living in the kitchen, I was living in the kitchen, and I was in the kitchen, I know I'm a little older than them. They were very young. We'd go to the ballers to play. They'd keep playing and performing. We're all the same. But I don't know how I was able to remember them. I've been trained, learned, and listened to the people I've worked with. But the reason is that they had to balance themselves and many of the people were forced to fight a war. Some of the people in the village couldn't fight the war, and I was very busy at the time. I was very busy at the time. I was still thinking about my mother's family. I thought about my father who was my mother. I was thinking about my mother. I was thinking of my mother. I wasn't thinking of my mother at the time. Wow, wow. Ana Peter, how are you? Good morning, how are you? Hello, how are you? Hello, how are you? I'm very happy to have you here. I'm very happy to have you here. I feel how much I have been able to do things to help people, and help them to get better. I have a question for the panel, for him or not. You mentioned that one of the projects was based partly on research into the Amani agricultural research station in northern Germany at that point, and I just don't know if you could elaborate on that because, well, honestly, it's a topic that simply cries out for the same because a lot was invested in it and it kept going for a long time, and I believe that there wasn't an oncologist, Mr Geisler, who started working with it, some years ago, but I don't know whether it ever came to fruition, but that is one I'm going to be no more about what the trauma is and how the attention is. Yes, we didn't really go into the detail why Silvia was at Amani in her, actually even on the big evolution map of the story of the Taspal. She mentions that that institute was no longer working. She was there in relation to a project rather to a residency that was also at Mark Museum in Hamburg, and I still don't quite make sense, but she was looking at images which were in Germany of the Amani Institute and, indeed, at postcards, and she was using some of these postcards to make her mark on them with Taspal postcard. So, indeed, we know that Amani is not actually operating now, but she went back to have the experience of what the area looked like, and she mentions that perhaps the government of Tanzania will use it now for research stations someday, but she's aware of that. It was part of her fieldwork for this invention of Taspali. Taspali, the actual mask itself, comes from a Condé map, which is in Hamburg. It's not quite the same, but it has references to Sangora, to rabbits, and to rabbit straws, if that helps. But thank you for picking us up on that. Other questions, comments? Yeah. John, the images that you showed so clearly, so many of the images on the postcards have clearly speak to the history of slavery in Zanzibar, and I just wondered if that is something that you will speak to in your project. And then a comment on the leader's presentation, either I, you mentioned it, sorry, it was kind of impassant, but also central to your paper about the consequences of forced removal. And I just thought that perhaps I wondered kind of how central the trauma of forced removal is to this person's life history. And I asked that because in the South African experience, which I'm more familiar, so if you look at the history of forced removal from the 20th century, and certainly in life histories, there's kind of a lot of oral history that's been done. In the experiences of life history, forced removal stands out as the one event that people use to kind of separate their lives. So people certainly in South African lives, easily forced removal, people speak of their lives in the 20th century as the period before and after forced removal. And it just stuck me as something that I just wondered how if it was something you wanted to build upon in your project. There is no such point. I mean, the sense that the project is really just to try and create a repository. And then my vision is really just for others then to be able to use it in however they see fit. But of course, there is a lot of imagery that speaks to that. And that wouldn't be, I mean, I didn't really, I didn't include some of the images of course, many of the images there, but they do exist. And also interestingly, sort of quite distastefully the way in which writers of the senders of the postcards have kind of the images where there is a kind of a sort of slave scene, a sort of written captioned it, almost named the individuals, but it's named for their friends or something, just sort of some kind of interaction with the images and things like that. But yeah, certainly it's a big part of it. But hopefully even when the project, which is really just to create the repository, people would be able to do so many different things with it, however they wish, but I'm sure that would be a big part of it. I think Wayne, I'll take your comment as a comment. Maybe like we can talk about that later. Like I'd love to learn more, because I've only read about this to Australia and South Africa. And I do know that it happened in Tanzania. But I don't think we've written much about sort of like those mixed race children who are raised in this conference. And now, yeah, thank you though. Do you have any questions? Yes, we have one. So yeah. Okay, so I will be reading the question from the online audience. We have a question from Stephen Xavier Casimo. He says, how difficult it is to obtain postcard stamps and possibly archival material from museums with the focus on the British Museum or the Humboldt Museum in Berlin? Is there a trend towards greater openness and access for a critical examination of colonial history compared to previous decades? I suppose that's for both either end. I think it's Yeah, postcard. Yes, sorry, more for you. Yeah. Sorry, could you just repeat it just as it does? Okay, sorry. Too fast. How difficult it is to obtain postcard stamps and possibly archival material from museums with the focus on the British Museum or the Humboldt Museum in Berlin? So is there a trend towards a critical examination of colonial history compared to previous decades? I mean, that's quite a big question. Yeah. They asking whether it's postcards that are being held by the British Museum and held by the Humboldt or of the British Museum or of the museum with the focus on the museum. Maybe you can make a general comment on it. Yeah, just make a comment on it possibly. A lot of discussion at the moment about from yes, from yes, he said from artifacts in the British Museum. Yeah, talking about what can you do with them? Where do they belong? How to kind of maybe you can make a general comment on, you know, with your broad question about, you know, yeah, possession, belonging, you know, return, all of these kinds of themes that I think people are discussing particularly at the moment. Yeah, yeah, I mean, I mean, one point, I'm not sure if it was put across necessarily in the presentation, but essentially what I've got is a what I've got is a digital archive beyond the physical material. And in a sense, that's a kind of a sort of democratic and liberating act in a way, in a sense. And so for me, what I'm trying to do is a kind of democratization of of the objects through the digital archive in a sense. I mean, I can't really speak to sort of the restitution of postcards in the sense that there was there's certainly the images, the way that through this medium, as I think I tried to convey, you're able to preserve a photographic archive than of course is incredibly important to preserve popular culture. Yeah, absolutely. I'll leave it there. Okay, thank you. Yes, Chair. Are there other questions or comments from the room? I think we have, we can do another presentation. We just got a couple of minutes left. Yes, please. Yes, I have a question about postcards. And I really appreciate the recommendations about the postcard. I'm interested in that postcard is the finest thing they like, right? And there's a lot of stuff in our life and postcard is a part. And I'm curious about how the deal is with the project, which is like, I suppose, somehow it happens like someone is interested in reading a lot of daily objects that have a rich meaning, and then some pointing to both postcards and value of it. Or it is just a sudden meet with a postcard by a market that we're so interested in. I'm curious about the story behind your answer with postcard. I had to skip over a bit, but essentially I was writing these articles and I was trying to find an image of the Old English Club in Stone Town, which is now Africa House Hotel. And I just discovered that these postcards existed, and it just fascinates me almost just from it. It was completely tangential to anything I was doing. And then I just started this collection and I just was curious to see it because it was over a thousand images, a thousand scarred ones. And then when I found out that it was going to be sold, I just thought I needed to preserve this because I'm a historian and I just felt like it would be lost. And then reading the writings of the senders, it just certainly bound just a whole tunnel, really. It has no end in the sense that I was just fascinated with the medium, with the images, with what they, the possibilities, some of which I sort of touched on, the kind of triangulation of the different uses of images, as well as I said, through photograph, the postcard to print media, in magazines, to stamps, and notes, and just being able to essentially construct what I really wanted to do. Actually, there was a shelved PhD project, which is not what the PhD project ended up doing, which was to kind of trace the evolution of images of Zanzibar and postcards were going to be a big part of that, as a source. Maybe something we can discuss in coffee break or something. But yeah, I mean, I'm really, I really want to have this resource out there and people can just access it and use it and have it in which way. I don't know, I don't think they came to it. So we have one more question and then we'll just finish the discussion. So yes. A comment. Let's not forget, Zanzibar was an empire. Yes, something I wanted to say. It was Zanzibar's colony. It was part of Kenya, which was part of Kenya, was part of Zanzibar. So what I want to say about the colonial context that Zanzibar was my question, because it was already established states, sometimes states, which had created absolute new society. But apart from that, I don't think there was any discrimination going to mosques as going to churches. Zanzibar was very, very different. That's why I take it back at home. Thank you. That was a great point to end on. So we thank our panelists again for their fantastic presentations on the film as well, which we'll join online. We will have a tea break now and start again at 12 o'clock promptly so we can start with the next panels. Correct? Yes, okay. I'm very pleased to welcome our panelists for the panel on languages and linguistics. We have a very interesting paper coming up. So I'm not going to take too much time. I'm very pleased to welcome back our team of linguists from SOAS. Very proud and very honored to be introducing you guys, all of you. It's a very interesting group of linguists, some of them from SOAS, some of them from Tanzania as well. And so the list of speakers actually is quite broad. I would like to mention them all. So the team is made by Anna Gibson, Lutz Martin, who is not here today, Frida Kanana, Teresa Poeta, who's here with us, Tom Gelpe, who's here with us, and then Anna Karyuki, Emersonin Ochieng, who unfortunately are not able to be here with us, but they're probably in the audience listening. So I'm very pleased to welcome the group to a presentation entitled Coastal Versus Mainland Swahili, Perception and Variation, the Case of Kili Fi Kenya. Welcome. Asante Sanna, Angelica Abarizeno. Good. I would like to start, especially for those of you who weren't here this morning by congratulating Hannah on her. She is the PI on our project and we're very lucky to work with her. So yeah, this is a little update on our ongoing project. We're about halfway through it now, entering the third of four years. And we're going to talk to you a bit about the context of our project with some reflections on some data we collected in Kili Fi, which is a town and county on the coast of Kenya in March earlier this year. So as many of us are familiar with, there is a long tradition on research in Swahili variation and Swahili dialects, but particularly dialects found on the coast. So you can see from some of the references here, going back to the 1870s, there's been research on different dialects of Swahili, but predominantly on the coast. But the last few decades have seen a bit of a change as we're now looking more at the mainland varieties of Swahili, particularly in the last 20 or 30 years. And they are getting a bit more focus in scholarship, as well as micro levels of variation within different Swahili dialects as well. However, for both academics and also everyday people, the distinction between coastal and mainland varieties of Swahili still seems relevant. And it still features a lot in studies on Swahili. You'll often hear about people saying, this is a mainland variety, this is a coastal variety. And this is often positioned within the contrast between the Swahili, the Swahili coast, which of course, as Elsbeth mentioned earlier, is not such an easy to define thing, and the more multilingual mainland on the other. So in this talk, we want to look at the extent to which these categories of coastal and mainland are still relevant, gathering on that data, as I mentioned, from Kilifi. So after the introduction, we've got a bit of comparative context and then the focus on the data from Kilifi, as well as a summary. So as I've mentioned, and as Angelica mentioned, this is part of a larger project, researching variation in Swahili dialects. And you can see on this map some of the different sites that we've looked at so far. So in Kenya, we've got Kisumu Narobi and now Kilifi. And in Tanzania, we've got Moshe, Dar es Salaam, Iringa and Antwara. And one of the really nice things about this project is we've used many different methods and many different researchers. We're a team of 10, so everyone brings something different to the team. And a lot of our research has been in person, but we did start in the first year of the project with an online survey, a perceptual dialect survey. And in person, we've been doing sociolinguistic interviews, taking field notes, ethnographic notes, some recordings of natural data, people just chatting, as well as more hardcore morphosyntactic elicitation, which we won't bore you all too much with today. And this is a nice picture of all 10 of us taken earlier this year in Dar es Salaam. So our current hypothesis, which sort of reflects what people have been saying in the scholarship, is that there are three different broad dialect areas of Swahili. Of course, it's not as simple as that, but this is the main pattern we're finding. So we've got a Kenyan mainland in the yellow, Tanzanian mainland in the green, and then in the in the dark blue, we've got the coast. So there does still seem to be this coastal mainland split in our own findings, both on the grammatical level, but also in terms of people's attitudes and perceptions of variation in Swahili. And a fourth region can also probably be identified as the western varieties in DRC, Uganda, but they're beyond the scope of our current study. And as I mentioned, this is supported by sociolinguistic and structural data. But of course, there is micro and macro variation going on within and beyond these zones. So Khaleefi itself is a coastal town just north of Mombasa. Main activities are tourism and fishing. And the biggest communities are the Mijikenda. Then there are some, some, some Swahili communities, the Bajuni, and of course, as with everyone on the Indian Ocean, people from South Asia, Arabs and Europeans. After Swahili, the main languages are from the Mijikenda groups. We in particular found a lot of Giriyama and Chinese speakers and also some Diego speakers who are from further south. And the picture as everywhere is, is definitely complicated by the fact that it's received a lot of migration. So it's not as clear-cut as just being at home to these communities. People have come from all over Kenya for economic opportunities and they've of course brought their languages with them. And so the data that Teresa will now present was collected in April of this year in Khaleefi around the town and also in a small village about 10 miles north of the town called Tezo. So I will now pass over to Teresa. Okay, so I will now talk through some of the data that we collected and some of the features. If you're not a linguist, don't be put off by the linguistic terminology. There's sort of lots of Swahili to look at. And we really want also your feedback of what you think about these forms, whether you have heard them, how you perceive them as well. So this is a list of the different features that we'll now discuss. So we'll start sort of nice and simple with some noun class agreement. And what we have here are three examples of many that we have of what we found sort of the pattern of Swahili in Khaleefi, being very similar from what we know from standard Swahili. And in a way, you might think sort of why are like we presenting it or like where is the variation, but the sort of lack of variation in terms of the standard Swahili is itself interesting, especially in the context of other data that we have found throughout the project. So for example, in comparison with other locations in Kenya, our data from Nairobi or Kisumu, this is not the same that we found there. And Anna and Mersin, who are part of the team, are research systems based in Nairobi, who did this data collection with us. This was one of the first things that they found most striking, just the non-class pattern agreement. They sort of said straight away, this is so different from the way people speak, for example, in Nairobi where they're based. So in a sense, this supports this hypothesis of there being a coastal zone, of there being a contrast between coastal and mainland Kenya in this regard. So kitu, kizuri, haiki, jibure, malasi, angoni, masafi, jicholangu, linani, umo. We had plenty of these, but these were just three to illustrate this point. So I'm now going to move on to another feature that we are discussing. And that's what we have sort of, well, we have also been called in the literature the A-tense, so a sort of present tense, a type of present tense, let's say, that again, it's not sort of completely unexpected or it's not that we had not come across it before. But it seems to be used mostly in coastal varieties, maybe even just more northern coastal varieties. And where we found it in other data somewhere else, it was mostly when it's used with the first person singular, so such as Naenda. But in Kilifi, we really found people using very, very commonly the whole like paradigm of the stance. So again, this would be in support of like keeping in mind this hypothesis of the coastal zone, this again would support this play. So we have a couple of examples. So you see, for example, in four, Kauhebia, Wenda, Nyumbani, Wewe. So you see the second person singular, Waenda. In five, you see the third person singular, Huyu, Aenda, Trukuanini. So you might also see throughout the examples other interesting features of variation and we can come back to them maybe in the question and answer slot. And I think we have another two. Yeah. So to show you again the like sort of whole paradigm. So in six, we now see the stance used for first person plural, Tuaguna. And in fact, in the next one as well, Tuaguna, Naquambia, Wakati, Wakina Nyanya, Ilikua, Kawakati, Nimarambili, Tuaguna. So you see three different instances of the stance. And last example here we see in the second person plural singular. So sorry, I haven't been reading the translations. When you leave work and you have arrived home, you take some water to shower, eat some porridge and sleep. So you can see in bold again, we have shown you two more instances of this stance. So you can see really beyond just the first person singular, which is perhaps the form that you might have also encountered more commonly. Okay, I'm going to move now to another feature. And this is one that if you have maybe attended Baraza last year and two years before and heard us talking about our project, you might remember this feature that we mentioned. And it's one we've given sort of quite a lot of attention because we know that there's some variation in Swahili already from previous sources. And this is how to mark habitual. So in standard Swahili, if you're learning Swahili, like I did here at SOS, you remember that who is used to mark something that you do habitually, like huoga, huinda, hufanya. But we also know from previous research that there's a suffix ag or aga, which is quite commonly used in colloquial Swahili to mark habitual. So this is an example, not from our data, but from Ruge-Malirah, where do you usually eat? And as Ruge-Malirah says, standard Swahili might be reclaiming productive inflection ag and its white occurrence in colloquial Swahili seems to be unstoppable. So this 2010, you can tell us also how you think this is going. But so starting off with this, we have looked into this in our different location. And before telling you about Swahili, here is a little sort of schematic overview of what we have found so far. So we have indeed found quite a lot of variation in these forms, but also in functions, we don't really have time to go through it today, but also co-occurrence of some of these forms. Maybe I can come back to this. But if you look at the map, you have the seven locations where we have collected data so far. And you can see that this quite nicely mapped onto this three dialects zone that we are proposing. So we have the who, the more sort of standards Swahili Coastal appearing on the