 We are all very organised this evening. The next item of business is a member's business debate on motion 2865 in the name of Richard Leonard on the 30th anniversary of the workers' occupation of the caterpillar plant in Tannachside. The debate will be concluded without any questions being put, and I would ask those who wish to speak in the debate to please press the request-to-speak buttons I call on Richard Leonard to open the debate around seven minutes, please, Mr Leonard. Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. It's a great honour to serve the people as a member of this Parliament, and I can think of no greater honour than securing this, my very first member's debate in Parliament, to mark the 30th anniversary of the caterpillar occupation. We don't celebrate our history, labour history, working-class history, nearly enough, and through this Parliament I hope that we can remedy that. The story of the 103-day occupation, which began on 14 January 1987, carries with it many important lessons, and first and foremost it reminds us that we make our own history, that history is not predetermined. Secondly, it reminds us that fundamental social, economic and political change will come about when injustice is challenged from below. That challenge comes when working people have the confidence to reject the centuries-old indoctrination that there is no alternative and start at last to believe in themselves. I would like to begin by welcoming to Parliament today some of those working people who believed in themselves, who made history in a small corner of Lanarkshire and in so doing, lit a flame that still burns brightly and inspires and guides many of us three decades later. I would especially like to welcome with us in the public gallery today the convener, John Brannan, without Bunit, but still with a gleam in his eye, and to John Gillan and Bob Burroughs, central figures in the joint occupation committee then, and the caterpillar legacy group now. I would also like to extend a welcome on behalf of the whole of this Parliament to the women and men who directly and indirectly took part in and supported the caterpillar occupation who have joined us this afternoon. Deputy Presiding Officer, if you want a chapter in our history, which truly shows the value of trade unionism, of collective action and real solidarity, look no further than the actions of those brave workers who occupied the caterpillar plant in 1987, and if you want a chapter in our history, which truly shows the perils of a branch plant economy, an economy too dependent on foreign-owned multinationals, go and look at the actions of the caterpillar corporation in 1987. It was declared as a PWAF, a plant with a future, and yet within weeks the plant had no future. The company contrived a scorched earth policy, and all 1200 direct jobs were to go. It was a corporate strike of capital, no sign of a ballot. The workforce's response was immediate. They chose to gatecrash the company's press conference. They chose to padlock the gates of the factory. Most of all, they chose to fight. This was not an easy decision. We had had the minor strike, the whopping in Kining Park, lock-out of the print workers in the preceding years, but as my friend the late Campbell Christie said in his four word two track record, Charlie Wolfson and John Foster's magnificent document of the occupation, it was an I quote, a forceful reminder that if workers do not fight for themselves, nobody else will. And what solidarity was shown, the minor's welfare on Old Edinburgh Road ran a free soup and bread service day after day. Cash collections were held at football matches week after week, shop stewards, committees and mass meetings were addressed by John Brannan, John Gillan, Frank Kelly and others, the length and breadth of the country in engineering shops, in shipyards, in factories across Scotland, but in factories in Manchester, Birmingham, Coventry and Liverpool too. Bob Burroughs was instrumental in persuading Motherwell District Council to invoke section 25 of the housing benefit act to provide rent rebates and Strathlide regional council to provide assistance to mortgage lenders. Of course, the Caterpillar women's support group, like the miners wise before them, is not there to make the tea but to make the case for the occupation, to lobby parliament, to organise the struggle beyond the factory gates. This was real solidarity, practical solidarity, never to be forgotten solidarity. So what are the enduring lessons of the occupation? It is in my view that the balance of power between labour and capital can be tipped in favour of labour. It is that industrial democracy can prevail and does work. It is that working people are not just born wage earners but have the potential to manage and run industry themselves. It is also that the real division in society is not between Scotland and England. The real division, the decisive division, is between those who own the wealth and those who, through their hard work and endeavour, create the wealth. For me, the real test of this Parliament is what we make of the Caterpillar occupation. Can we rise to the challenge that it throws at us? Can we learn the lessons that it sets? Make no mistake, the Caterpillar workers action raises the fundamental question about who controls the economy and in whose interests. I suggest that we need to put democratic socialism on the agenda once more. We need an industrial policy that is not reliant on multinational corporations. We need to start planning our economy rather than leaving it to the market. We need to start promoting industrial democracy in place of industrial vandalism. I, for one, would like to see an industrial reform act following in the steps of the land reform act passed by this Parliament. We should