 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour brought to you every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, a presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening. This is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? Larry Lisser and Harlan Cleveland, the executive editor of the reporter magazine. Our distinguished guest for this evening is Dr. V.K. Wellington Coo, nationalist China's ambassador to the United States. Representing a foreign country in Washington is always difficult, but when your country is embroiled in a hot civil war, doesn't make it any easier. But nationalist China is represented by one of the world's most experienced diplomats. Dr. Wellington Coo has been his country's foreign minister six times. Dr. Coo, you've served your country for three decades now, and now you represent them in Washington. Tell me, do you think that the two Chinas can ever exist in peace? I don't think so. Unless, you mean, peace excludes a rebelling on the mainland, which will upset the regime in Peking. Well, do you think that the situation between the two Chinas, Dr. Coo, could ever be settled without recourse to all-out war? Well, if you mean all-out war, a general conflict, I said, no, it can be settled without a third world war. Well, Dr. Coo, I think most people in this country and most of our allies seem to feel at this moment that the thing to do is to have a ceasefire in the foremost astray. Does your government share that view? Well, we certainly have not been taking the initiative to stir up hostilities. It's the communists who have been bombing us and bombarding us. And so, really, the question rests with the communists. If they stop fighting, if they stop attacking, there will be no hostilities. Well, I suppose, for example, the communists were to agree to some form of Geneva conference or whatever you call it, peacemaking conference. Would this be a conference that the government of Nationalist China could enter and could negotiate with them in? You know, we think that the Chinese communists, they are the tools and the puppets of international communism directed at Moscow. Therefore, we don't think they are qualified, really, to sit in a conference and undertake any commitments. Well, Dr. Coo, do you think that a ceasefire in the foremost astray would constitute a step towards international recognition of communist China by the United Nations and possibly later by the United States? I suppose that is what is in the minds of those who are trying to promote this ceasefire, particularly the some of the Western European countries and also some countries in Asia. Well, you feel that the communists are driving at a conference which would, pardon me, exclude Nationalist China. In other words, the communists have turned down any conference under UN auspices. They say the United Nations is unacceptable. And they've also refused to sit down in a conference outside of the United Nations in which your country, Nationalist China, is represented. But just what are they driving at then? I think you are on the right track, Mr. Lesser. They certainly want, they do not recognize the United Nations authority and they certainly do not recognize us. They want to play the full part as representing China internationally. That's what they are driving after, I think. Well, do you think they mean negotiating or do you think they want war? Well, it depends. If they could get what they are after by negotiation, they will negotiate. On the other hand, if things come to a point where they have to resort to force, to some extent, they will try to use force. But I doubt very much that they are ready or they want a general war because they are not prepared yet. This alternation between negotiation and war seems to be the communist trick all over the world. I wonder, Dr. Ku, you were foreign minister back in some of the early days of the relationship between the Russians, the new Soviet Union at that time, the early 20s, and the Chinese nationalist government. Do you see a basis for a permanent mutuality of interest, a permanent alliance between the Soviet Union and the Chinese on the mainland? Or do you think that there are seeds of disunion between them? Well, if you mean the Chinese, between the Chinese people and Soviet Russia, I say there is no chance at all because the Russian policy has always been well understood. It's one of imperialism of aggression, grandisement. But if you mean that the cooperation between Moscow and Peking, as it is now, that is between the Russian branch of the international communists and the Chinese communists, I think they will continue to work on it together. But, Dr. Ku, when you were foreign minister of China before the communists were strong on the mainland, what were the sources, were there any sources of friction between your country and Russia? Plenty. What areas did they come about in? In Xinjiang, which is known as Chinese Turkestan, out of Mongolia, northern Manchuria, we, through the past 100 years, and even more than that, we had plenty of troubles with the Russians. And you think that the seeds of potential trouble still lie up there in the north on the borderlands of China and Soviet Russia? Undoubtedly, there are questions which are still outstanding, but the Russians and the Chinese communists, they are playing together just now. And the communists do not take nationalism very seriously, because they all believe in international communism, so those questions lie in abeyance. I wonder if we could come back, Dr. Ku, for a minute, to the Formosa Strait. One of the questions that's been most discussed and is most confused, I think, in most of our minds, is who really owns Formosa anyway? The communists claim it, your government claims it, and there are some who think that it ought to be a UN trusteeship or whatnot. What's the story on who owns Formosa? Well, Mr. Cleveland, if you speak of ownership in the ordinary sense of the word, I think there's no question that the Republic of China owns Formosa today. You don't mean the People's Republic either, do you? Not at all, certainly not. As I might add, the Charter of the United Nations mentions the Republic of China as one of the permanent members. The Cairo Conference allocated Formosa to the Republic of China, and the agreement of the three parts at Cairo was confirmed to Potsdam, which was in turn again affirmed by the instrument surrender by Japan. Well, Dr. Ku, do you think it would be possible if the Chinese communists cannot be ousted from the mainland, and they seem to be pretty well fixed there, that a political formula could be written for Formosa, in which we've made into a Republic of Formosa? Would that be satisfactory to the people on Formosa now? No, it will not be, because we feel that the Chinese mainland, the jury, belongs to the Republic of China, and we still have a deep faith. Someday, we will go back to the mainland. If necessary, we will fight back to the mainland. Well, what effect would a ceasefire in the Formosa straits have on the morale of the people on Formosa that would apparently foreclose any ambitions that you had to go back to the mainland, would it not? I think it will have that effect to a great extent, and I think that those who are urging a ceasefire may think of so-called stabilized in situation, but it wouldn't solve any question fundamentally. So you wouldn't count a ceasefire as among the objectives of your government at this time in the Formosa strait? No, no, I don't think we would accept it, because after all, it's a question really not of a war going on. It's a question of one party pursuing a policy of aggression. In this case, it is the Chinese Communist. We've been taking the initiative in attacking the territories occupied, possessed, owned by the binationalist China. Well, Dr. Ku, do you think that the Chinese Communist will ever be satisfied without Formosa? Well, that is difficult to say. I think so far, every official statement on the subject has been of such character that makes it very clear that they would not rest until they do have Formosa. Of course, they also said during the Korean War that they meant to drive the United Nations off the Korean Peninsula, and they didn't succeed, and they did sign a treaty anyway. But what would strategic possession of Formosa mean to the Communist, Dr. Ku? Oh, there you are, for one thing. If they could take Formosa, they would remove a thorn in their side, and they would think they would remove a great danger to their stability and consolidation on the mainland. And from another point of view, Formosa is such an important link in the chain of defense of the Western Pacific that they would like to have it in order to make a breach in this chain of defense. It will open to the Pacific Ocean, and as you know, as well as I do, once Formosa in the hands of Communists, it would not be used by the Chinese Communist alone. Soviet Russia will step in also. Yes. Well, thank you very much, Dr. Ku. It's always a pleasure to hear your words. The opinions expressed on the Launcine Chronoscope were those of the speakers. The editorial board for this edition of the Launcine Chronoscope was Larry Lisser and Harlan Cleveland. Our distinguished guest was Dr. V.K. Wellington-Koo, nationalist China's ambassador to the United States. If ever you buy an automatic, that is, a self-winding watch, please bear in mind that an automatic is even more complicated than a hand wound watch. And for that reason, it will pay you to make sure that the automatic watch you buy bears the name Launcine. For Launcine makes the world's most advanced automatic watches. Now, here are the facts. This diagram represents the winding rotor of an ordinary automatic. See how it moves only in half a circle. This diagram represents the Launcine automatic. Now, every Launcine automatic watch contains the 360-degree full swing automatic winding rotor, a development pioneered by Launcine engineers. 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