coast. You will see that there is also up on the coast, but this corresponds to Dar-Salam. So we know Dar-Salam is an urban center with lots of speakers of different languages, so perhaps slightly different than the rest of the coast. And then we have the aga, but in fact, we have ag and ang, and we see the split across Kenya and Tanzania. So you really see the three zones here, ang, mainland Kenya, ag, mainland Tanzania, and who on the coast. As I said, this is a bit schematic. And in fact, we found also sometimes co-occurrence of both. So you see in the bullet points there, sometimes we find who and ag together, like who somanga, or who also used with the verb to be, who-wa, nasoma, or even who-wa, nasomanga, so different combinations. And now in califi, so as we said, we found mostly the who form, but that's sort of maybe simplifying it a little bit. There was indeed more variation and a more complex picture, but in nine, we have the who form, kila asubuhi, mi, huoga, I bath every morning. But then we also found lots of uses of the phrase san-a-sana, and we'll come back to this redeplication use as well, either on its own or in combination with who or who-wa. So in ten, we have wato-to-wangu, who-wa, nawangelesha, san-a-sana, kesuahili, nakizungu. This is from our social linguistic interviews when we're asking people about languages they use. So my children, usually I speak to them in swahili and in English. So you see both the who-wa and the san-a-sana. Sometimes we had the san-a-sana also just with the present tense. Now coming back to the ag, or ang, even though it predominantly was not used in swahili, we did come across it, but when we came across it and we asked, speak about it, there was really this perception of, oh, this is bara swahili, a very sort of distancing from, this is how people speak sort of onlamain, not on the coast, but not always negative. We found we have some quotes from interviews. They're also for young people, it was in fact considered sort of like cool or a certain style linked to some aspects of their identity. And also, as we said, as Tom mentioned in the introduction, you know, migration, urbanization, there are people bringing different languages, linguistic repertoires to Caliphi. So we found also these youths in the, in 12 of ang, in, by some speakers. For example, this, we happen to know that this is a person who moves to Caliphi and most of their life spoke swahili and Maasai. So perhaps to do with that, but still we wanted to put a use that we sort of captured, si-en-ding i-hu-ko. I don't usually go there. And I think we have a quote on this next one about this sort of youth and using ag or ang for identity. So this is one of us asking a participant about have you heard this ga, anga, like who or ganga. And the participant says, so no, this is used in Nairobi. So again, this sort of split straight away, but in explaining here, Kiswahili is, you know, people's mother tongue. And so young people or children learn to desire other things like sheng to sort of show that they're modernized. And another participant is something similar about young people using ag or ang to show that they have lived in a big city, to show sort of I've been to Nairobi, I've come back and sort of almost showing off this part of their identity, if sort of we can interpret that way. So also cultural connections, marker of urban identity. And as we said, also to do with different speakers of different languages bringing new elements. Okay, so I think I have a couple of features left. So one again, we mentioned in the previous years, we look a lot at diminutives, because we know that there's some variation in how Swahili speakers refer to small things from standard coastal varieties. We know that class seven, eight is often used to express a diminutive like Kittoto, small child, because of Yangu, my small tasks. But we also know that in Kolopil Swahili, these classes 1213 are commonly used, which are common in many Bantu languages. And that both forms can be used in many Swahili varieties. So 14 has an example of this class 1213, Casimo, small phone, Tundege twin geeks, many small birds. This is data from other places in our project. But this very much correspond to what we found in Kilifi. So different forms to express diminutives, including this class 12. So there is quite a high degree in variation. So the picture is not so straightforward as a split coast, mainland, or even a split Kenya, Tanzania. We have in 15 class seven, Kijiti, Kiddogo. Although you can see even the Kijiti, sometimes they use sort of of class five, which is augmentative, then class seven diminutive. But also some speakers said, oh, you just say in Klimdogo, just a small tree, as simple as that. But then the ska, we really found that this is again from from interviews that we conducted with people. Even a small child usually begins by learning Swahili. You can see the 12th agreement really throughout. And there's also another quote. I'm not sure what exactly we were discussing, but this person who's sharing some of their personal history. We were talking about avocados, we did put that to clarify. But you can also see that here the kaka was added to the non-class prefix, while in other cases it was replaced for the non-class prefix. Okay, locative marking. Again, there's variation in Swahili. You can say Naenda Shamba, just the noun Naenda Shambani, you use the knee or you can use a preposition. We know there's variation in that. In the Kilifi, we found that people mostly use the knee, locative. And although again, this might seem sort of expected, it contrasts with what we know from our other data that in Kenya, there's a lot of using of kwa, like kwa shule, rather than the knee. But again, the picture is more complex. It wasn't just straightforward as knee, like in 18 Watotawa Koshuleni. We did also found kwa, so niko kwa gari, I'm in the car. Kwa in standard Swahili is said to be used only for human nouns, rather than objects, but also the use of just niko shule, rather than niko shuleni. So this perhaps there's more going on about the specific phrases, but it does show that there is variation going on. Okay, and very quickly, just last two sort of notes, just to also show that we look through our data and we found other sort of things that are often used in Kilifi, but maybe are just not necessarily sort of something specific just to Kilifi and might be wider cross Swahili or cross linguistic features. So one is using this re-duplication for emphasis. So when we looked at sana-sana to say that I do something habitually, speakers use this re-duplication a lot in our data. So in 21, they consider to be difficult because they do not focus on it. So they don't get into it properly. And you can see other examples. I'm just going to skip so I can finish on time. And very last, I think you might recognize this. Again, we think this is much more sort of widespread in Swahili and across languages. We had lots of examples of speakers using this like discourse strategy of leaving a word or phrase unfinished and then finishing it up as a way of sort of engagement. So I don't know if I'll quite get the intonation right, but sort of When I don't get a kid, I don't go. We recognize it among ourselves. We discuss it from other varieties as well. Okay. And just to summarize. So in terms of the features that we have discussed, so we had three features with sort of support. If you think back of Tom's introduction, they support this sort of split, three-way split, but really we are looking at the coastal mainland here. And that's noun class agreement. So having this sort of patterned with standard Swahili noun class agreement on the coast, the use of this Athens and also the habitual marking. So the use of who rather than Ag or Anga. But then we also saw two features where the picture was a bit more complex, diminutive marking and locative marking. So we found forms variation that was there, but we also found in other location. So both internal variation, but also maybe a picture that's shifting. So maybe some features which are coming in with the shifting dynamics in Caliphi overall. And then some other data which shows things which are noted in our Caliphi data, but really are wider in Swahili, even cross linguistically, like redeplication and also just now this discourse strategy of unfinished utterances. So just to summarize completely, the data that we have collected and looked at does provide some evidence for this coastal mainland distinction supported both by our morphosyntactic data, but also from social linguistic interviews and what people perceive and tell us about. But the data also shows that there is more internal and localized variation. And Caliphi in this sense represent both sort of this traditional Swahili coast, but also the sustained history of language contact. So also, as Tom said, other languages being there historically for a long time. And then we discuss things like migration, urbanization, speakers bringing new linguistic repertoires into the picture, which is shifting slightly the linguistic dynamics. So as we say here, in many ways, Caliphi represent sort of this reality of some of the coastal areas where they're both urban centers in this region, but his old have also these traditional features associated traditionally with the Swahili coast. And this really reflects this sort of ongoing dynamic chain ever changing sort of linguistic situation of repertoires of the speakers in these communities. And I think that's it. So sorry for running. Excellent. Okay. Thank you so much for this. And let me just, Nico. Okay, Nico, you can you hear us? Yes, I can hear you. Can you hear me? Yeah. So I just have to, sorry, sorry, one second here. And yeah, are you sharing from your end? Or shall I share? I think this should work. I think it's best if I share it. It's up to you. I try it now. This is what it would look like if I share. Yeah, that's fine. It's fine. Should we do it that way? Why is it not? Hold on. It's not letting me move it. So perhaps if you and share for a minute. Yes. Okay. Okay. I can move it, but I can also stop sharing. Okay. Yeah, I just, okay. I stopped sharing. Okay. All right. Can you share again now? No. Sorry. No problem. Yeah. We can see it. Yeah. And I can also share. I can also click through. Okay. Perfect. So welcome, Nico. It's obviously online. Maybe we can see him a little bit on the side now. But anyway, easy with us. And welcome, Nico. You can start your presentation. Thank you. Angelica. Can you just turn it down? Thank you so much, everyone. Thank you. Okay. Thanks to the organizers, Angelica and Ida and everyone else at SOAS and also for allowing me to present online. Unfortunately, I can't be with you today. Hopefully next year I will be back there in person. I'm very happy to contribute to this exciting conference and exciting panel. And I will talk about Union Kinguana. As you see, I slightly changed my title, made it a bit shorter. The standardization of the Swahili language in the Congo, neglected research topic, one could say, compared to the field of documentation of the standardization of standard Swahili, as we know it, from the East African coast. And especially, I look at it in the context of missionary activities and Bible translations, especially around Yakuza station, a Baptist station in the Congo. This is what I will talk about. So I have two key questions here. What did the non-standardized context Swahili from Yakuza in 1905 look like? So before the missionaries started their standardization on it, which occurred in the second half of the 20th century, first half of the 20th century. And then how did missionary standardize this Union Kinguana between especially 1928 and 1960? This is ongoing research. I'm still to dig deeper in some archival sources, especially also in the UK. But this is practically as far as I've gotten now in the short time that I have. Okay. So very little has been said on the standardization of Kinguana or Kinguania, as I call it here, because the earliest sources that I look at that mention actually, Congolese Swahili, as a distinct variety, call it Kinguania and not yet Kinguana, the label that others have written about and myself too, and that you may be acquainted and aware with and aware of. So these are gluttonyms with different connotations, more positive, more negative, for example. Also Congolese Swahili is another one we have just heard in a very, very nice presentation of Western Swahili as the dialects at the Western periphery, for example. And these standardization efforts took place in the first half of the 20th century, roughly beginning more than 50 years after Swahili had already reached the Congo. I will not go into detail here. And so missionaries interventions in the Swahili speaking areas of the Belgian Congo were taking place in different parts at different times and are generally understudied. There is work by Michael Mewis, which is very valuable here, because he has a very vast knowledge on missionaries in the Congo. And he has also helped me to rectify some things that, for example, erroneously have been published by Fabian in his otherwise very wonderful book from 1986, where he provides a valuable account of the history of Swahili and Katanga or Shaba, Lubumbashi. Yet he said that the term Kinguana or Kinguania, the first one must have been actually in Stapleton's work. And he says the Congo Language Handbook from 1903, but it's actually an addition, a later or further addition of his suggestions for a grammar of Bangala. And this is the mistake that Michel helped me to find actually in this work. And this changes somehow the narrative, because then these two sources that I found and will share with you now are the first two sources where Kinguania or Kinguana are actually mentioned in 1905, also two sources written by Stapleton. So no extensive overall study of Swahili in the Congo and the history of Swahili in the Congo has been provided. I have an overview chapter of a forthcoming manuscript that I'll gladly share with you. If you're interested, it's a brief overview of around 50, 60 pages. And I'm also working on the history of Swahili around Lake Kivu. This talk is more on the Baptist Missionary Society, BMS and their work on and with Swahili at Yakuza station on the Apakonga River near present day Kisangani, former Stanleyville or Stanley Falls. So there are historical notes on the arrival of the so called the literature Arab Zanzibaris in Kisangani can be found in different sources also, for example, the autobiography of Tipu Tipu in his Maisha and also others. So I do not only look at standardization alone, but also on the missionary's perception of Swahili and what contrastive and opposing policies they pursued here. To understand where Yakuza is, you can see it up on this map right next to Stanleyville Kisangani. So this is Yakuza station. So this is approximately the area where Swahili had reached around 1877 with Stanley and Tipu Tipu. And we can see if we look at the data later on that between 1877 and 1905, we find already that restructuring and language change had taken place. This is very interesting. And I was not aware of that before I found these two sources because we don't have other written material in the local Swahili or the non-coastal Swahili from this area because usually the written sources are among Zanzibaris and with other Swahili speakers who spoke on more coastal Swahili in this area. You see the Congo River here or Lualaba River. And to have a very brief history, as we can find in Hunt, for example, George Grenfell and other missionaries of the London based Baptist missionary society founded Yakuza on the Upper Congo River and the Leopoldian land they knew as Congo land in 1896. The free state period in the Upper Congo region was marked by struggle and war among the new colonial military forces and Zanzibari overlords who initially entered the region in search of ivory and slaves. About the time of Henry Martin Stanley's epic journey downriver in 1877, the Zanzibari period resides in local social memory as the first of two colonialism here. So the Belgian colonialism following after, after they had chased what they called in the Arab campaign, the Arab Zanzibaris in 1894. In 1929, the medical mission with the training school for midwives which was very famous all over the colony or the later colony actually was founded and built. You see a picture down here of Yakuza and the historical events between 1896 and the early 1910s are summarized in Smith 1911 on Yakuza, Heart of Africa. That's the title, I think. So it's interesting to see how in these writings of missionaries, missionaries developed an interest in the local Swahili which was already spread and used there when they arrived and founded the station. And then they lost that interest also again because they were not interested in Swahili or Kinguana or Kinguania. They wanted to work on the local language which is of course for the gospel or for the Bible. So this was lokelle especially in the focus of the Baptists here. So I quote from Smith, a Baptist missionary and he says, recently many hearts have sprung up with a few hundred yards of the BMS station on the same bank and the people are showing greater interest to be amiable. Though we cannot talk to them in lokelle. There's a number of young people who round us who know sufficient Kinguana localized Swahili to be able to conduct evangelistic services amongst them. It is necessary that one of the Yakuza missionaries should know Kinguana fluently for the sake of the Bakumu work, another ethnic group here, and that around the falls. In 1906 I had obtained a speaking acquaintance with it and began to feel my feet in addressing them. But the subsequent pressing claims of the lokelle work first forced the abandonment of that effort. And then again he says, Kinguana is at best a mongrel language and presents unexpected difficulties and disappointing poverty of expression when it is used as an instrument for translation. Lokelle on the contrary is full of surprises. The Swahili covering a wide range of ideas and having incorporated many Arabic words often comes to our help. What does that show us? Kinguana and Swahili were here perceived as two different languages. When he speaks of Swahili, he speaks of coastal Swahili, which has Arabic words in it. The other thing, the local Swahili is Kinguana is not seen as a language as such, but they needed it to work on other languages. So I became aware of two rare Swahili texts, Mashaila Nakazia Yesu and Kitabucha Kulisha, both presumably written by Stapleton, and documenting the language used in Yakuzu at this station at the time in 1905. There are inconsistencies, interference from lokelle language, there are wrong forms, there are even words. I do not know what they mean or they could mean. Very interesting actually if we think of it as a descriptive account of the Swahili used in 1905 in that time without any standardization, without any codification or improvement of the language. And that we want to contrast with the Union Kinguana. So these must be the two earliest written sources in Congo Swahili, I think in Kinguania. And it's of course a document that shows early contact features, which I still found and present a Swahili from Kisangani. If we look at present day Kisangani Swahili, we find a lot of what we find in here. And I want to give you an example. Just have to see how I, yeah, now I should yeah, I hope you can see it. Koponesa Yamutu, Wakute Temeika. So we find, for example, invariable quantifiers, batumingi, many people. The negation hapana occurs, which is a pigeonized or a restructured feature we find very often, and still occurs sometimes in the Swahili from Kisangani. The agreement of the kopula mutu iku, for example, occurs here, freestanding objects. So objects are not prefixed, we don't have prefixes. But we have, for example, bakaleta yeye, they then brought him. So freestanding objects, we find the use of the occurrence of the distal demonstrative much more than the near demonstrative, for example, if you look at the right side, yesokwitikia ile, and so on. We find, for example, adjective agreement, which is already petrified or simplified as occurring today in present day Congo the Swahili maneno mubaya. So mu is no longer seen or understood as an adjective prefix of class one or three, but used for all other classes too. These are just a few features, which we still find today. And that makes these two sources extremely interesting. So missionaries after that started their interventions and created a standard variety. So it was, there were some missionaries in Yakuza, and there were also some other missionaries further up in the, further up north in the Ituri forest. And these were, for example, Studd and Lauda and others who translated the Bible into the local varieties of Swahili. So now the interesting thing here was that over time, with the first translations and tentative translations that missionaries did, two different varieties appeared, two missionary varieties of Swahili in the Congo. And these two were Ituri Kingwana and Lualaba Kingwana. These two were practically unified and yet separate missionary Congo Swahili varieties. And they wanted to bring these two together to create one Congo Swahili used for the Bible. And they thought also for daily interactions of people, for example. So, but this took some time and especially was based on two conferences that took place, the first one in Yakuza in 1934 and the second one in Ituri in 1946. And the Bible finally was published and the translation of the Union Bible occurred in 1960. So I will just briefly sketch the history. The first point to mention is the early standardization, tentatives and attempts at Waika station, further up river. So around in Manema, around today's Kinnu. And this is the couple Whitehead was working on that in the 20s already. And Whitehead says, John Whitehead says, for example, I quote him, I found I was among a tribe which calls itself Bangengele. But although they have their own language, they readily