not underestimate the size of the task before us but neither should we exaggerate it. I want to leave the final word in my opening remarks to John Brannan, who said at the conclusion of the occupation, that there was never any guarantee at the start that we were going to win. Maybe we are not successful, but we proved a stand can be made. Workers could unite. I think that the tremendous support of the public was not on a judgment whether they thought that we could win or lose. It was supporting guys who decided to have a go. Today we do not look back with resignation and we look forward with hope. Let's keep that fighting spirit alive, that ray of hope, that things can be different and let's use this Parliament to forge the real change that working people need. Can I request our visitors in the public gallery to hold off the show of appreciation to the end, and I will allow time for that, if you do not mind. We now move to the open speeches of around four minutes. I call Richard Lyle to be followed by James Kelly. Thank you, Presiding Officer. I begin this evening by thanking Richard Leonard for bringing this important issue to the chamber. I also congratulate him on his tremendous speech. Welcome the opportunity to speak in a debate in this important and significant event that took place in my Erdingsdon and Belsall constituency. It was known then by the north. I can also welcome those ex-caterpillar workers who are in the gallery on being here today and once again pay my tribute to them and all who took part in the caterpillar sitting. The caterpillar plant in Tannockside in my constituency is one that has enjoyed a successful heady from its opening in 1956 to its peak employment of 2,700 people. It was a site that was well known within our community. Indeed, it was one that enjoyed royal approval, as I recall Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II and the Duke of Edinburgh visited the site in July 1962 during a visit to Lanarkshire at that time. As Mr Leonard has stated in 14 January 1987, the caterpillar factory sitting began with managers at the site being locked out by the hardworking and committed workers. This action, as was stated in Mr Leonard's speech, was supported by the community, especially supported and reminded by all the community, including one little girl who broke her piggy bank and came along and handed in £5 in lush coin for the fund to support the workers, amongst the others who have done the teas and the soup kitchens. It was a message that was announced change of the plan by the company's executives that of absolute closure of the plan, no investment as it has been promised, was not going to take place and this was not going to be taken lightly. The workers sat in for 103 days before their occupation ended on Sunday, 26 April, after the caterpillar obtained an eviction order. But not before the world looked on as workers fought back against the executives who had treated them with disdain. Indeed, from the city came the famous pink panther, the workers campaign tractor, which had been built and taken to George Square, had truly captured the public's imagination and became a symbol of the struggle of the workers of caterpillar. Indeed, there were many characters and faces that were involved in the caterpillar sitting. I remember, of course, one Jimmy Hamilton MP, who represented Mullow North at the time, not only for the contribution that he made during the caterpillar sitting when he told the commons that he was absolutely flabbergasted at the news, but also because I recalled standing for the SNP against Jimmy Hamilton in the 1983 general election, when I was the first North Lanarkshire SNP general election candidate to retain their deposit in such an election. I actually came forth out of four candidates. I do hope that the chamber does not mind me reflecting on that political nostalgia in this debate. Of course, escaping nostalgia and coming to the recent years, there has rightly been work done to recognise the contribution of the caterpillar workers in our community. From the 25th anniversary union, which took place and planted the seed by the former workers who attended to build the memorial to the factory and the occupation, which has subsequently came to fruition. Now, every time I drive from a surgery in view park to other surgery venues, I pass by in the memorial to the workers, and I am very proud to represent a constituency with a story like this to tell. Indeed, it cannot be understated that the workers at the caterpillar site are not only a true testament to the effectiveness that workers can have in ploing direct action to highlight their issue, but indeed that the workers at the caterpillar have shown that, in standing up together, they could galvanise not only their colleagues' support but in still that same desire to stand up for what is right by so many in the community, who also joined them in their action of fairness. Due to other commitments long-standing tonight, I may only be able to attend for a short time at the reception that Richard Leonard and I have told him earlier is having, but I want to end my contribution by saying that I recognise the efforts made by the workers of the caterpillar factory who are rightly paid tribute today in this debate. Every one of them deserves our tribute today. I call James Kelly to be followed by Margaret Mitchell. Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. First of all, I start by congratulating my colleague Richard Leonard on securing this very important debate commemorating the 30-year anniversary of the working at caterpillar and also congratulating Mr Leonard on a very strong and passionate speech, which I am sure will have been welcomed by the representatives in the gallery from that working and it is glad to see so many of them have made their journey through to Holyrood here tonight. I remember the issue well having grown up in halfway just a couple of miles from Tannockside and it is true that it was not only an issue that resonated throughout Lanarkshire but that the workers took their case throughout Scotland. In fact, I can remember as a young Labour Party activist attending a fringe meeting at the Scottish Labour Party conference that the caterpillar workers had organised up in Perth and been very impressed by the commitment and the passion shown by the speakers from the workforce. I think that it is worth recognising indeed what a remarkable story it is because it was a real kick in the teeth to the workforce when initially they had been told that there was going to be a £62.5 million investment in the plant and that obviously at that time gave the community great hope and then to commit such a U-turn and to change their mind and to close the plant was a real hammer blow and as Richard Leonard pointed out, that came at a time when retrogate actions were being taken against trade unions on the back of legislation introduced by the Thatcher Government and it made it more difficult for trade unions to stand up and take action but bearing in mind all those circumstances they embarked on that 103-day work-in with great dedication, commitment and dignity. I think that we would all do well to recognise and celebrate the solidarity that they showed and indeed on the day that unemployment has risen in Scotland what they were showing also was the importance of work. A lot of those men among the 1200 women had been used to the dignity of work, how important it was to their lives, how important it was in their community and they were taking a stand not only to save the plant but to say that they recognised the importance of that employment. I think that it also is important not only to celebrate the history of the event but also as Richard Leonard said, look at the lessons for today. One of the key points from that is that trade unions matter, you need that collective organisation that brings workers together because indeed if we do stand together as one force for stronger and as was shown back in 1987, that strong, united, committed voice made such a strong case that reverberated throughout Scotland and beyond. I think that it also shows the importance of having an industrial strategy. One of the sad things when you reflect back on Lanarkshire in the 80s was that you saw the closures not only in Tannock's side but in places like the Hoover in Canbus Lang and also the reduction in the number of people working in the steelworks. In Scotland we still have a proud industrial heritage. We have many graduates leaving our universities who are skilled in engineering and I think that we need to recommit to that industrial strategy not only to show that we can have the cutting edge to produce an economy that is fit for the 21st century but to give meaningful work to the men and women of this country and to ensure that the dignity that was exemplified by the caterpillar workforce can once again be brought forward in Scotland in 2017. Deputy Presiding Officer, I welcome the opportunity to participate in this debate on the 30th anniversary of the caterpillar occupation and I thank Richard Leonard for tabling that motion and also congratulating for him on securing his very first member's debate on this issue. Any factory closure is usually a matter of great sadness for the management, the workforce, suppliers and the local community. When the use of a closure is preceded by an announcement of a substantial new investment programme, which is started and then abruptly cancelled, that must surely be a matter of more than sadness. It is a matter of outrage involving justifiable accusations of rank bad faith, that is, in essence, the experience of the caterpillar factory at Tannockside Uningston. Those are the words of the then Conservative MP for Strathkelvin and Bairstenn Michael Hearst when he spoke in the House of Commons debate on the caterpillar tractor's closure on 28 January 1987. The House of Commons debate was held in response to the following developments. In January 1987, the 1200 workforce that the caterpillar plant in Tannockside came back from the Christmas break to discover that the £62.5 million proposed investment and expansion announced only months earlier was not only being abandoned but the plant itself was to close. Despite the management and workforce having co-operated and responded positively to the many challenges that the automotive industry had faced, including competition from the Japanese technology, technological advance and world economic and market conditions, the US company's explanation for the decision was that the losses that it was experiencing worldwide due to the Japanese competition and a contracting market meant that the plant at Tannockside was no longer sustainable. This closure explanation was, with justification, questioned coming as it did so soon after the major investment programme planned for the factory. The closure was a huge blow to the loyal and co-operative workforce, the company's suppliers and subcontractors, the local community and the UK government who had pledged substantial assistance. The response from the workers was to stage a sit-in. Although legally they were prevented for continuing to make tractors and bulldozers, the workers kept the plant open by occupying it for 103 days. During this time, they succeeded in raising awareness of their plight around the world. As a consequence, a deal was secured that ensured that no compulsory redundancies were to be made and enhanced severing packages were to be awarded. Today, the site of the former caterpillar factory is occupied by both Housing and Tannockside Business