understood the kind of Swahili called here about Kingwana. This will be the language to which we must give our attention at any rate at first. That was in 1912. Then the couple also mentions in their Manuel de Kingwana, the dialect Occidental, the Swahili, which is already a prescriptive account of Swahili here. This is not a descriptive account how people spoke. This has a lot of features from coastal Swahili as they wanted to implement it in their mission in Waika station. And they said, so they proposed to discover the agreement and the differences of the mother Swahili with her daughter Kingwana and to put into into agreement or what they found in relation with the known laws of Bantu languages, transforming the unpleasant foreign elements. So this is very interesting, this perception how kind of the mother Swahili and the daughter Kingwana were pictured. Michel Mewes has worked on Waika station and also on Whitehead's work. And he says, I will not read the whole quote, but just point to these red parts. He could not resist the temptation to gentrify the language. That means to design an enhanced remodeling of it, which was to become the unified standard for use in the entire Eastern Congo, that is Whitehead's work. And then also he worked on this gentrification of Kingwana together with his wife Lillian, the fruit of their work, seeing the light in the work that I've just shown you, Manuel de Kingwana. But then interesting, missionaries in the Eastern regions of the Congo found the Whitehead's spouses work on Kingwana not implementable. That was not the final work of unification of Congo Swahili. But as I said, there were these two missionary varieties in the Congo. So we have Lualaba Kingwana along the Congo River and it took two minutes, all right. And it took Kingwana further up north. And these two were brought together now in two events. And these two events is one conference and Yakuza in 1934, which was initiated by the Bible Society Secretary for Equatorial Africa. And then this was a meeting at Yakuza where missionaries from many different missionary societies came together. You can see them here listed. And I'd gladly share the slides with you too. And all these came together and then discussed somehow how the language should look like. And after that, what they did during this meeting, they translated all of Matthew, the Evangelion of Matthew in these few days of a conference. And that was the tentative version of it. And the second conference took place in Ituri. And that was the final unification conference in Yankunde led by missionary William Deans. And they, for example, looked at orthography, lexicon, old forms, innovations, and reintroductions too. And they also looked, for example, at the aga form, the ag or ag, which was also widely distributed by the time already in the Congo. This was the second conference. And after these two conference, Yunyingwana saw the light of day. So this the first one is standard Swahili as we know it. And the second one is Yunyingwana. And you see, for example, in this example here, that we have already as a deviating feature. Now class one, Mutu agreement, Moana Waake Wapeke, Uzima Wa Milele, that was standardized in a way. And the relative visor all throughout Yunyingwana is the O, the O of reference, Olivia Penda. Another very brief example here. We find features that are standard like locative knee or katika, the relative O, and so on. So these are interesting examples of Yunying Kingwana. But not all, and this is the last point I'm making here. They were divergent and competing Bible translations into Yunyingwana. There was a high version, that was the Bible. And that was the Habaringema. That was the low version. And these two deviated in terms of relative visors, habitual aspect, demonstratives, and locatives. And that was interesting, missionaries fought about these different realizations of the Yunyingwana. So some use the low ones that use the any relative visor, the habitual ak instead of who. So this corresponds very well to the talk before, a three-fold versus two-fold demonstrative system and locative already with the locative copula. Co had already become an existential copula, Nico Mualimo would be, I am a teacher, and not only the locative sense of it. So this is to finish up here. So the missionaries work on Yunying Kingwana from the 1920s to 60s must be studied in more detail. I have to look into some archives here too. I will do that very soon. The role of different missionary groups, the Père Blanc, white fathers, for examples, understudied or the Marist brothers. So the link between standardization of Congo Swahili and East Coast Swahili in the 1930s. That's what I also want to look at and that's important to look at was their mutual influence and the language ideological work too. How is this union version today perceived by the public, by churchgoers? It's still used in the church, actually it's actively used, and by Bible translators today too. And then if we look at some radio and TV from the Congo, we notice kind of a standard Swahili which is not really standard. I assume this is actually this Yunying wana, but no one has ever looked at it because it's always said it's kind of coastal or standard and so on. And this is what I want to look at. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you so much. Okay, so now we have our third speaker, Adam. Our own Adam from Swahili lecture at Swahili currently. And Juma online, hopefully. And Juma online as well, of course. Juma, Upo. So hold on, I'm a little bit lost again here. Okay, so this, I need to, yeah. So Juma, Upo. Participate, let me check. Hello? Yeah. Juma, Upo. Hey, Karibu. How do I get this out here, finally? Okay, Adam, there you are. Okay. Hello, everyone. So today, we're going to present our topic which is teaching Swahili, key Swahili using the communicative method, two case studies from the UK and Zanzibar. So I'm Adam and I teach Swahili at SARS, Pomodona, Dr. Ida, and then also Juma. And Juma, do you want to talk about G-tambulisha? Yes, of course. I'm Juma, a student of Swahili, a foreign student at the University of Zanzibar and also a student of Swahili in Tanzania and so on. Thank you. Can you, yeah, yeah. Yeah, yeah. So yeah, this is our topic and I know I'm aware that there's a lot of experience in the room. I studied Swahili at SARS and we have some students here as well, so you'll recognize some of what we're going to look at today. But yeah, it's kind of, it's not so much like a formal research, it's more kind of some ideas that we use based on our own experience in the UK and Zanzibar. And yeah, it's good, like hopefully you can get more conversation. There was a once-around table on teaching Swahili at SARS as part, as part of the BRASA. So I think that would be something that we could maybe like, yeah, bring back. So just to outline, so we're going to present what the communicative method in language pedagogy is, and then some of the key areas. So for example, accuracy versus fluency or deductive versus inductive teaching, and then our case studies and then the conclusion, which is context is key or and yeah, just to say as well, as Swahili is obviously taught in a lot of places here in Europe, also in America and obviously in East Africa. So yeah, obviously the issues around Swahili pedagogy, several textbooks. So yeah, it's a big, it's a big topic as well. So what is the communicative method? So the communicative approach is adopted from English language teaching. And it prioritizes learning through genuine communication, focusing on contextual language use. So this is based on the idea that learning language successfully comes through having to communicate real meaning. When learners are involved in real communication, their natural strategies for language acquisition will be used. And this will allow them to learn to use the language. So this might look like, often in textbooks, for example, you have language in context at the market in the classroom, these kind of contexts. So it's a very common like language teaching strategy. And then so we're just based today talking about what that means for Swahili. And then what this looks like in reality as well as the classes taking place in the target language. So in our case, in case Swahili, with the opportunity to reinforce grammar rules in English. So, so now Juma is going to talk about this Usahihi video, which is a key. So Juma. Thank you so much. It's very great to me to get this opportunity to talk about this in Swahili Baraza. My name is Santhisana. So Kwaofupi, yeah, fluency is about speaking and communicating without worrying too much about getting the correct grammar. So we have examples here of some mistakes. But yeah, it's about just speaking. And obviously, like speaking grammar and knowing the grammar and like getting being accurate of grammar is very important. For example, at Swahili, we have exams and the students need to know the grammar as well. So we see some students want to speak, maybe they make mistakes in grammar. But we obviously put a lot of emphasis on grammar. So those are communicative methods about speaking skills. Obviously, we need to know the grammar as well. So this is why we're talking about the communicative method to how to teach grammar through the communicative method. And so a key distinction here is deductive versus inductive teaching. So deductive approach to teaching language starts by giving learners the rules, then examples, then practice. So this is compared with an inductive approach, which starts with the examples and asked learners to find the rules themselves. So the idea is that the deductive approach is a quite teacher centered approach. And it's maybe more traditional, like the teacher at the front of the classroom explaining the language to students versus the inductive approach, which is more learner centered. So let's see some examples now. So yeah, we have the noun class system, for example, which we've seen a lot with the other presentations. And yeah, this is obviously a big area in Swahili and one that students often struggle with because it's not familiar. So just for people who don't know, Swahili nouns are grouped into noun classes based on their prefix. And with each noun having a prescribed number. So this is a complex grammatical system unfamiliar to many English language speakers and most learners in a UK context. Yeah, so how this looks is they have an agreement system which affects the use of other words in a sentence. So this tool person comes from Kenya. And then this tool knife comes from Kenya. So yeah, it's something that students can struggle with because it's it affects every element in the sentence that is a very important part of learning Swahili. So we're going to see some ways of teaching this. So this teaching noun classes. So this is for example, the noun class table, which I remember being shown at SAS in my third or fourth week. And it can be quite overwhelming for some people, obviously, it's a lot of information, all the noun classes. So this is an example of a deductive kind of way of teaching language. So it's showing the students how this is like all the rules. And then yeah. So that's kind of a deductive way of teaching noun classes. So versus an inductive way would be like so sasa hapa nini Tell us what do you see now in the in this room? So for example, this is like a listing noun classes using things in the context. So yeah, VT in the classroom. So yeah, this is the example of doing that. So we have VT, Madeleisha hapa hamna. But what to people. So these are our noun classes or different nouns that belong in different classes. And then the adjective cool, big. So this is yeah. So here we have how the agreement works for the adjectives. So VT V cool, Madeleisha, my cool, what? So it's like the students can yeah, it's an easy way of showing how that now adjectives work with the noun classes. So it takes it can be a bit like confusing because it's like, why is an adjective different? And yeah, you just kind of have to take it as it comes, I guess. But then, then you can reinforce the rules in English. So does the adjective change? Yes. What changes the prefix the bit at the beginning? What did we add the same as the noun class prefix in this case, VT V cool. So it's like a iteration. So another way of teaching noun classes communicatively, or like, yeah, would be having like a mind map. So this I'm not sure I won't bother going on it, but it's basically like a padlet. I'm not sure maybe some people know, maybe I'll press it, but it's kind of a place where it's across. Yeah, so the students can themselves, they're encouraged to go on and just input things they know about. So really based on the noun classes. So they've been asked to kind of talk about the different noun classes. And yeah, some of the examples in context of like adjectives and how it works. And then here we have an example of how students can together kind of work out some of the nuances of the language. So someone so Claire's written G show macho for I eyes. And then another students added some nouns in this class will appear without the G in the singular form, e.g. tonda matonda. So kind of the nuances of this noun class and they're thinking about themselves rather than just saying, Oh, there's these different nouns and I've come in the end. Sometimes it keeps the G in the plural as in Gina Magina. So there's just like nuances within this noun class. The students are encouraged to like talk about it themselves. And yeah. And so sasa duma at a laser. And yeah, how it is in Zanzibar teaching noun classes. I don't know if I'm going to be able to do that. So we'll just wrap up. So obviously, it's a big, big topic. And there's a lot to talk about. And yeah, hopefully we can speak about it with other people have lots of experience as well. But the one conclusion we could have is that context is key. So this could talk about context in the classroom, but also the context where you're teaching. And so for example, some learners, for example, in a university, young learners might be, they might be okay seeing the table of noun classes. Maybe they can work with that. But other learners might see that and just completely shut down. So it's really important that I think about the learners. So and also, yeah, so but an overemphasis on any language pedagogy and different methodologies neglects the importance of context and successful learning. So it's more important to reflect on the learners needs and desires and the local context. And no teaching methods are exclusive. So they all have a place in a robust curriculum. So for example, so we have a lecture, which is maybe a chance to be more deductive in your teaching style. And then we have the conversation class, which is maybe more chance to be inductive. So it's all about like, yeah, using different methods together. But in my experience, some people obviously struggle with the communicative methods, because they'd rather just have the rules, maybe they're not used to. Yeah, they're kind of used to just being explained. And that's what they want. But I like using this kind of inductive teaching style, because it's a way of kind of having everyone together working out together. So in my experience, it helps like the language kind of proceed more naturally. And all learners follow the focus and no one's left behind in their explanations. Yeah. Thank you. And okay, now we have our final presentation for this second panel, Nuruliria, entitled Mkata Milanimutwan. So let me just one second, taking it down. Sorry, one minute. I think it's the keyboard one side. Oh, apologies. One second. I lost it. Just now, just open it, didn't I? I didn't see it in the right place. Yeah. Okay, it's a PDF as well. Okay, so this is the because it's not for a point, is it? No, it's a PDF, yeah. Thank you so much. It's a pleasure to be here. And my character for today is Mkata Milanimutwan, that is in Swahili. In English, it means a person without culture is a slave. So what do I mean by that? That brings me to my presentation. I've worked and lived in this country for 15 years. I teach young children. So sometimes I get questions from parents. When I'm talking to parents, they'll be like, Ms. Nuruliria, where do you come from originally? So questions like that. Or sometimes children will ask me, Ms. Nuruliria, you sound weird. Yes, but how do I mute them? I think it'll be on the panelist, because it'll be an arch part of the, it'll be doing what I'm doing here. Yeah, sorry. Here we go. Okay, sorry. Thank you. Right, so they'll ask me those questions. And all of this struck me thinking, oh, so am I different? Oh, do I belong here? Maybe yes, maybe not, but I don't answer that. And it's my topic. I want to talk about children's identity. So identity, there are many theories about identity. And one of them that I really love is in simple terms, it's about, it means who you are as a person that includes your language, your culture, your gender, your ethnicity, is everything that makes you, that's your identity. And why is it so important? Why is identity so important? Because it gives children the sense of belonging, and also it gives the children confidence and self-worth, and also it gives children to improve their well-being in general. Because if the person is not recognized, who they are, they'll get lost. So that's why it's extremely important, and that lacking identity could cause isolation, confusion and overall, it could cause serious mental health problems. Right, so. You just need to click on the, with the mouse on the screen, and then you can use the arrows, maybe. It was working. Yeah, very good. So how can we do this in a community? So I write children's books, I started by writing children's books, just giving the children a tool to be able to equip themselves and children from my community, Swahili speakers, or Black children to give them the sense that they're represented in books. Because when you go to school, I know a family came to me, they said they live in Cambridge, I think it's one of the villages, they didn't have books in school, like the little girl could, you know, see that she is represented. So writing books give the children that sense of identity and also they can see that they are represented in the society. So I've got this story here, which I really love. I'll show you in there. There you go. So one of the pages, it's just, I can read quickly the next morning, Dua went to town and carried her magic bamboo tube with her. She wore the bamboo magic tube to cast a spell and it turned the beauty fingers and ears and feet of everyone who had saved and kind words and about the color of their skin, hands and how they spoke into bamboo tubes just like baby said. So how this book, because sometimes people make fun of each other, like, you know, you speak different, that means you're different. They challenge me sometimes. So I like this story because this, if you read the whole story, it gives you some tools on how to cope with challenges when someone makes fun of who you are. Because that's the language, language is you. Okay. It's part of you. You cannot separate the person and the language. Okay. So because I'm a teacher and I like participation and engagement, I would like you or if you have, anyone has a mobile phone, a smartphone? Yes. So I would like you to help me turn your torch on your mobile phone. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. That's it. So you've got your mobile phone and touch your light on and you just say this with me to help to shine the light to the world, to those children who look different, to those children who speak different from, you know, whoever and their challenged constantly because of who they are. So we are going to, I'm going to ask Favre to families, parents, guardians, carers, if you have young children with you. Okay. Your first teachers, your first teachers, any language you speak, I'm speaking because I want to promote Sohili. So if you speak Sohili, make sure your children speak the language at home. And also schools, please stock up. If you are not, if you don't work in school and you have a friend who's a teacher, or you can go to the schools and just ask them, they can have, because we have French books, we have German books, we have Spanish books, but it's rarely, I've never worked in school where I find Sohili books. So please challenge schools to have these resources for the children. And also publishers, if you're a publisher here, try to work with authors to translate books, English books into Sohili books. And also universities as well, translates, please work with authors to translate books so that our children as Sohili speakers can have those books in schools and at home as well. And local authorities as well, I've worked with one of the local authorities to conduct seminars in their schools so that you can provide a whole factual experience. So I got dressed like this because I'm a little girl from Africa, from Kenya, from Tanzania, I speak Sohili. So they're curious about, you know, how do you dress like this? So that's my culture, that's my identity. So I do work with local authorities, schools to publish books so that children can have access to those books. Thank you so much. So you can put your touch down. Thank you for participation. And I was doing my research just to find out, just for example, in London alone, 20% of the children speak English as an additional language. So and there's three, about 300 languages spoken in schools. So I'm sure out of those 300 languages, Sohili will be one of them, right? There you go. So please, don't allow us Sohili speakers, children, among those 300 languages to get lost because we don't want them to be one of those in Katamil and in Turma because it's not because they don't want the language, but they need us to help them to do that. Okay. And that's my short presentation. Thank you so much. Thank you so much, everyone. So now we are opening the session for the Q&A. And I'll, shall I just stand here? Or maybe I come over there with this chair, but anyway, I just sit here. It's okay. So any question, please, to the finalists, you're welcome to raise your hand and we take like a few questions before we, yeah. Okay. So we got a few. All right. Lady up there, yeah. Thank you. Thank you. My name is Mamesewa. I'm a Ghanaian. And as you just spoke, I went to Ghana 2021. Children are now only speaking English, which I find it really sad. Everyone has to speak. Oh, when I ask them, don't you speak three, because there's variety in different dialects in Ghana. When I was growing up, my mother never went to school. So we speak three. But what is happening in Ghana, I don't know about other places, all the children are speaking English. Why? Are we shy? Are we, I tell them, when you go to England, Chinese are speaking Chinese with their children. French are speaking French with their children. Why are we? Why aren't we proud of our language? And I speak different languages in Ghana. And it's good for us, but I think the Ghanaian government have to do, the education have to do something because it's a shame. Our languages, our children, seven, six year old, can't speak three or whatever. So thank you for bringing it up. I hope to speak to the Ghanaian government. Now comments. You okay? Okay, we take some other questions. I saw some hands. Jones, you spoke about real language, our real meaning, sorry, real meaning. Presumably, there is also unreal meaning. What is it? I don't understand. Thank you. I had an example on this slide, the long night comes from Kenya. I mean, it's a bit abstract. So rather than often languages, it's kind of like, yeah, just kind of taken out of context, and it's got no, like, a long night comes from Kenya because it's quite a good example. It doesn't even really make that much sense. It's not about actually communicating something in real life, trying to get your meaning across. It's just like an example you read in a textbook that shows the nanobuses. So yeah. Thank you. Yeah, some more questions over there. Hi, thank you for the very interesting presentations. First question is for the first presenter. And it's basically what, did you find anything out about the way these varieties of language interact online and whether there's basically a dominant version online or whether there's conflict between speakers of different dialects online? And another question for the Swedish teacher, whether the communicative method is, does it neglect African literature as like written language? And yeah, what are your thoughts on that? And because I feel like African languages are often viewed as just something spoken in the street by people and not a written literature and whether, yeah, that's neglected. And then, sorry, one more question. For the last speaker, I think we can all kind of lament the fact that people are not teaching their children their language and the loss of culture that's involved in that. But is it not necessary because a lot of people only see language as an instrumental thing, something that gives them benefits in their everyday life. Is it not necessary then to just find political ways to make it useful to people because that's the reason lots of people learn or continue maintaining their languages because it's useful to them in their everyday. So I feel like to preserve the cultural value and culture embedded in language, you need to make it useful as well in everyday life and in politics and in business. And how can we do that? Thank you. Okay, do you want to pick up some answers? Then you. Okay, maybe I can quickly answer. So, yeah, thank you for the online question about online varieties. So we're not really sort of systematically looking at online data. Anecdotally, for sure, we I think ice cream showed a lot of tweets in Swahili that has lots of features of variation that we look at. That's always interesting. So we're not looking at it systematically, but definitely be useful. Perhaps it's a place where some of the like contact zones sort of interact in different ways. But I can tell you just anecdotally, the aga-anga, for example, I remember interviewing a person in Tanzania where sort of have you come across Anga rather than aga? And their answer was, well, not here, but online is the only place where I've sort of come across Anga. So who knows if that was sort of a Kenyan participant or not. But so an interesting place where maybe somebody's varieties meet. So be interesting to look at for sure. And yeah, thank you for the question about the writing and African literature as well. And yeah, I think like communicative method is maybe like about speaking skills a lot, obviously have reading skills and writing skills. So yeah, it's about kind of all the skills kind of simultaneously. And yeah, I guess you could also have like reading in context. So kind of, yeah, trying to have reading that's relevant. But yeah, and also it depends on the level as well. So obviously, like very beginner learners is kind of might not be reading too much. But as you get more like intermediate, yeah, more, more, more reading, definitely. It's good to bring that into the classroom. Very good. Yeah. Yeah. Thank you. My name is Dawson Mwesigwa. I study Kiswahili in Tanzania for secondary school. My question is first, thank you for brought up everything and have questions from first speaker and there and Adam. The first one will be when are we going to draw a line as a scholars or as SOS between what's correct and what is not correct? Because historically, Kiswahili never been involved or wrote by original people, people from where they speak. Most of them is picked up by foreigners from my experience. So if we keep recording things are not correct, we might end up having incorrect as we might not, we might normalize it, especially when it's going online. So the question was when are we going to draw a line like recording the correct ones and use the rest as examples? Because otherwise, there was a point that it was mentioned that grammar will be challenged or to be enforced. We might end up having English Kiswahili rather than original Kiswahili. That's my point. I'll keep that way. I think that might cover all of them. Thanks. Thank you so much. Thank you. Do you want to answer? Yeah. Yeah. You answering? Yeah. We can answer the first point. So at least the three of us, we're linguists. So we're interested in capturing how language is used. We don't take a prescriptive approach where we think things are correct or incorrect. And in our project, we're trying to capture the variation that is out there. And one of the things that's very interesting that you find a lot in linguistic research is people say, no, no, no, I never use aga. I always use who. And then the phone goes and they pick up the phone and they say, literally, they immediately switch and they use a form that they've told you that they never use. And for us, that's really interesting because it tells us things about what they think is correct and these ideas of correctness, accuracy, what it should be, which are prescribed, for example, in educational contexts, but also socially and politically and then how people actually use language on a day-to-day basis. And that is what we're interested in. Languages are all always changing. So this is not unique to Swahili. Languages are changing all the time. It's inevitable. It's unstoppable. It's fantastic. So for us, that's not a problem at all. Yeah, obviously it's very relevant to talking about grammar and things. And yeah, kind of obviously have an exam. So you have to mark the exam to a certain extent. But yeah, it's definitely really important to highlight when you're teaching that this might not be used in certain contexts. This doesn't really make sense in anywhere but the coast, for example. So you might say, if you say this in Kenya, you might be laughed at kind of thing. Yeah, we definitely try and bring that. And also some leniency in exams as well. There's multiple options for some noun class agreements and stuff. So there's not one correct way. It can be in different ways. Thank you. Okay, we go maybe not a couple of questions. Yeah, so we go one here, one there, and then then then we're gonna stop because there's lunch already. So I'll take three more questions. Lovely. Thank you for a very interesting panel. I just spent a week in Dar es Salaam and came away thinking people say aga a lot these days. I wasn't always sure whether it was a habitual. Sometimes it seemed to be just there or maybe a form of emphasis. And then I wondered whether you could say a little bit more on differences between Tanzanian and Kenyan mainland Swahili, which certainly when you talk to Tanzanians that they sort of complain almost about Kenyan Swahili, you know. And my impression is that the noun class system seems to work quite well on the Tanzanian mainland and makes my experience a rather less so in Kenya. And I also wonder on the presentation on King Wana talking to people who work in that region, what they comment on most actually is the influence of French. And I wonder since your sources for the paper seem to be mostly Anglophone missionaries, do they do they actually respond to that? Are they worried about too much French? Does it occur at all? Okay, I'll take one more question or shall we answer quickly? Maybe Wangu is related. Thank you. It's just a reflection on standardization because Kiswahili is being taught in schools now across different countries. And also it's the official language of the African Union. And there's a UN Day for Kiswahili. And I think some of the issues that we're speaking to here have something to do with this, both local and international and the cross border use of Kiswahili because I've heard this Kenya, Tanzania coast, you know, and it works the languages work in all their locations. Is there going to be an attitude international to Kiswahili as the French have? And what's the way forward? Thank you. Yeah, I'll check also now I think enough from the audience if you can answer the question since that was once. Yeah, yeah, yeah, absolutely. Niko, yeah, as you can. Yeah, did you hear the question? Yeah, the first one concerning the Kingwana, right? Yeah, very briefly. By that time there was not much French influence actually, as you said, these were Anglophone missionaries, of course. And French was especially in that part of the Congo, not yet very widespread. So that's the 1905 and so on, you know, because the official Belgian colonies started in 1908. But of course, Belgians who were in the area spoke French. But up to that point, it was really the lingua franca of these areas like up to the 1890s and 1910s was Swahili mostly more than any other language only in the north, maybe Zander or Arabic, especially. But that came later the influence of French. So practically, when the colony took over and also imposed French as official language. So increasingly, you notice over if you look at religious material from the 20s, 30s, 40s onward, you notice an influence from French, not only coming directly from French, also via Lingala, which at some point, increased in usage in to some degree. But at that point, French was only among colonial officers, practically, a language widely used. And they are not these contact features that we noticed today when we look at, or even over the past, 50 years or so, or 70 years, when we look at sources, for example, from Lumbashi or from Goma and Bukavu and so on. But it's a very, very interesting question, the influence of Anglo-Foreign missionaries and of English as a language too, not only in that region, also in Katanga, for example. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, Nico. Thank you very much. Also, from the online, there was a comment for Puneurus presentation. If we can read it. It's not a question, it's a comment following Puneurus presentation. I am a marine scientist, but I've translated several books so that the laymen can understand them and as well as translated sculpture and books. So it's just sort of sharing that with us. And yeah, so perhaps you want to also answer on, yeah? Yeah, in terms of your question about the difference between Kenya and Tanzania, I think it comes down to a question of the sort of linguistic marketplace. Obviously, Key Swahili was very much involved in a project of nation building in Tanzania, where as to quote Prof. Githiora, Swahili policy has been quite flip-flopping and ambivalent in Kenya. So I think the sort of status solidarity functions of Swahili and English in Tanzania are quite different. That could be part of the reason why the grammar is a bit looser in Kenya. And in terms of starting a Swahili Institute, I think there are such projects at, for example, University of Dar es Salaam. But again, we sort of reject wholeheartedly the prescriptive is paradigm. It's all tied into language and power and censorship. So I think it's good to appreciate variation in language. And it makes it more democratic as well, because people can speak however they want and be heard. And just to respond on the ag, yeah. And just very quickly, definitely, we are looking at data where the suffix ag is used in context where it doesn't seem to strictly be to do with habitual. So like we have data from Iringa, for example. And there we have one of the examples we often quote is Bajaji driver is saying, to end ag it, to end ag it for let's go. And there really doesn't seem to be anything about habitual. So how is maybe expanding into different functions? So yeah, we can tell you more maybe in the break, but we have definitely a lot of data that we are looking at where it seemed to have broad and sort of its scope, or maybe just also we are looking at other languages where ag very much is and maybe has other functions than habitual, whether these are also taken into Swahili places. So yeah, this question and a really interesting area. Okay. Are there any more questions? Yes. Okay. So all right, I'm just taking the time because all right, maybe we've got another few minutes while I'm setting the lunch. So if you don't mind, I'll just take one more person over there. And then that would be the last question because then we are having the Swahili lunch but they asked me to hold on a couple of minutes. It's a lot of questions though. Okay. Yeah. Okay. Thank you. My name is Aidan Mombeki. I come from an architecture background, so I just love attending this. My question is to Nuru. And the question is, do you think the issue is the society setting an influence that the kids go through when they're younger in terms of learning the language. I've got three siblings who are under 10 and their Swahili is horrible. I don't let them speak in public because it's this. And the issue is that when they go to school, they study in English and when they come back home, their form of entertainment, cartoons and illustrations are in English or most of them in English and they're more appealing. So there is one in Swahili. I don't know any of you have seen Kirikou. It's a short animation. Really, when you sit down and you compare that to let's say Peppa Pig or Generator X, which is a lot of flames and throwing and running and it's more appealing. So they choose to watch something that's more appealing and my brother sounds like one of the cartoon characters when he's speaking English. So and then I've been trying to find the stories I read when I was younger, but they're all in just literature. Nothing is illustrative that they could look at and enjoy. So stories like you have to create your own imagination. But when they see an English book, it's these colorful pictures and horizons and things like that. So do you think the issue is there that we need to start sort of encourage the narrative, but not in just literature, but in a sort of more illustrative way? Thank you. Thanks a lot. Thank you. That's a brilliant question. I think the issue there is the attitude. So if you feel your language is in failure, you will think it's not as good as the other languages, you see. And that comes from us as parents. We have to be role models because I speak to some parents who have less touch, live longer language, hair. African parents will say, Oh, can you do they go to the hairdresser and say to put extension on a five year old blonde extensions so that the hair looks like their friend's hair? And that's a terrible mistake because you're losing the point here. You need to tell your child they've got beautiful afro hair. That's their hair and it's beautiful and natural, you see. And also when it comes, exactly when it comes to food, I hear parents say, this one doesn't like Ugari. Ugari is African. So, you know, it's made of maize or something like a porridge. It's like bread. Yeah. And parents are saying that in front of the child, like this one doesn't like, you know, Kenyan food or whatever. And I'm thinking, you don't say that. You say, oh, we love Ugari. You know, as a parent, so you need to show your children these are nice things. So we get it wrong, but ask not setting the example, you see. So attitude is the first thing. Then she don't love it. Yeah. So I've got the characters in my book. I said, God willing, one day, if there are characters, you know, if the animation is done, if I get someone to do the illustration with the illustrations are beautiful. But if we get, you know, TV series of things like that, they're beautiful. It's just how we see things. Yeah. And I answer your question. Yeah. Okay. Thank you. Thank you so much. The lunch is waiting outside. It's really food, amazing food coming from, you know, all the way from Leicester from an incredible chef. So I hope you will enjoy the lunch break. We can still have a conversation chatting in the, while we're having lunch. Apologies, if I couldn't answer all the questions. And please, can we come back here in an hour? Yeah. Restored? Yeah. Today, two or three years ago, I think there was a symposium in Germany own Schaban Robert. And at that time, while the speakers were giving their papers, the thought occurred in my mind that it would be good to look at what I've called the twin works of Schaban Robert. These are very early prose works. And therefore, I began thinking about it. And where I am now currently, if you look at your programs, and you look at the title, there's a difference on the program I had written perspectives, thinking that I'll have all those covered by the time I come to this podium. But actually, it has sort of become a notion. It's just a notion which I am playing with currently, and I'm hoping that you will also contribute to it. So what are those twin works? Angelica? What would it be? Click on the screen with the mouse for one second, and then it should be possible to move. OK. Can I try again? Good. Thank you. These are the twin works. That is Schaban Robert's Kufiki Rika and Kusadikiika, two of them. And I've called them twins because there are resemblances. They're not identical twins, but there are resemblances between the two. Kufiki Rika, 1946, his introduction tanga, 1946. It was published, Kusadikiika in 1948, and then published 1951. It might have been published earlier, but we stick with 1951 at the time. There is a sort of a linguistic similarity in their titles. I mean, you have the coup and the statifs, and you have so the way I thought it might be translated, and perhaps you might want to translate differently, is it to think of it as the thinkable and the credible? So imaginary countries, both of them, and of course, these are allegorical narratives. And perhaps he was hinting at something when he wrote these two books, which have such unique titles of Kufiki Rika and Rika. And to me, I felt perhaps I'll come back to this later, but what do they represent? They represent Kufiki Rika and the Inchi Modya, Kuba, which means that is on Earth. And the other one is Kusadikiika. It in the book itself has the subtitle, Inchi Iliyo Angani. And of course, it is a allegorical. And of course, we know that allegory, when you start into allegory, it stretches. I mean, you can stretch it to whichever extent you like till it becomes sort of a faint. But let's see how we proceed. So my cue, I take it from a recent article by Anne-Marie Drury, who used to be here at Soyes at one point. She has written very recently in modern philology, on Shaban, Robert Swahili, Rubayat and its Reconyx. So what is the Rubayat? This is the Rubayat of Omar Khayyam. And well known in the West, but through the translation by Edward Fitzgerald, who incidentally is honored by Soyes when you go to the first floor of Soyes and you're going into the senior common room or staff room is now called. You have a stone there just in front of the lift. And it is as a tribute, I think to Fitzgerald. Anyway, the first line, which I've given the article is really that's my cue. How should we understand literary translation in the colonial milieu? And I'm removing translation. I'm putting in its place prose. How should you understand literary prose in a colonial milieu? Now, Shaban Robert was born January 1909. He died just after Tanzania or Tanganyika's independence in 1962. So really virtually the whole of his life was spent in a colonial milieu, the German and then the British. So these are the two works that I would look at. But of course, talking of literature in an assembly within 20 minutes has its hazards. And one of the hazards is of course, you have to tell, say, unless you all have read it, I have to tell you what the plot is. So now that will take another 10 minutes. But I'll try to rush through it as much as I can. So here you are, Kufiki Rika. What is Kufiki Rika? Well, what is the plot? It's infallible, a king, a sultan, who is without an heir. And then he calls upon the Waganga of Kufiki Rika. Could you help me? One very distinguished Waganga says, yes, I will help you. But he predicts that of course, the queen will have a baby. But during the 10th year of the child's bringing, he will fall sick, he will fall ill. And the only way to actually get him better again would be if two people are hanged or slain, whatever. And those two people, now of course, Kufiki Rika is a very low abiding country. So the law has to be changed in order to look for two people who can be killed. OK, so now in the meantime, this boy while he's growing up is given a very good teacher. But the teacher has a particular sort of character because he is sort of somebody who transcends boundaries. So what he does, the sultan gives him particular subjects that is his curriculum and asks him specifically, that just teach my son these subjects, that teacher doesn't. So very secretly, sort of he mixes classroom education with sports, he's a great believer in sports, OK? And he teaches him new subjects. And of course, when the sultan comes to know about it, he dismisses him. And then another teacher is employed who reverse to the old method. And of course, this English phrase, old work, no play, makes Jack a dull boy. In his case, it makes him ill, very ill. And of course, this is in the 10th year. So that prediction, in a way, has come to fruition. And now the two people have to be sought. But there was also another condition that these two people in the whole of the Pufiki Rika, one has to be a Merevo, a very clever person, and one has to be a Mijinga, a very stupid fool. OK, so now, how do you go about looking for these two people? Eventually, they do get them, OK? So they are put in prison for a little while, awaiting the day and time when they can be killed. And they start talking these two. And of course, it becomes very clear that actually the Merevo is the Mijinga. And the Mijinga is Merevo. So you have this reversal. So you have these reverse characteristics, as it were. OK, now the main character of Kusadikika, I'll go through this very quickly, is Karama. And he wants to institute the practice of advocacy in Kusadikika because they do believe in laws. But all the laws are passed by the Falme in presence in the court, and no lawyers are allowed. So Karama then, the king agrees that Karama can put his case. And then ironically, what Karama does by his arguments being heard in the court, in the presence of the king every day for a week, is actually a lawyer practicing his trade. So you have this type of. So I'll just leave it there. And I'm rushing through. So I'm going very quickly to, OK, what are that? When you look at these two novels, what are the takeaways for us? Especially now, keeping in mind two ingredients, two things. One is that Shaban Robert was living at a time when the British were in power, when very slowly the African Association was established. And you're beginning all these historical elements of political consciousness, fighting for freedom, et cetera, et cetera. He could not participate in that because he was a civil servant. And he was forbidden from doing that. And he talks about this in his biography, Maishirangu and then Badi Amiaka Hamsini. So let us, as I said earlier, these are the agrees. They can be stretched. OK, I'm taking the liberty of stretching them a bit. So let us see what are the ingredients we take away. First of all, Shaban Robert's very broad understanding of governance. It's not governance to him. It's not just government in relation to how the government's, or rather how it governs. But in doing so, it is in relation to other institutions within the country, what we today call these civil society organizations. And in these three, in these two books, you have these three aspects standing out. Education, medicine, and law. So these are the aspects he's really talking relating to governors. And in both books, right from the beginning to the end, the public is engaged, especially in Kusadikiqa. The public is engaged almost every day from the beginning. And in both, emphasis is placed on the rule of law and fairness. And there is a quest, a search, on how this can be achieved for the public good. Now, interpolate that into this colonial aspect and you begin to see to find some answers. So let's move very quickly to my second slide on the ingredients. Now, Shaban Robert's thoughts, first of all, on modern pedagogy. That you don't just put a child in a classroom and just throw facts at him or her. They need to play. So he took sports as a very serious subject. And then he also talked about new knowledge, how we need to accept new knowledge and how to pay heed to, especially to the medicine brought by the Waganga. And he says this in his novel, who have crossed Baharia, Ufaulu, the ocean of success and have come to Kusadikiqa. And we need to pay heed to those, to listen to those and to practice that medicine. What is Baharia, Ufaulu? I can say it's the Indian Ocean. Perhaps it's the way that people have come into East Africa from the other countries, et cetera. And so not only new knowledge as such, but also specifically new knowledge in medicine. And he explains where you will get this in the paragraph on page, I won't put the page number, but he explains this. And then he says, mahali pakaz yaw ganga wow, okay, okay? Who eat to a hospital, okay? So that's a clue for you. What he has in mind as such. And then lo and behold, that young man who is very ill, then the father then agrees to send him to the hospital and he's cured, okay? So that becomes the story again. Now I'm stretching it a bit. I'd like to look at what is meant by this mginga and maravu. Mginga and maravu, there is a reversal. And here I'm very tempted to see this as a comment on the British practice of policy for ethnic stratification where you had the Europeans and you had then in between the Arabs and the Indians who fought for, who comes next. And then you have the Africans and of course the Swahil were included in that. And then in Mambasa, some Swahili appealed, say, no, no, we are not Swahili. My name is Mohamed Sayyid al-Shamtin so that al-Shamtin put me in the Arab category. So you have that. And there's an author called Sheikh Haider al-Kindi and if you read his biography, it's wonderful, I would recommend it. It's called Life in Times or Political Times, something such by this Haider al-Kindi and he has a footnote there. And he said, we, the Swahili are like bats. You know, B-A-T-S, Batman and bats. Okay, the birds think we are animals and the animals think we are birds. So we are sort of in between. So anyway, but I would like to see that perhaps Shabman Robert was looking at this and perhaps he was talking about Jinger Namrebu that the time comes when the two sort of reverse orders, that those colonized whom you thought to be stupid are now really showing how clever they are as in vice versa. Of course, I would not like to stretch it too far, but at least that is the, so how am I doing for time? I haven't been shown the five minutes here. Oh, you have, okay, I didn't see it. Okay, all right, so, okay. So in that case, I'll go to my last slide. It's just right actually that this is perfectly timed. And I thought that I will end this by thinking about my own work. When I was doing this, playing around with this notion, I looked at my own plays. So I have three plays, Falme Yoha, I have Alionja Peppo, and I have a third play which is living up to its name, a series. Nobody knows about it, you see this series. So I don't think there's anyone here who has probably read series, okay, right. So what is the structure in these three? And I was really amazed to look at it, that they all have this central authority in all the three, like Shaban Robert. In both there are Kusarikika and Kufkirika, there's the Sultan. And I thought, you have in Falme Yoha, the very title of Falme and that character, he's a king, he's a Sultan. And then you go to Alionja Peppo, you don't see him, but there is this, somebody called Wamkuba, the big man, and all the action sort of is propelled in a sense by him because he is the upper one in heaven. And then of course you have Siri, which I haven't read, but I'll tell you that it is, there also you have a Sultan. So when I started thinking about it, then I thought, perhaps it's my own upbringing as well, looking, listening to all these stories of the Alflela Unela, which talks of Sultans and all. And then of course it was the Zanzibar Sultanate. And then I came to this country long ago in 1960 with a passport which said, British protected person of Zanzibar. And so I thought, perhaps that might have also influenced me unconsciously. And so therefore you have this. So now if at all, absolutely good, one minute. So if at all, I do veer away from this now, I hope it will be to write something in a very sort of unauthorized or un, I don't know what's the word, unscented, non-centred political milieu. Thank you very much, as I think it's like. The one is here, I appreciate it. I'm Yambu, my baby name is Banna, I'm from China. My name is Ding Rui Ling and I'm a personal graduate student from Beijing Foreign Studies University. Today, my topic is translations of British literature into Kiswahili and the paradox of literary modernity in the colonial context. It will be divided into five parts and I'm going to discuss a relationship between translation and literary modernity. And the colonial ideology and the selection of literary texts, also translation strategies, and I'm going to briefly reevaluate in the first generation of Swahili novels. I think in today, in a globalized world, political and economic progress, in various nations has fostered increased cultural diversity. Civilizations, nations and cultures once marginalized on the Western hegemony and can now wield influence on the international stage. So the modernity, this concept becomes more complicated and instead of a concept that is only defined by Western paradigms. So I think there's a need for us to reconsider this concept under various contexts. And there are many research on Swahili literary translations, however, there's still a gap regarding the underexplored domain of literary modernity. And there's still a lack of enough translations, enough research on translations during British colonial era. And I think many of them didn't contextualize the relationship between translations, power and the literary modernity. So my research analytical perspective is from our nickel power relations in cultural exchange. I'm going to ask, who defined the concept of literary modernity and what's the rationale and the methodology behind its definition? Can colonial literary translations be seen as modernity, modernity, modernity? Modernity or do they reflect on nickel power dynamics or ideologies of British creators? And modernity is a concept characterized by its dynamic and unstable nature. I think whatever the Western scholars or Chinese scholars may hold different attitudes to what this concept and there are already many interpretations of modernity. So I just conclude some keywords which are fluid, ever-changing, dynamic, progress novel, revolutionary. I think in one word, modernity is progressiveness and literary modernity is intricately intertwined with the social development. For example, in Western literature, it aligns precisely with the modernization of society. And there exists a mutual influence between literature and the society. So in my opinion, literary modernity has the potential to instigate positive changes in society to a certain extent. However, modernity is a concept often defined by powerful nations. So how can an underdevelopment society attain modernity? Well, I think until recently, many scholars claim that those societies can attain this kind of modernity in various ways. Translation is one of the most important ways. Just like Pascal Casanova highlights, translation is a mechanism of consecration in literary world. And also Chinese scholar Luo Xuanming states that translation can introduce new vocabulary, syntax, literary forms and expressions. For example, in modern China, translation has made substantial contributions to the development of language, literature and even society. However, every coin has two sides because translation can be an ideologically influenced tool capable of challenging the prevailing literary values of the targeted society and disseminating discourse, consolidating power. So many scholars actually based their conclusions on the presumption of native or local translators. But what about another situation which is dominated by foreign translators or exogenous translators? For example, during the colonial period, there's obvious unequal power of translators because foreign translators or, should I say, British translators were in the whole process. Well, the locals were marginalized and their objectives can be quite different from the normal one where we often speak. For example, their translations aimed at consolidating colonial power and colonial discourse, providing limited education to the colonized and challenging the traditional literary values while concurrently constructing the new one that aligns with their paradigms. So asymmetrical power relations could significantly influence the definition and the shape and the formation of modernity. And in the next part, I will discuss colonial ideology, power, and the selection of literary texts. Well, my focus will be on the reasons of the selection of popular literature, why they were chosen. There were some driving forces as we all know, standardization of Kiswahili, construction of a colonial educational system, civilizational mission. And here I want to add one more thing which is Orientalist bias. As you can see, I listed some translated British literature here, Treasure Island, King Solomon's Mines, Gulliver's Travels, and so on, which are almost Victorian novels. And I categorized them into two groups which are colonial literature represented by King Solomon's Mines and the other with less colonial tendency or orientation represented by Gulliver's Travels and Alice in Wonderland. However, they also share some common features which are conquest, imperialism, adventure, global travel, which are closely associated with colonial expansion and they are popular fiction. However, even though they are popular fiction, I agree with that they have specific functions in different societies. For example, in British society, they educated, shaped cultural identity and imperial consciousness. And in East African society, they can stimulate imagination, creativity, really find the perception about the self and the other and consolidating colonial power and discourse. So to a limited extent, I think they actually showed some aspects of literary modernity in secularism, new literary genres and life experiences and thoughts. However, they couldn't represent the literary modernity capable of instigating positive social changes. I mean, if the colonizers truly wanted to introduce literary modernity, why the Charles Dickens works or James Joyce works were absent? Why were just this popular literature chosen? And in the next part, I'm going to discuss the translation strategies and the distortion of this kind of literary modernity. Here I, well, I think there are actually many translation strategies during that time, but I conclude them into three words, simplification, deletion and reconstruction. So why did they happen? Here I want to mention the Orientalist bias because Kiswahili was regarded as inadequate for adopting advanced and valuable literary works. And local individuals maybe mischaracterized as not being attuned to more complex ideas or about the sort. So in this sense, they changed the original texts should I say completely or significantly. For example, simplification. Well, many intricate portrayals of the environment, characters, actions, event details and so on were simplified and also literary expressions and some straightforward linguistic strategies were adopted. And I think deletion is actually more important than simplification because deletion made the whole original text look like very strange. And so narratives that did not feed the colonial discourse were removed or altered. And if you look at every front page of the translated texts, you can see this sentence, Kitabuk in the Fupishwanakwon dippau upia. Now, basi hapa tumah hitajiku liza kwa kya tsigani vi meand dippau upia. Yeah, to some extent, I would like to call it a reconstruction because several texts underwent extensive alterations to the extent that they were stripped of their original value and the meaning such as Gulliver's Travels, which will be discussed in later and at least in Wonderland. Here I want to give two examples of King Solomon's Mines, representing colonial literature and the other ones Gulliver's Travels representing the other groups. So here you can see that simplification. In chapter 16, this whole narrative was simplified to just one sentence. You can see actually Haggard described this sculptures and this environment in very detailed way. However, in Johnson's translation, we can only say one sentence, which is hapa tumah hitajiku liza kwa kya tsigani vi meand dippau upia. Now, to some extent, it was a very simple sentence. Just very simple one sentence. And the next is deletion of specific narratives. This, as we know, the King Solomon's Mines actually aims at portraying white men as saviors and the guards of black people. However, this one stated by Ignacy run counter to the original A of the author, because he stated that white men will not be allowed to go into his reign anymore. And in the same ravine, the concluding portion was also removed, involving a letter penned by Sir Henry to court mine that underscores the potential for amassing wealth through the acquisition of those diamonds. Well, in plain terms, white men were described as avaricious and greedy in this letter. So this letter is actually not fitted into the colonial discourse. And the next one is Gulliver's travels. I think this translation was significantly abridged. I couldn't call it a satirical novel. Instead, rather, I would like to call it a travelogue. It was totally changed. For example, the chapters of La Puta and the Huiming, which serve as the type of British society during a certain era were completely excised. And the translator extensively altered the contents of the remained chapters resulting in a complete departure of the intended meaning of the original text. For example, as you can see here, in chapter six, substantial portions of spherical descriptions were deleted, including criticisms of the legal system, the selection of officials, crafty theft and educational practices, and also the satire target monarchy in chapter seven and criticism against European philosophy were all gone. And the description of baggers in chapter four was also removed. However, what was remained was the main contents which were actually lacking logic. And you can see it's just like a literature for children and it was actually for children. However, in this sense, I would like to add that translation should be for children and for adults. However, during colonial period, there was only this kind of translation for children. There was no other translations for adults of Gulliver's travels. So behind this kind of phenomenon, I would like to call it an unequal power relations because the British translators were actually dominant in never link of the translation. So they shaped the ultimate form of the translations and there's an obvious transcendence of power because translation should have been a multi-faceted process engaged by different stakeholders, such as publishers, editors, translators, reviews and even government officials. However, there were only colonizers in dominating in the whole process. And so these translators can assume the role of authors in the whole translation process just like the sentence you saw in the previous PowerPoints, Kitabu Hikikime from Pisho Anekwon, Dikua Wupia. So does he have the authority to rewrite or to make so much changes to the original text? Well, in my opinion, I think the authors actually did not have these powers to do that. And obviously local translators were marginalized and silenced. So in this sense, the literary modernity emanating from these kinds of strategies and popular literature or simplified linguistic styles represented a cultural hegemony because simplified and colloquial translation were considered emblematic of literary modernity were backed by both colonial authorities and the policies and institutions that supported this concept. Because when we're analyzed from a linguistic view, maybe we can say that the literary expression since Swahili poetry or the Tanzi can be more modern and this new commerce can be deemed as backward and regressive. So in the last part, I will briefly reevaluate this modern Swahili novels based on this kind of literary modernity. So in the politicized context, new thoughts, genres and expressions are not completely equal to literary modernity. We should ask that, is there the ability to make a complete story, conveying new thoughts and adopting new genres can be deemed as modern or is there more to it? Because when we look at Uhuruwa Tumwa and other novels in the influence of literary translations such as Muzimawa Wakaelek, Sima Chaki Ningi, Kurana Dodo, Captain Fikilin, we can see that they are actually translations of translations. And even Sheba Robert, the Kusari Kika is actually an obvious imitation of Gulliver's travels. And in his works, we know that there's an obvious utopianism. However, is this utopianism coming from his life experiences or just Swahili oral stories or Arabic stories? Well, I think there's another one which is Victorian idealism. Because this kind of idealism underscores that every man can attain a success and the wealth by diligence. And they're always happy ending or triumphed endings. And also, Sheba Robert advocates for Tawala Bola instead of questioning the legitimacy of colonial rule. Because in his works, we can see that good leaders should possess the ability to put the well-being of the nation at the forefront and should be open to views. So does that imply that any leaders possessing those qualities can be deemed as good leaders even if colonized? So I think I'll take this phenomenon of Swahili novels as the perpetuation of unequal power relations. Because the initial Swahili novels lack the most narrative techniques and achieved and received limited attention