Park. Sadly, closures of businesses located there still happen. The latest being the announcement of the closure of the branch of quick fit insurance, which adds 521 employees. However, here is the difference. When this closure was first announced, a huge effort was made to try and secure a takeover of the quick fit call centre by another company as a growing concern. Now that has proved not possible, Agias, the parent company, has had to take the difficult decision to close the site and is now concentrating on doing everything in its power to help the workforce to find new employment and or to reskill. It is therefore encouraging that over 1,800 job vacancies with local as well as national companies have been identified. Today's debate is testament to the fact that lessons can be learned from the past, including the value of open lines of communication between workers and management and the need for maximum support for the affected workforce when closures, as they inevitably will continue to be, are announced. Elaine Smith, followed by Ross Greer. Thank you, Presiding Officer, and I can also thank Richard Leonard for bringing this important anniversary to our attention with an excellent speech in the chamber this evening. I would also like to add my own welcome to the veterans of the industrial action who are here today with us, but also to remember those who are no longer with us. Caterpillar, as we have heard, came to Tannockside in 1956 and the jobs that they brought were vitally important to local people. For those of us who live in Lanarkshire, I'm sure we will all have friends, family or neighbours who worked in the Caterpillar. North Lanarkshire Labour Councilor, Bob Burroughs, is one such worker. Bob was a shop steward and he was one of the former workers who also organised a memorial at the site that was previously mentioned by my colleague Richard Leonard. I think that it's awful that that memorial was vandalised, but perhaps that's testament to the fact that there are people in our community who no longer remember or have been told this story of a local solidarity. Bob retrained as a debt councillor and he went on to become an elected member and he said that the Caterpillar occupation changed everyone's life. All of the men and women who took part in this 103-day occupation to save jobs 30 years ago are examples of the power of workers struggle, the importance of solidarity and the need for a labour and trade union movement. They didn't keep the plan open but, as we have heard, they did win a better settlement. It's vital to remember their struggle and that of all workers who withdraw their labour or take action in other sometimes innovative ways for a greater cause. But workers' ultimate bargaining power is their ability to withdraw their labour and stop production. To do that, workers must fight as a class. Other historic examples of class solidarity, such as the Caterpillar occupation, are upper-clad shipbuilders' work-in in the Lee-Jeans occupation. The women of Lee-Jeans did win their fight and Helen Monaghan, who was at the forefront, said at the start, that we didn't know when we occupied the factory where the help would come from but we hadn't long to find out. Without the support of trade unionists, we wouldn't have lasted this long and, with your continued support, we'll keep fighting. My old friend and comrade Jimmy Reid, former shop steward at UCS, and his most famous address said, reject the insidious pressures in society that would blunt your critical faculties to all that is happening around you, that would caution silence in the face of injustice lest you jeopardise your chance of promotion and self-advancement. That's how it starts and, before you know where you are, you're a fully paid up member of the rat pack. The price is too high. It entails the loss of your dignity and human spirit or, as Christ put it, what does it profit a man if he gains the whole world and suffers the loss of his soul? The caterpillar workers might not have won, but they are an inspiration in the way they fought for their jobs, their community and, indeed, their very dignity. That spirit of resistance, solidarity and community is the spirit that helped to create democracy itself in this country to advance workers' rights and build the very party that I am a member of. Many councillors, MSPs and MPs over the years owe their opportunity to be heard to the efforts of those who campaigned and battled against unfair practices and an unequal society. We basically stand on the shoulders of men and women, like those in the gallery today, and we must never forget that. However, unfortunately many people in Lanarkshire are still fighting for their very existence, facing unemployment on zero hours contracts and adequate benefits with no secure home and depending on food banks. That is not the legacy that our working class, trade union ancestors wanted for our area. We must select examples like the caterpillar struggle to push us on for a new struggle, but it is much the same as the one that we have always fought, standing up to injustice and greed of those at the top and demanding equality and fairness for ordinary working people. That is the cause of labour. Once again, I applaud Richard Leonard for bringing this issue to the Scottish Parliament's attention. I call Ross Greer to be followed by Liam Kerr. I thank Richard Leonard for giving us the opportunity this evening to remember the caterpillar plant occupation 30 years ago and to celebrate the history of workers in Scotland and around the world who organise and fight together as a movement. It is fantastic that we have veterans of the occupation here with us in Parliament today. Preserving and promoting the history of the labour movement is essential if we are to be capable of winning the