from Western literary critics who often viewed them as culturally backward and unsophisticated. For example, in the 1960s, what was referred to as modern Swahili literature actually mirror the simpler and outdated literary forms that had been prevalent in Britain a century prior. And literary modernity in this context serves as a mechanism of consecrating power because by doing so, dominant nations in the literary world can with the various forms of capitals and the power can continue to exert influence of literary criticism and shape the definition of literary modernity according to their paradigms and discourse. And while in the end, let me briefly conclude my presentation. I think literary translations actually in the colonial context served as conduits for British ideology, with works being carefully selected or meticulously modified to resonate with the colonial discourse power and ideology. So when translations serve as a vehicle for perpetuating colonial discourse modernity, this sense becomes a paradoxical term because we can see that there are limited literary expressions on sophisticated structures and simple language and diminished literary values. And new thoughts is actually paradoxical. As you can see, those presented in many novels of the first generation. So, and also literary modernity should have been a deep politicized aesthetic concept. However, in this context, it becomes a politicized and ideologically influenced the definition. And also the production of knowledge, and here I think it's translation, in the colonial era was actually linked to the asymmetrical power relations. And these disparities in power were perpetuated, represented by the first generation of Swahili novels. For example, adult children relationship in the colonial paradigm was consolidated, which means sophisticated and unsophisticated. And we can see that power significantly shaped literary modernity leading to distinct outcomes in the Swahili literature context where it's perpetuated, it's supporting the status and maintaining the Western literary modernity in a superior standing. And also literary modernity is a criterion for the perpetuation of unequal power as it is defined by certain nations according to their own interests and values rather than reflecting the diversity and the complexity of the other in their sense. And that's all about my presentation. Thank you very much. Eddie, you sent me a picture. I sent one photo. Yeah, I love it. Shall I? Yes, please do. Yeah, so I'd like to just go on one minute. We have to just see the point. Sorry, myself. If you want to start, go ahead. Okay. I'll start talking while Angelica pulls up my one and only slide. I want to thank both Ida and Angelica for fitting me into the program with short notice. It's a real pleasure being here. For reasons too long to explain, I don't have a proper presentation, but I have an image that I'll come to in due course. What I'm about to talk about is not really about literature or language as an object of inquiry. It's about the question of what can be said or not in a particular context. And I need to mention that this is actually arising from a collaborative research project funded by the EU that has over the last four years taken place in the sites in Southern Tanzania, Western Tanzania, Southern Uganda, Eastern Kenya and the Eastern DSC with collaborators including Sabato Renyanto and Nives Kinunda from the University of Jerusalem, Doreen Kimberbasi, now of Warwick, Kylia Coré of the French Institute in Nairobi and Marjo Leuc Fassil of Free University, Brussels. So to start the subject, 1922 was the 100th anniversary, just put it now, then it's done. I think it's okay if it's there. So, sorry, 2022 was the 100th anniversary of the official abolition of slavery in mainland Tanzania in 1922. I have looked and with my best efforts, I have not been able to find any indication of any kind of official memorialization of what arguably were many standards would be a momentous centenary. There is similar avoidance of the topic also in Kenya and the islands of Zanzibar where the 100th anniversary took place somewhat earlier. Now, when it comes to this overall fairly consistent silence on the history of slavery and its end, there's some fairly obvious reasons. Firstly, there is timing itself. Emancipation in East Africa was a process that occurred over years and decades and these actual dates of ordinances, declarations aren't necessarily terribly meaningful. They don't actually mark the point when emancipation really happened for a great majority of the people affected. Another reason that is fairly evident is the very manifest orientation of East African governments and the Tanzanian government in particular towards the future, what has been described as its pronounced developmentalism, where the past mostly functions as a sort of quarry of materials that can affirm the political dispensation of the present and in some way or another contribute towards an imagined, better future. There is also another factor which is hard to trace in any kind of explicit pronouncement but is quite manifest if you look at certain broader discourses about history. Briefly put, abolitionist narratives such as they are in East Africa have arguably quite divisive implications. That is to say, for Christians, there is a way in which abolition slash emancipation and Christianization and then the development of modern nation states are all part of the same process, leading Africans out of a dark past of enslavement and disunity into a better present of Christianity and nation states. This is certainly in the case of Tanzania, this is sometimes quite explicit. There are some Pentecostal churches that are really quite explicitly nationalist at the same time and there are similar iterations of that also in Kenya. Obviously for Muslim people in the East African nations, this kind of narrative is rather more complicated where the Christian version just doesn't work. Muslims rather tend to categorize enslavement in the past as an Arab custom rather than an Islamic institution and emphasize the importance of manumission, the abolitionist tendencies, if you will, in Islam itself. Nevertheless, there is clearly in the Christian version of this narrative a certain potential for scapegoating of Muslim people in the region, which may well contribute to a certain official wariness around addressing the history of slavery in the region. But I would argue that perhaps more important than any of these factors is a phenomenon that is very much evident at the grassroots, is evident if you talk to people in communities where slavery once existed, which could be termed the unspeakability of the history of slavery today, that there's a lot of strangely consistent often discursive strategies whereby the topic is sort of stepped around. The question, or one of the questions that I'm asking myself is whether this can be seen or should be seen as an indication of a persisting hegemony on part of slave, descendants of slave owners who are in a sense led off the hook, or whether it can or should also be seen as an indication of a kind of moral victory on part of slave descendants. So what happens there is that if you talk to people in locations where there once were plantations worked by slaves, you are very likely to hear sentences such as there were lots of slaves here once and the descendants are still around. Oh, really, well, who are they? Well, we can't tell you. Either we don't know or we can't say. So this is a line that I have heard from so many people in different settings who've asked questions about the slave past. We know who the slave descendants are, but we only talk about that in private, if at all. And there are certain terms that aren't slave descendant or something like that, but somehow evoke that status. So I've heard statements like that in conversations with descendants of plantation owners, some of whom were apologists for slavery and basically said, well, slave descendants still know their place, really. So in that case, there is almost a note of triumph in these claims, as if they're saying, well, we let them get away with pretending that they are our equals, but they are not and they know that we know that they're not. Yeah. At the same time though, this avoidance, this unspeakability appears to be also quite consistently maintained by the descendants of the formerly enslaved. The most sort of vivid example of that that I have derives from a tiny location on the Southern Tanzanian coast called Mingoyo, where in the late pre-colonial period, there was quite a concentrated plantation complex. And the grandson of the last owner of these plantations still lives, well, sorry, in 2000, still lived in the village, he's probably passed on. Now, colonial European sources tell us that the son of the last major plantation owner in this region was made a local official by the British colonial government and in this role was very actively abusive. He's remembered for doing things such as taking people away from funerals in order to do work for him. Demanding their services in the middle of a meal, things like that, he was actively seeking to assert his continuing claim on the efforts of others in a very demonstrative way. Now, what happened after independence was that a plebeian Mingoyan accused this man of having called somebody a slave. And at this point in the early 1960s, again after independence, this owner's descendant, he was dragged to the local party office and made to apologize publicly. And people who talked about this a good 40 years after the fact still clearly remember the drama of it and it clearly came across as this man having met his comeuppance. So in this case, it was plebeian slave descended Mingoyans enforcing the prohibition on talking about slave descent against the son of the former owner. And they clearly thought of this as a kind of moral victory. So what is evident in all of this is that it contrasts very strongly with what could be described as the standard model of addressing past injustices. That is currently in use in many anglophone contexts with a history of slavery. In the US, universities are trying to trace the descendants of enslaved people who they auctioned off 150 and more years ago. There are some efforts also in the UK to, I think in this case, it's more about seeing where the money went on part of the owners. One could also cite the truth and reconciliation model that has been applied in various post-conflict situations across Africa, from South Africa to the Northern Ugandan Civil War. In all of these cases, the basic assumption is that in order to move on from these abusers, these injustices, they have to be named first. They have to be made public. The victims have to be heard. The perpetrators have to, at least to some extent, acknowledge their role in these abuses. And I've spoken to a colleague who is very involved with post-slavery in the West African Sudan, who was very clearly off the view that what is going on in East Africa again reflects a continuing hegemony on part of slave owners. And this silence needs to be broken open. This view on the matter becomes even more complicated if we look at what's on this slide. So this is, on the Tanzanian mainland, the only artistic 3D representation of the history of slavery that I'm aware of. It's, as you can see, represent, well, it's a slave caravan carved in wood. The whole iconography corresponds quite closely to 19th century etchings, typically curated by missionaries about slave caravans in the East African interior. Now, Salvador Inyanto, the colleague who found this, says that this was actually commissioned and paid for by a hotel owner, by a hotel who had built a tourist hotel, some 80 kilometers off the coast on what used to be the central caravan route in mainland Tanzania. And he was hoping to thereby create essentially a tourist attraction. Similar, if not quite as synthetic, if you will, attempt at memorialization happening on the southern Kenyan coast with the so-called Shimoni slave caves. There are sites from missionary settlements in Kenya that memorialized the slave past, recently a further presentation about similar efforts along the Mozambican coast, also in the context of an effort to expand tourism. This is, of course, nothing new. There's a number of sites in West Africa that are associated with some of the most hideous aspects of the West African slave trade, thank you, and that have long been tourist destinations. Nevertheless, it sort of makes my brain explode a bit. I find it very peculiar that a confrontation with the history of slavery is treated as a day out, as somehow part of the package, a holiday package that typically includes a lot of sandy beach and maybe some dances and carvings and things like that and then slavery. So, we're then as somebody who is nevertheless trying to uncover this past and the way people in the East African region got from pursuing their emancipation to where they are today. It seems to me that it is crucial that no one model of dealing with the past be imposed on the communities living with these pasts. So, perhaps the main question to ask here is how to make sure that the people who live with the heritage of slavery, more or less on a daily basis, remain the ones who get to define the terms of the debate, that they do not have one or another model of examining this past, just imposed on them, be it via their governments, via NGOs or via economic incentives associated with tourism. Insisting on airing the dirty linen, so to speak, arguably would be a form of cultural imperialism in these sites. So, it seems to me, I'd be happy to hear other views. But at the same time, researchers dealing with these events do have to ask themselves how they can open spaces for discussion, whether or how it is possible to make hitherto unsayable things. Sayable, perhaps how to broaden ownership, so to speak, of such memory sites and draw hitherto marginal groups into the conversation. For a while, I was actually quite worried about whether raising these issues at all was poking a wasp's nest, that it maybe wasn't my job to poke. I took a little bit of reassurance recently from a discussion with a woman who works for the National Museums of Kenya and who herself of Omani descent. So constantly lives with this notion that she is a descendant of the privilege of the perpetrators. And she said that she thinks that the solution is to talk more, not less, to really have it out together. Okay, and with that, I'll end. Oh, at the same time, I'm just gonna talk a little bit. Okay. No, no, no. The list, I think I'm gonna share it with you. Thank you, Coach. You took only? Yeah. Are you gonna show? Yeah. Let me post this. No, you're working to show. Adam, yes, I think we're gonna have to just say, I'm sure, I'm excited. No, but they don't see that. Yeah. Abariza says in Yemani, Safi Madaya, Kuskia, Enel Kubola, Kimombo, Sasa, Mimi, Nita Kwenda, Kiswahili, Moya Kwamoya. Waio Sasaivi, Waleambo, Milukom, Nipenda, Kuskia, Kiswahili, Mimi, Nita Wasi-Lisha, Kiswahili, Koukama, Narafiki, Akoa, Pokaribu, Anayua, Kimombo, Ama, Kiswahili, Nwawe Ujui Kiswahili, Anazu Aakku, AkakuPatafsiri, Nsito, T whomya m'dam tiver sana, Nipater Kwenda polepole Gaine Koyakusengatia Moda, Nuntuu-Huormon, Sito Yihtambulisha, Oupia, oil tomorrow Monday Satam, and I goes mountainous, kotoGHok kardeşim Kutokia, W이에mwa, Nema Hussiano, ya utamaduni wa hip-hop, yin siyambavio inna vio shirikiana ama inna vio tegemea zairi fasihi tanzania hususan kunye usairi wa hip-hop. Fasihi, luga ya fasihi ni koutangulizi ni luga ama yoh wa andishi ama watunzi utumia ili ku fitia wazo ama utumia kunji anzuri a kupendi zesha, au ku wutia hisiya zam sumagi kuskiliza shairi lake ama wimbo ama kitabu chenye fasihi inzuri a akunfano. Mimin li wutiwa na fasihi ku akusoma vitabu vingi via Hayat Shaban Robert, lakin inna mzewangu faruk topan, na vitabu via ke vio te na visoma. Na vitabu vingi sana weki fasihi, mimini mkireketo wa fasihi, inna atani mbo zangu zimejia fasihi, lakin impaka uskiliza. Si ku YouTube un eza kusi ta futa, ya andika maali nash, YouTube tani pata. Pia utumia taswira kamanji ama yoh wa po, ya ku fitia kila ki nachu zangu umzu wa ku hadara, ya ni hadwira ita itadi ku utumia akili, ili ku eza kubaini, mimini ki nachu zangu umzu wa aw kusuniwa. Pia fasihi ni to fawuti na mafumbu. Lazi matu fahamu, mafumbu ni kituki ingine. Kusabu kumikua pia nashida yawatu ku onakama fasihi, na mafumbu ni kituki mo, ni kituki mo ya apana. Fasihi ni inau kuba na kitaloma. Kwanini lurahi ya fasihi, kwanini hepa, pama lurahi ya fasihi, inna imchangua kini hopi, kwanini mi hasa. Fasihi ku kua, ni matokeru ya usani wa lura, lengolake kuni ku fkisha u yume felani, kwa yamii ku husu masua lakadha, ya inau tokeya aw ya naiweza ku tokeya. Zipo kazi za fasihi, zinazu sikilizwa, ama ku tazama, na kusoma kusababu fasihi ni sana, inaiweze aw ku onesha, maishi akila monadama katikanyan jazote. Fasihi ni yume sana katikakui maisha umfumo, wa utambuzi wa fikra, ama waki fikra, na kim tazama, ku husu falsafa, ya maisha, na uli mwengu. Fasihi piya ni taluma na sanai nai ofundisha, namna, ya ku i kua mua yamii ku toka katika, pali moya ku enda katika, pali, ngingine, bora zaidi, katika nyan jazote, zaki maisha. He wio basi, dima kuza fasihi ni ku toa elimu, murudani, na he wio konye mashairi aw hip-hop, ama nyimboza hip-hop, kazi hizo, ku kazi zaki ku piya ni hizo. Ku am fano, modya ya sehemu ku bambayo fasihi, ama utama dunu hip-hop, una tegemea sana mausiyano yakin na fasihi, ni sehemu yaku tenge neza tafakuri. Mi minapenda ku tumia nino yadidi, mereyake ama tafakuri yadidi. Niki kua ke ingereza, onase ma deep thinking, si diwin, nipo sa hi. Tafakuri yadidi. Ile tafakuri a kina, ku fikiri a ku halia. Iwio ni modya ya tafakuri ni nino lenye ku kusudi ama sis tizua ku fikiri, ku leto nabinahada ama katika ku tumia viemahak iliake, ili ku pata majiwia ma suali, ya reo jito keza, aw ua muziku, maisha aw mengineo, ya namna iyo. Ku piti a kazi hizi una weza ku pata, namna nzudi a ku tenge neza fikri a pana, ku piti a muda ono yipa, na ina ku pahami a ku taka ku yua, ku yi funza mambo. Na reyea ama, vitru ama, nyimbo ama zoni mezi tumia, nyimbo zangu menginewe, ama zoni mezi andika, na hu wimbo mo ya wapo, kamon fano ama ku na amstarit kilogo, uta aw wapo. Kon yi wimbo na itwa tanzia, e hi ni albami angu, umpiene itwam hadiri, shetia keya. Hadiri, the rektura. Kon yi wimbo na tanzia, e kuna amistari ina sema, mukono wa shiriya, umempo kea kaisali, wakam piti a haki, kuenda ku yi zinjali, wakita ha maki, wa narudi mimbani, wa melewa chaka. Wakati wimbo hu na toka, watwa na uskiliza, kila mo yari kuna taka kuyua e ni ohili, apa na shu me maanishanini. Laki ni hapa ndipo na poku ya, katika, ilehali ya ku tengeneza ta fakuri, ku tengeneza fikra, muntua na pata ha mu ya ku taka kuyua, ndipo nandiyo manani kasema kuamba, mausiyano mazuri ama uhusiyano katia, masheiriya hip-hop na fasihi, ama mchangua hip-hop katika fasihi, diyo na manahi, kuwama na ya kuamba, muntu sosa na pasua ku yua, hape metumika ta matalia semi ya na managani, ama muundua luhua na managani, kuwama na ya kuamba, e nabiriya yue fasihi i metumikani. Kuwama, kuaharaka, haraka tu, neda nga itambua ummistari, nga uchambua, mukono wa shiriya umempo kea kaisali, manayango i li kuwani kuamba, na ama nisha rushwa, hape nili jaribu, kuwanesha na managani, umtuna pokia rushwa, kuwama na ya kununua haki, wakam piti ya haki kuenda kuyi zinjari, bade ya kuchuku wa rushwa, ilia pate, ilia uze haki, wa wakam piti ya haki munyewe, wakam ondokanae, wakain da kulewa, kuwama na ya kunyua pomi, wa li porudi, wamelewa, hakuna ki lichua indelia, kuwama na kuwamba, rushwa, neda nga i li kuwani, yalibu kulezea, na ama na ya haki, na dununua, na ama na haki, wikosa, haki hio, neda i li kuwa, lengolangu, lakutumia, ummistari huu. Laki ni sana sana, neda i li kuwani, ki manisha, kuwani eneola, rushwa. Laki ni piya, kazi ngingine, ya fasi, katika utama dunua, ama katika nyimboza, hepap, ne kum linda msanee, fasi hi me kuwani, kiungo ki kuwa, ba i na ya, wa andishu, ama shairia, hepap, kakutumia fasi, tu me kuatuki pata, uhuru ama tu kuatuna, kuatuna lindua sana, kuasababu zipi, kuasababu, kuasababu, kunyulingu hu wa sasa, ama umedia matabaka, katia watawala na watawaliwa, we ni nacho na wasionacho, na, mengine mengi niya kukinzana, kunahadya kuwa, ya kutumia kilanjia, amazo, ngingi haziwezi kuleta mi gongano, aw mi kuwaruzano, i li ku fikisha, wu yumbi, aw kila kin nacho, kusudiwa. Kwa mana, mana angu ni pi, ehm, mana ngingi viongozi, ama sere kali ngingi hu wa zipendi kosolewa, sasa, kuna na umna, wu kitumia, ehm, wimboa kuwa, masheiriako, modya kuwa modya, huwa, sere kali ngingi zinedozi kaku kamata, wu kaku fungayera, ama wu kaku shitaki, i kawu mengi ya katika matatizu, wu kubu asana, wapo, wandishi hu wa wokinbi ya katikanjizau, wokinbi li wu haibuni, wasababu, ya pokuamu damengine fasihio hiu, wazaw kaitumia, wakasema apa, na umetusema sisi, wakaku kamata, nabado, wakakuletia matatizu sana. Kumfano, kuna wimbo, wamsani, anaito bukonya, ni underground hip-hop artist, kutrokiya Tanzania, aliandika wimbo na ito, deriva, driver, ah, masheiriake, li kuaki sema, deriva hua hapangiwi, sika tai, ila mwendo noutu peleka, ni mkali, deriva tuazi kuwacha kulalama, kuamaana tunafaham tu, kuamaana tunaham, kufika toki wahai, deriva ni, anawezakua, deriva kamaka, deriva, mpokonyi basi, lakini, deriva hui uniki ongoze, anawezakua wazirimku, raisi, wanchi, siyendione ongoza, deriva, kuayu, kukutumiya luga kamaii, kuna fadali, kuna kidogo, unawezakua, tiongoze, anawezakua, tiongoze, anawezakua, anawezakua, anawezakua, darassema, hui yuka manisha deriva, deriva ka waida tu, koi oke siya kuna, koi ni sa mui ya fasihi, erriedo inadutupam, changoakimku, waka tka, masahiria, hepao, kuwamaana tunapata bulhuru a kuandika, kwa sababutu, nadwa fasihi, ipokuagillia, kutulinda, Bado, alikwana eendelea, anasema, nadwa tumechelewa, if yuh nabidi tu ai, lakini hi-spiri, We're going to We're going to I am matumizia matumizia everybody. Thank you so much for staying and for being around. So the next presentation is actually wrong on your, on what you have. So they will tell you what they're going to talk about. And if you want to get up and stretch in the meantime, that's a good idea. Okay, just don't leave. Just stretch. No, no, no. Where are you going? Okay. So yeah, we can. All right. Welcome, Lara, Stephanie, Krause, Alda Edi and Irene Brunotto from Institute of African Studies, University of Laipzig. Welcome. Thank you. Should we give them a second to come back? Give them in now. I'll never do that again. No, I fucking know. Thank you very much. Yes, thank you. Yeah, so for avid abstract readers, they will have no, will notice now that we will disappoint because after seeing the program and after talking to Ida two days ago, we actually decided that another thing that we have been thinking about in our work a lot will maybe fit much better here. And we would actually really love to hear your feedback on it. So don't expect the abstract, expect something else. Right. And we are actually very happy we did this because throughout the whole day, there were a lot of presentations that were resonate a lot with what we are going to focus on. And the one thing was Jonathan's presentation in the morning on the postcards of Zanzibar, where we already saw the British Army bombing of the House of Wonders in Zanzibar, which we will pick up basically. And then Elsbeth and Angelica were talking about what might constitute a bit of a Swahili lens in terms of more of a rhizomatic thinking. And a question that runs through our talk is really what constitutes this Swahili lens maybe or like Swahili onto epistemologies. And how can we do justice to them in the way that we think about, but also with language? Right. And then another thing, of course, that Ida was talking about the process of racialization. And we will very much pick up on the role of matter, material, and also absenced material in racialization. And I think eventually, sorry. And silence. And I think eventually we will also pick up on the unspeakabilities that you just brought up. So yeah, let's see. You have to click on the screen once and then the other one and the other one. How do I get just like that? Try it? Yes. Okay, so a little bit of warning in our presentation. There will be racializing matter, words, material, and pictures. Zanzibar, Sikwe Akrismase Mwakalfumbili Nashirini. Ma'ajabu, the many modernities, electricity, the lift, the marble, and the materials imported and local, that the third al-Busaydi Sultan Sayyid Bargash brought into that house onto Zanzibar, the city, and his own reign. Zanzibar, Sikwe Akrismase Mwakalfumbili Nashirini. In the language literary scholars are used to, Khasani uses first a simili, establishing a clear relationship of likeness between the houses, the cities, and the people that just after is enhanced through a metaphor. In this way, we would say the metaphor of soul and the metaphor of breathing, anthropomorphize, and personify the houses, likening them to people. The houses are not personified, Khasani angali taka to personify them, angali indika wavuta badalaya yavuta, ila hakufanya hivu. We'd like to get into a conversation with you today about whether a different reading of Khasani's words, for example, is possible. One that takes seriously, or first of all actually brings to the fore, the Swahili onto epistemology that differs from western individualistic ontologies from which a literary vocabulary like metaphor is derived. And this speaks also to a conversation that I had with Khasani and their Abdelatif Abdullah and with the Faruk Topan, when the Faruk Topan was talking about when he was called back to Dar es Salaam to open in 1968 to open up the institute, the taluma that the Swahili is here. And he was saying here in that we were discussing the literature in Swahili, and we struggled with the terminologies in those early days, terminologies which would be meaningful to the context. So what we are arguing here is that through translation of literary and not only analytic vocabulary such as metaphor in Swahili, a certain way of reading and interpreting language was mapped onto the Swahili context, importing western wolding and suffocating possible readings Kutokakwenyeh and Swahili. We here propose a matter-phorical reading of Khasani's words and of different stories emerging from and through the collapse of the Yumba la Maadiabu. Such a reading refuses metaphorization and engages with the anthropistemological possibility of breathing houses with souls. So as to what metaphorics would be, as you've noticed the word matter replacing the matter. So whereas the concept metaphor is the trope of meaning transfer and substitution as we're all familiar with by means of analogy, matter for denotes the articulation of meaning in relation to matter. Matter is not understood as a fixed entity, but as constantly shifting which is actually what phoric means. And thereby establishing entanglements and relationalities. So if you hear us throughout our talk saying things that you would habitually hear as a metaphor, we would invite you to search for their relation to the actual materialities that we are speaking. This changes then not only how we conceive of the relation between meaning and matter, between words and matter, and consequently of knowledge production, but it also presents a different way of doing theory. So Gandalfa argues for a metaphorical use of language that will allow us to break loose from its rigid representative and metaphorical use. Thinking non-metaphorically expressing despite language and reading science non-imperialistically demands the abolition of all metaphor and she's quoting a delusia and the acceptance that all that consists is real. And what we are wondering and trying to enact throughout this talk is what this would look like a non-metaphorical language. So a metaphorical language allows us to express material discursive relationalities without fixing individual, several comparable entities, which is the only way that you can make a metaphor work, right? Comparison and metaphor are only possible if you know what a house is and if you know what a person is, so then you can liken the house to the person. But by doing that, you are fixating what a house is and you are fixating what a person is. And this is what we want to refuse. So we want to put up for discussion that from within us, Swahili, Madiango, Mi, Dio, Atena, Maneno are in fact ontologically co-constitutive becomeings. And in our analysis outward from the collapse of Diumala Amal Diabu, we try to enact metaphorical language. The wounded body of the house stands on the Foradani Gardens, Nikiwalime Potezewa Haibaiake partially revealing its intimate interior interrupted, Bada Yamiyakamingi here. The coral stone has succumbed under the pressure of dense and violent times, of breathtaking salt pent up in the cracks, of mistreatment by those who were responsible for its well-being for Rohoiake. Nani mwanyayukumu? Diumala Amal Diabu lemeporomoka, a sudden interruption, an intra-ruption, leaving an agonizing emptiness, a distressing urban void, a place in a state of suspension where a different form of control and structure are interrupted, making it difficult to fix and identify the void's identity. Matter is never a subtle matter, Barat writes. Not even after it has fallen, we add. It's always already radically open, Barat continues. In a conference held two months after the collapse, the Sanzibari historian Abdul-Sharif matters forth the constitutive becoming of the voided House of Wanda and the wound of race in Zanzibar. Alivo Sema, this was not a collapse merely of one building. It was symptomatic of the decay that had set in the all of Zanzibar town since the revolution. It occurred almost immediately after yet another political catastrophe. A contentious election at the end of October with the usual casualties dividing the country once again and driving home the point divided with all. Here, Sharif speaks the decay of the building and of all of Zanzibar town into connection with the racializing political violence regularly erupting on the island since the revolution in 1964 that had overthrown the Sultanate. He hands with divided with all, which we could read as a metaphor in which these time people are likened to the House and their divisions to the collapse. However, we choose to attend to it metaphorically. The coral stone constituting much of the old town has from the late 18th century onward come to be racialized, mattering forth the racially divided C.C. Sharif speaks off. In Swahili discourses in Zanzibar race in terms of skin color is not spoken. Blackness is worded as Africa, and the light skin-ness and whiteness of the rest is worded as Warabu, Uhindi, and the like. A linguistic void attempts to deny that bodies and skin can become matters of life and death in Zanzibar. But the coral stone divides the city, mattering forth silently racialized bodies. The stone metered forth the Zanzibar rulers, Warabu, and Germany, Warengereza, and traders, Warabu and Uhindi, as its righteous owners. The rest, Warafrikazia, four were made to belong to Ngambo, the metaphorical other side of the old town. It's no coincidence that the old town of Zanzibar came to be named and known as Stone Town, the colonial proper and elitist space. And yet, the House of Wonders commissioned by the Sultan and mattering forth ruling light skin-ness its coral stone touched by black hands, hands of enslaved bodies. Despite the violence mobilized again the light skin Warabu in power in 1964, revolution by the Wasalendo, who mattered for Africa by appropriating a socializing colonial racial categories. And despite the post-revolution violences that Sharif words, the House of Wonders metering Warabu with stood. Leo Kupuromoka-Kwake, the sudden erupting void with its desiring orientation toward being becoming innumerable imaginings of what might yet be have been. While the void becomes an opportunity to unmeter Arabness in its materiality, to let the city fall, Khasami tells us, and to eventually give it back to its self-proclaimed rightful owners, Black Zanzibaris. And divided to a fall. Matter has never settled matter, Barad-Rides, especially not after it has crumbled, we would add. It's always already radically open. The Jumbala Marjabu had already become Jumbala Ayibu in the words of many Zanzibaris who had seen the first cracks, who had felt the stone trying to catch its breath. They were disappointed by the neglect of the House by the government. Its collapse is the material evidence of that neglect. Therefore, the government is committed to clear the rubble away. Yet what is it that must be cleared away? The wounded House crumbled into the multiplicity of materials of which it was made. Fall into the ground in a pile of rubble that remembers, puts back together what it was. All its racializing stone, its clay, lime and wood crumbled. Matters dangerously hard to categorize. Matters so unsettled, so unsettling that the government hurries up to sweep them away. It needs to govern unracialized single identity Zanzibaris. But Zanzibariness as rubble is not classifiable in order to be governable. It's a multiple infinite indeterminate identity that becomes problematic to the political power that needs to be avoided. Sweeping out the rubble is an attempt to push away, mind you, not to stitch or even to heal the wound of race. To turn it into nothingness, to unracialize as part of an avoidance of responsibility. And divided before. But voids don't do nothingness, they undo no thingness. They don't unracialize, they unracialize. The unrubbled void is no doubt doing its own experiments with non-being. Indeterminacy is not the state of a thing, but an unending dynamism that can become differently in different relations with different bodies and different words. Sasa, in the palace renovation, following the white British army bombing meant to restore colonial power over the sultanate, the British needed poles to support the house clock tower. When you're willing to go and bow zile zile kudengaloemnara, turned in such a way as to make their carvings invisible, literally disappeared from the sight of the colonialist, and forcibly from the memories of Zanzibaris. Today, the collapse offers the chance to recover that history, to remember putting membra limbs back together, those planks. In a later email to us, Sharif writes, when the collapse occurred on Christmas day 2020, I rushed to the house of wonders and later urged one of the former colleagues to try to rescue any fragments of the boards. Voids are unending dynamisms of material discursive entanglements that move bodies, bringing Sharif to the side of the collapse for an attempt to intervene, to co-constitute what would for him and also for us be an ethical responsible metering forth of the voided clans. With Sharif and ourselves, the void then does not become evidence for shameful governmental neglect. Rather, through its desiring orientation towards being becoming, it expresses the multiple, infinite, indeterminate identity of a rainbow-colour people, opening up to the possibility for building, metaphorically, new and old, unracializing material discursive relations, vibrant with innumerable imaginings of what might yet be, have been, with possibilities for new and more just ways of intra-acting through a comprehensive Zanzibar response ability. Undivided, we don't fall. Unfortunately, Sharif told us, his former colleague had little say and the debris was being dumped in the creek in front of Wawani Hotel. I'm sorry to say that none of it was recovered because the government was more concerned about the shame of the collapse than with salvation of what could be done. But matter is never a subtle matter, but it writes, even after it was absenced, we add. It's always already radically open. About the planks we only learned through Sharif's words in the interview after the collapse. It was the void Sharif and his words becoming with each other that brought forth these planks into the public domain, so we could pick them up. After we referenced his words from the interview to him and asked him if he had anything for us to work with, he shared pictures he had taken of the violated planks hidden in the clock tower when the Gymbalama Diabo still stood. However, looking closely at the pictures, trying to piece together the words and their meaning, with my husband who speaks Arabic, thankfully, what struck us the most were not the word it planks as signs or their meaning, but more wounds. While we had already heard Sharif speak of the planks having been turned so as to hide their carvings from view, we hadn't sensed the cuts, the violation of these Arab word bodies cut into pieces by the British. So you can see on that picture that these long planks were actually cut at several points to literally build the fundament of the clock tower. Voids created within wooden words, making them hard to remember. On Christmas Day 2020, the clock tower built from mutilated, violated words eventually broke down, scattering its limbs, broken material discursive, violated light-skinned Arab ancestors, co-constituents of, in Sharif's words, a rainbow-colored people, re-membered with and through the void. And divided the planks four. So what we asked ourselves is how we can re-member the words of the House of Wonders. And we actually managed to piece together two of these cut pieces from the pictures that Sharif sent us. And it is the Surah 3 Ayat 26 of the Quran. And we'll just play that little excerpt, if hopefully it works. And end with that. Okay, so we're calling our last presenter, our own source student. Please join us. I'll just put up your presentation. Did you send me a final one just now by email? All right, so let me just open it. I need to open my email again. Okay, so that's for sure. Yes? Why are we waiting for this to open? Can you come and give us a quick announcement? For anyone who's interested, we'll be going to the College Arms, which is like a two-minute walk away on Stor Street. We're obviously going to go together to a different college. It's the College Arms, which is just a lab, our free art gallery out of this building, lab, and then it's the third ride, so it's really really hard to see here, College Arms stores, people become so big, that's good. Yeah, and right now, we have a recipe in the next episode. I'm going to make a doughnut. I hope to save it, then I'm going to make it. I'm going to make a doughnut. I'm really going to make a doughnut. Yes? A doughnut. Yes, I'm going to make a doughnut. And where are you from? I grew up in Bologna, but I'm from Bologna, my father from Salerno. You're from Bologna? Yes, you're from Bologna. I'm from Bologna. You're from Bologna? Yes. Oh good, you're from Bologna. Yes, I'm from Bologna. I know that it's because my mother grew up here two, three minutes before I left the년 in October, I hope, that's a good thing. My mother moved here. My mother was from Bologna but I'm left here since two months ago. monthly meet up here at SARS for London Swahili speakers. Oh, thank you. So yeah, we meet monthly at SARS to speak Swahili, everyone from outside students. Yeah, there's Chai and things. So yeah, if you're interested in that, then yeah, maybe ask me and I can give you the WhatsApp link. And Collie Jones for those of you that didn't hear the first time. No, I saw your email. I don't want to. I don't want to open it because it might be. Yeah, you can close that. This one. Yeah, I think so. Oh, no, the WhatsApps. It's okay, no problems. Excuse me. Let's start again. It's okay. Almost the children. You can tell me when it's five minutes. Yeah. And 10 minutes. I don't know whether five minutes. Yeah, I'll do it. I'll do it. Okay. Are you done? We can start. Yes. Okay, so we are now starting the presentation of Thomas Mayofranco. Thank you. You got 15 minutes. Okay, okay. Yeah, no worries, no worries. So hi, everyone. I'm Tom. I graduated from SARS in Development Studies last year and I'm here now doing my Masters in African Studies. And today I'm going to do something a little bit different from the rest of the presentation today. And I'm just going to present my independent study project. So this presentation is based on my undergraduate dissertation and is about the impact of COVID-19 pandemic on HIV care services in Tanzania and how people living with HIV in Tanzania like the struggle during the COVID pandemic. So when the COVID-19 outbreak like Africa, of course, it was a very delicate situation because there was a collision between the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing medical challenges and epidemics, such as like tuberculosis, malaria. And of course, like HIV-AIDS, which is like what we're going to talk about today. So my study is focused on the perspective like of community health care NGOs that work both in Tanzania, mainland and Zanzibar. And yeah, as my primary research, I interviewed like members, different members of like these three NGOs. And here I actually like have to thank like the Swahili meetup crew because I was messaging like on the group chat and they really helped me to identify like a community health care organization that worked on the territory and like during the pandemic as well. And so the idea here is that like I wanted to bring like different experiences to my study. So like for instance, the first one is the Zanzibar association with people living with HIV-AIDS and talking with them like really helped me to like understand like the different experience between Zanzibar and Tanzania mainland. And the second one is the natural woman living with HIV-AIDS in Tanzania. And like with them like I was able to explore from the perspective of like a vulnerable group like women living with HIV. So in terms of secondary research, I started by like understanding like how COVID-19 impacted Tanzania and like other like East African states in general. And then I narrowed down to the relationship between COVID initially in Tanzania. And like looking at other like East African state or like at other African state in general really helped me to like highlight recording challenges that I could have expected during my study. So my methodology has some limitation because like I wasn't, I didn't include any like official like governmental sources because like first of all getting access to the sources is very like time consuming and like requires a lot of permissions. And secondly, the government like the Tanzanian government didn't release any official COVID like data or report after May 2020. And so like I decided to focus on the experience of community of HIV care NGOs. And I think like since we have like a lack of official data the seeing the perspective still made the study relevant. So my study began with two predicted outcome. The first is that like a reduction in public investment in HIV care like in the Tanzanian territory and will have like increased like the economic pressure on local HIV care NGOs that needed to like support people living with HIV throughout the global pandemic. And the second was that there were challenges like initiating like a new patient to anti-retroviral therapy due to disruption to testing facilities. And later on I'll expand on both of them. So as we probably already know when COVID-19 arrived in Tanzania President Mago Fuli, former President Mago Fuli actually and really downplay like the pandemic. And so like the left like avoid the lockdown measure they left the business open. And so like the situation was really concerning. And so this like neglect of like neglecting of the severity of the global pandemic that Tanzania was like facing like other countries. Poser tried to like the lives of like 1.7 million of Tanzanians living with HIV. And so like this increased the pressure on like HIV care NGOs to like support people living with HIV throughout the pandemic. So the first thing that came out with my research is actually like there was like a very different experience in terms of like COVID containment policies in Zanzibar and in Tanzania mainland. And in fact, President Hussain Ali