fights yet to come. The 103-day occupation at the Tannockside plant symbolised a generation of workers unwilling to stand aside as their jobs and communities were destroyed by deindustrialisation in Scotland and across the islands. The story of what caterpillar management said to the shop stewards when they announced the closure shows quite starkly what a cruel and dysfunctional capitalist system we were subject to then as we are now. The plant manager said to the union committee, the company has a problem and you are a victim of the remedy. I only know about that because I have read it in the daily record and I only know about the occupation because I am a trade unionist and I am active in left-wing politics. That was not the history that I was taught at school and why not? If we expect our young people to grow up with an understanding of the society that they live in, of its history, of its defining moments, then why do young people in Scotland, in west and central Scotland in particular, not learn about the radical history of the labour movement in our communities? I do not object having learned about the wars of independence, the Second World War or the Jacobite rebellion, but surely I and other young people would have understood just as much, if not more, of the Scotland that we live in today if we had been told about Red Clyde side, about Maxden, McLean and Gallacher, the battle of George Square, which we will soon celebrate the centenary of, or the upper Clyde shipyard's work in. It has taken Herculean effort just to get a statue for Mary Barber and her rent strikers. This is the history of a nation and a class and it is something that all of our young people should know. I have been inspired by the work of the Caterpillar Legacy Project and I hope that the exhibition will make it to communities in my region of the west of Scotland. We must get the message across to new generations of workers that fighting together is far better than being exploited alone. The trade union movement in Scotland has a proud history, but we must be determined to build a winning future. As the nature of work changes, so must the tactics of the trade union movement. With more people than ever, particularly young people being exploited by zero hours contracts and shocking conditions, most notably in the hospitality sector and for large employers such as Amazon, JJB and Sports Direct, the Better Than Zero campaign, launched by the Scottish Trade Union Congress' Youth Committee, has not only shown that union campaigning can actually be fun, it has shown that it gets results. After a series of direct actions and consistent pressure on the G1 group, followed by negotiations with campaigners, the Better Than Zero campaign has won an end to zero hours contracts, an end to the charging for uniforms and training, a new fairer tips policies and a number of other improvements. It is now G1 management's responsibility to live up to their promise, but they know that if they do not, their venues will once again be shut down by workers' demanding respect. This is a new generation of activism within the trade union movement. It is young workers fighting for their rights because the generations that came before, including the caterpillar workers, showed us that it is a fight worth having, and I thank them for that. Just before I call Liam Kerr, due to the numbers of members still wishing to speak in this debate, I am happy to accept a motion under rule 8143 that the debate to be extended by up to 30 minutes. I would invite Richard Leonard to move the motion. Thank you, Mr Leonard. Are we all agreed? Good. Therefore, we extend the debate, and I call Liam Kerr to be followed by Pauline McNeill. Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. I would like first of all to congratulate Richard Leonard on securing this member's business debate today, and I too welcome the many workers to this chamber. There are periods and events in history that are indelibly seared in our collective subconscious—famous battles, dates, places and events—that make us the nation that we are. However, it is right that we remind ourselves of perhaps less widely recalled events, which are of equal importance in our nation's story. I echo Richard Leonard's comments at the outset in this regard, and dare I say that Ross Greer does make a very important and valid point about history. That will not happen too often, will it? That is what we do today as we look back 30 years and recall the workers' occupation at the Caterpillar Plant at Tannockside. There, the workers sitting represented a seminal moment for those involved, their families and the community in which they lived. It is right to pay tribute to the courageous stance of the workers, but also to recognise the support of the union movement at the time and those who supported them, including, of course, famously the school children who donated their pocket money to pay for bus fares. The decision of Caterpillar to announce the closure of the plant just months after announcing a £62.5 million investment in new equipment does seem to show in the words of the then Conservative MP for Strathkelvin and Bearsden, Michael Hearst, gross incompetence in the planning of their corporate strategic objectives. James, or as Richard Lyle may be telling me, was so disbelieving that he said of the shop steward that had told him the news that they must have been going stark raving bonkers. Unfortunately, incompetent or not, bonkers are not, the plant at Tannockside did eventually close some 103 days after being occupied by the workers. As the motion also demands, this anniversary serves to remind us of the value of workers standing together in the common interest. When there are genuine concerns about jobs, health and safety and the general public, it is