Mouni, the president of Zanzibar had like a very different reaction compared to Mago Fuli. And in fact, like despite Zanzibar like realize Zanzibar economy relies a lot on tourism. President Mouni was aware of the state of like health care services and like the economic capabilities of the country. And so like it really didn't want to like the COVID-19 pandemic to have like a destroying impact or like the Zanzibar economy. And so like he introduced like stricter lockdown measures than like Tanzania mainland including like travel restriction border closes and stuff like that. The second thing that like came out of my research is that like when the reduction in like governmental and intergovernmental fundings to like HIV care programs required of course like a big push from the private sector that like supports like this NGOs. And like every like participant in my study they actually said that like they didn't have like very negative economic consequences due to COVID. Because like the decrease in public funding was actually support but like an increase in like a private source of funding that like helped to like to adapt the services like and becoming that making them like a COVID-19 compliant and like allow them to like keep doing like their services and support people with living with HIV throughout the pandemic. And this was very interesting because I was expecting to like I was expecting that this like reduction in investments in public investment will have a negative impact but it actually didn't. Of course like the COVID-19 pandemic brought like new challenges and like HIV care like NGOs needed to re-adapt the way like they deliver like treatment. And like Tanzania was actually like a very good example where like compared to other East African countries where like local NGOs like really managed to adapt well to the pandemic in terms of like delivering treatments. And in fact like Tanzania ensured like successful access to HIV treatments to most of like people living with HIV both in rural and urban areas. And like this process was helped to buy like a shift in policies. In fact like the government allowed like six months antiretroviral mental medicine dispensing which means that like people living with HIV could like collect drugs for like six months and basically like not having to worry about and not having to go like regularly outside their house and stuff and being therefore like more exposed to COVID. And like the delivery of like antiretroviral mental therapy is like it was essential to keep it like going because like people living with HIV need to take antiretroviral therapy and which is like a combination of like three drugs I believe that if are taken every day like they make like HIV in the blood almost unattractable and people can live like a normal life as long as they keep taking the drug regularly. And also like another thing that like really helped like ensuring the access to like antiretroviral therapy is that like in the last few years antiretroviral therapy has been like given for free to people living with HIV. And this means that like even like those people that were affected negatively economic by the COVID-19 pandemic were still like able to access the treatments. One of the negative impact of the COVID pandemic it was that like he caused like a lot of issues in diagnosing new cases. In fact like a lot of like HIV testing centers were like closed during COVID or like the medical stuff that was working there was like displayed to like COVID-19 facilities and therefore like people living with HIV or that weren't aware of their status had to travel more to get tested and to and it means that they were more exposed to COVID. And also like another factor that the negative impact on new diagnosis is the fact that some HIV tests are like antigen like the COVID tests. And so like an increase in demand of like a COVID test that were produced then from like western pharmaceutical companies meant that like there was like a lower supply of HIV tests because they're very similar. And also like the COVID-19 pandemic brought it like some other challenges that like indirectly impacted like maybe didn't directly impact the HIV care services but still had an indirect impact on like the life of millions of people living with HIV. One of the things that the participant in my research highlight is that like the closure of like support groups was particularly bad. In fact like a lot of people living with HIV are like very relying on like the support groups where they can meet each other and like talk like support each other. And this is particularly important for women living with HIV because like Tanzania is still a country where like there's a lot of social segmentation especially like concerning women. And so like the the stop of like support groups are the negative impact on the mental health of like many people living with HIV. And the second thing I mentioned here is like food security because like my participant reported that like food security in mainland Tanzania remains stable but in Zanzibar actually like there were like a lot of increases in prices of like imported food. And so it means that like people like it made it harder for people to access nutritious food and this like had a negative impact on the other ends too like antiretroviral therapy because like having a nutritious diet means that like when you start taking the drugs like the drugs are going to start like having effect more quickly. So finally the outcome of my studies revealed that like my hypotheses were partially confirmed. So like as I was saying before like the financial challenges for like HIV care as NGOs were kind of supported by were kind of like compensated by like an increase in private sector fundings. But also like the hypothesis about like difficulties initiating like a new patient to antiretroviral therapy was confirmed as like disruption in testing facilities like making it harder to get like many people on the drugs. Asante Sana. Thank you so much for these amazing presentations. I learned so much and I think we had something like three threads going through this panel which was our biggest panel. So can I take some questions from the audience? Yes. Thanks for their cancellations and official apologies. I wonder how people perhaps don't go on to go on without addressing the past and those who prioritize. Definitely yes yeah. Thanks. Well interestingly in Tanzania too there has just been a debate about an apology that has happened recently but that was when the German president went to apologize for more atrocities committed during the mighty, mighty uprising in 1905-2007 and the responses from the human colleagues have been mixed with especially evidence, especially historians saying not very far enough. It's evident that that's what happened. There was a time to apologize without pain. I don't know whether that was perhaps the whole point of the exercise from the German perspective. So implication being that the debates on restorative measures of a financial form are currently focused elsewhere. Every time they innovate on reparations for slavery it does resonate to some extent in East Africa but none of the governments we take it up with anything like the seriousness that exists currently especially in the Caribbean and it's in a sense the capability is more disseminated. You have to really address European nations that facilitate the trade such as the French, the Germans, you have to address the governments in the Arabian Peninsula as far as Iran really. I think it's actually currently not a priority not for anyone not even for the sort of people who are having conversations about how to live with this heritage in village in very local settings because if only because I don't think anybody realistically expects money to become available. Yeah thank you, thank you. Any other question or comment or anything? Yes Babatun and then the person behind you. What's the name of the church? The name of the church is son and it was behind you yes and then I'll come back here. I'd like to know what your thoughts are on the idea of the 70s and the 20s and the 20s and the 20s and the 20s. I have read through the translation of Shakespeare but I cannot say if I studied it. However I think the translation he adopted was more than simplification but it's actually a strategy influenced also by ideology, by the socialist ideology. We can find that, especially the Venus versions, I don't really call it, it's named well. In this way we can say that Nierede describes the greedy man or the average as not good enough, not good enough in socialist ideology and actually in the original play I believe it was not so fierce against this kind of average as he is or something like that. So in his translation he tried to change this play in the socialist context to make it better aligned with the socialism that he wanted to carry out and I think this is what I could answer for now and I can explain that. In terms of Julius Caesar and sort of Julius Nierede, Julius Caesar and Maripari, may I just add one more thing to this and that is we take this in the context of both translations that is Julius Caesar and Maripari and both have been spoken about in terms of Nierede who was trying in a sense to breach, going from capitalism to Yama, so that's just one. There is an article by somebody called David G and he talks about Shakespeare, I forget the reference, but it is D-E-D-J-I, it's first in the space of David G. He talks about this first you might just want to look him up. Since I have the, the may I speak also about not only this question but two other things. Yes please, please do. In terms of Utopia, again there is an article by Seidat M. Hamlet and he's speaking specifically on Prusadikika and seems to sort of agree with the idea that Prusadikika is moving towards this Utopian genre as such and my take on that is that that it's partly, partly we need to credit Shaman Robert also in the creativity of the way that he is portraying the whole idea of good, good being here, not only to Utav al-Amor, I think in the sentence on that, I would, I would perhaps represent it differently that you know he, the reason why Shaman Robert could not come in openly to criticize the good or the bad regime was precisely what I said that he was a civil servant and that one here, he had clearly gone out of the way and that was that, that he would be a big support, that kind of association and so on. the the the the the the the the In various ways, the heads has been sort of passed around therefore, President Winner, President Goyen, etc. But we want to apologize you. So that is that we go to presentation, your presentation, thank you for that because I think this is a subject which needs to be spoken about, as you said. But I would like to transfer it to another subject. And that is, a few years ago I was approached by a journalist, I think some of you know her, Yasmin Alibi-Bram, and she said, look I'm going to Zanzibar, I'm going to make, to make a documentary, and on a very important subject and I, you talk about it. So it was the subject, again, because it was slavery. And I said, that's very important to remember, but because you're going to Zanzibar, take that opportunity to talk about something else because since 1964, there has not been anything through the reconciliation commission in Zanzibar. And yet, people have lived with all these years knowing fully well who has tortured whom and who was, so there is that unspoken aspect in Zanzibar itself, I don't know if I'm right, you have to stay here, but that aspect needs to be addressed as well, because that really was very, many Zanzibarist thing, very low about what to do with them, but again, of course, it is time to absorb, so I just really make the point. Yeah, thank you very much. There was a hand somewhere, yes, particularly. I would like to ask a question to you, a little bit of an observation to you, being aware of the idea of literary modernity on the sort of middle center, which is translation and not necessarily the initial literary expression itself in terms of like testing literary modernity sitting on translation, are there two, to sort of ask that the difficulty of talking about modernity itself and translation itself as a tool of modernity, of modernizing, but also concept of time and the form and the style and the thematics of the expression, the initial expression of the text. And from the point of view, from a very Africa-centered point of view, that necessarily translating across from a European text back into the African text. And I'm imagining the texts that sort of knew that literary modernity was an expression in the Swahili language and embodying thematically, stylistically, in terms of form, that we should refer to as this literary modernism, in terms of basement. The second question that is tied up to the beginning of your presentation is this, I'm beginning to learn translation theory, this year for my research as I'm going to read it, I used to be extremely angry in the classical texts in the beginning that would be translated wrong. I used to be a literary theory of why the translators say so many liberties. But this year I'm becoming softer because I'm a very loyal person to the prose, the fiction, as it's produced there, that protects the literature, the drama, the writer goes through that definition. The question I am struggling with now, I don't know if you're going to answer my question, I'm asking, but it's related to the first part of your presentation. Is this question of what is the translator translating? Are they translating for the receiving culture, or are they, which means are they translating themselves if they are this close to the receiving culture, are they translating themselves through it, or are they translating for the reception or something that has slightly nothing to do with it? I think I had your idea of the corruption and the fact that I should know the text sometimes. What happens when the translator is really just concerned with the receiving culture and themselves if they're close to the translator? The text itself, and I find my beef with translator I find my beef with translator getting, I'm getting soft about it, I'm getting even more angry when I realize they actually are theoretical, and Kenny said allow them to read this kind of a thing. I don't know if I start off this question properly. Yes. Yeah, so while actually regarding the second question, I would like to know that you want to know the translator's attitudes or something like that towards the receiving culture, or? No. Your concern, and I respect the concern, was that the colonial translators were translating with this understanding and the personalization of the receiving culture. An extreme end for the translator is with the culture and the accessibility and respect to what it is and still translates something that is not the text, but that is, no matter how respectful it is towards the culture, that is themselves in the culture. Can I just say? Let's say they're not colonial. Yeah, I'll tell you what, maybe if I can just quickly interject. I think what she means is, I think we normally find that translators, maybe sort of, let's start with authors who are writing, for example, in English, would be writing for a global audience and so they're free to write maybe for whoever. But I think when you're translating, for instance, into Swahili, you're very aware of the audience, sort of like, who's going to read this? Can they accept this or not? And I think in the colonial times, it was more so the case because the script had changed, right? I mean, from the Arabic to the Latin, so they needed some readers, so it was quick translations, isn't it? But then there was also patronizing that happened, like, for example, why make Alice into a little African girl? So that's what she's asking, are they allowed to do that or not? And I think we have to be aware of time. So go on. Well, actually, in my opinion, or from my perspective, on equal power relations, I mentioned before, I think they actually, from a perspective of normal translators, they were not allowed to do that. However, in colonial context, the power, it may be, in my opinion, is the central point in the whole translation process. And maybe I think the knowledge and the discourse was constructed by power, from my perspective. So I think they were originally not allowed to, however, they could decide everything because they were dominating everything. And in the whole process, they were dominant. There were no others respecting them, right? For example, the publishers, we could say that King Solomon's lines was reprinted, was reprinted, maybe more than the Gulliver's Tribals. But actually, there's yet no one to question why this phenomenon exists. Why King Solomon's lines are reprinted for maybe several times instead of Gulliver's Tribals. So in my opinion, actually, I think maybe King Solomon's lines represents the colonial ideology and discourse, and it fits well, it fits perfectly with the colonial discourse, but it portrays what may as the gods and the series. And black Africans should be subject to them. So I think it's the reason why it was reprinted several times. And maybe in nowadays translation, we take a look at the translation process. For now, we can say that publishers have their say, but during the colonial time, they didn't have their say. It should be multifaceted negotiations engaged by different people, by different stakeholders. However, it was only engaged by the British translators themselves. For example, the inter-territorial language committee, it was in the central, and actually it can make any decision instead of asking advice or receiving some restrictions from other parties. All right. Thank you very much. I have to thank the panel. Thank you. So this is the panel that has come from Germany, Tanzania, China, Belgium, and Tanzania, and all around England. So honestly, thank you so much. So before I invite Professor Wanguiwagoro to give us sort of like the closing remarks, I just want to say that next year will be year 10 for Baraza. And we think it's really exciting. And so sort of like we're throwing ideas around sort of like we'll contact you obviously, but we're thinking of maybe at last having a publication of what was presented here this year, but even in previous years. So we'll contact our speakers and see if we can have something for Baraza at least. That's one thing. And also if you have any ideas of us sort of like having this two-day conference at last, maybe sort of, I mean, let us know how we can do it, how you want to be involved. I think you'll be fantastic. But thank you so much, everybody. Thank you, everybody who helped with the food. I mean, everybody just came in. Faiza, it's a pili. Everybody just went in and helped. And it was just amazing. You're all such amazing Wasohili. Asante Nisana. I'm really honoured to be here today. I think we should first congratulate Professor Harouk, who was recognised this year and the best place to applaud him clearly is Barazi. Secondly, I'd like to thank Ida, Dr. Ida, and I'm very happy to be here today. Thank you so much for being here today. Thank you so much for being here today. Ida, Dr. Ida, and Angelica Basteri for the hard convening of a conference. It's not easy, but thank you so much for having us here. I'd also like to thank all the volunteers and helpers, because behind the scene, to these wonderful people that you see, there are many others who are holding them up and ensuring that this wonderful conference does happen. We can applaud at the end so that we can... So we can move quickly, because I know that you're very tired. I want to thank all the panellists. I found all the papers really moving, healing, extending, challenging, all emotions. And I'm sure that you all travelled through so many emotions. The fact that this is living history, the buildings, we're in the middle of resolving this African slavery that happened. We're in the process of dealing with a global slavery. We're in the middle of major wars that are world shifting. We're going through a seismic shift with artificial intelligence and such like. So this moment is so important. And we did focus a lot on the eastern African region, which is, of course, the home of Kiswahili. We went to Congo. We went to the ocean. We went to Tanzania. We went to Europe. And our hip-hop person reminded us to go up by London to Menda Ulayah. The genre, representation, we had different forms from lyrical to the hip-hop. You know, the whole, the very scientific, dry, methodologically sound and all that. So it's a learning process even for us as scholars. I don't want to give you a presentation, which I could. But as Ida said, it would be wonderful. I remember when Baraza started 10 years ago, I could never envisage that it would grow into this magnificent. I found the quality of these papers very high. So I think a retrospective publication would be a great idea to celebrate the 10 years. I'd written so many things that I wanted to say, but I won't bore you with them because you were all here. But we do have people online who stayed with us the whole day. We'd like to thank them and to urge you to come physically next year. It's very important. They start saving your fares and applying for funding. And let's all meet here, hopefully for two days, is my wish. And I'd like to thank all the moderators who facilitated the wonderful conference. And for all of you for coming and staying and staying and staying. That's the joy of every conference to have an audience, whether you're presenting, whether you're listening, whether you're facilitating. The joy of a conference is having you who stay till the very end. Some people miss what was said, but I understand it's going to be live on YouTube. I will take an opportunity myself to watch some of it again. I've attempted many times to step in on many of the issues, but I had to restrain myself because I knew that I had these minutes at the end of the day. But all I can say is, asanteni sana, quahirini, t'no ashikuru n'yote, asanteni.