right that the Government listens to the trade unions when they raise these issues. Richard Leonard asked the question, what have we learned? I hope that the Scottish Government learns to listen and to listen hard to the TSA who warned just last week of the folly that merging British Transport Police with Police Scotland would be, potentially causing big delays for travellers, lasting damage— Yes, I'll take an intervention. Neil Findlay. Thanks for taking the intervention, Mr Kerr. Maybe you'll now put on the record, given that you're expressing such care for working people, an apology for your Government at Westminster for bringing in the pernicious trade union bill. Liam Kerr. I thank the member for the intervention. I think that, in the spirit of what I'm trying to put forward here, that's a little bit pernicious. The trade union act has been brought in. It's not really relevant today to what we're trying to do. I think that what you've learned has brought a very important motion here, and I wanted to speak on it. The trade union act aims to rebalance the interests of all with a freedom to strike. It is a sensible move, it is reasonable, and that is what that Government, that democratically elected Government, has put forward. However, I want to talk about the Scottish Government listening to the TSA, the Scottish Labour and Scottish Conservatives and not go forward with merging the British Transport Police with Police Scotland. The RMT, the TSA and ASLEF have publicly opposed this when it was first mooted, and the TSA's General Secretary, Manuel Cortez, said that the SNP leadership know nothing about the practicalities— Will he come to a close, please, Mr Kerr? Yes, Deputy Presiding Officer. As we stand here remembering the actions of the past, let us not be blind to the present. The SNP should listen to the unions, the Scottish Conservatives, the BTP, Scottish Labour and above all the public and stop meddling with the British Transport Police. Please, 30 seconds. No, I'm sorry, Mr Kerr. Can I remind members that the spirit of member's debates is that you stick to the terms of the motion? Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. I call Pauline McNeill to be followed by Clare Haughey. Presiding Officer, I'd like to begin by congratulating Richard Leonard on his first member's debate, but also by thanking him, because I think that this has been an important point in history to congratulate the achievements of the working movement, of the caterpillar workers and their communities, and it has some relevance to current day. That community did not only fight for their jobs, but fought for their community. As other speakers have said passionately, it mobilised a community probably in a way that none of us had ever seen before. My father-in-law, Patrick Cahill, was a worker in the caterpillar plant. He always amused me how he used to say that he thought it was unbelievable that people were wearing the caterpillar occupation fashion. He said, I used to wear those boots to my work. I don't know why you think that it's the fashion. The ingenuity of the campaign is the thing that struck me. I remember at one Labour party conference, when I was a student, a friend of mine came dressed as a pink panther. It was my first recollection of the dispute when I asked him why he was dressed like that. He was obviously drawing the attention to the pink tractor. I don't know how dressed meet the significance of a mainly male workforce painting a tractor pink at the time, but it was really quite ingenious. I'm proud to say that there was an important Glasgow connection, as there was to every other city, not just in Scotland. However, it was an internationally recognised occupation, as people raised funds to support the workers who were in occupation. As Margaret Mitchell and many others have quoted Michael Hurst at the time, who not only said that it was best growth incompetence, but he said that it was the worst corporate treachery. I never thought that I'd hear that from a Tory, but what it showed you is that, at the time, the whole country felt the devastation of a promise of investment to be reneged upon by a corporate power. However, this member's debate tonight is also an opportunity to celebrate the achievements of workers and organised labour and trade unions, and their right to resist. I do think that there is a relevance to the current day. As Elaine Smith said, there were many achievements of the occupation campaign in hands redundancy packages, which is an area for our employment law right now when many workers do not get even basic employment rights when their jobs are made redundant, not to mention poor packages. However, the living wage, the minimum wage, the right to be in a union, and the right to be represented are all achievements of the trade union movement that we have the benefit of today. However, the voice of an organised workforce is an absolute legitimate voice, not just in an industrial setting, but in influencing decisions in public service. That is the point that I would make to Liam Kerr. If he believes in challenging power, wherever power comes from, he must believe in the legitimate voice of the trade union to do that. The RMT has a difficult fight in their hands right now, but there are 49 Tory MPs who want to restrict their right to strike with people in public services. What I would say to you is this. It is notwithstanding that there should be provisions that trade unions have to take in order to go and strike when they do not do it lightly. Would you only trust the view of the executive powers to decide whether our railways are safe or not, or whether our public services are safe? I think that if you believe in a democracy, then the voices of everyone is really important, and I think that it is a dangerous road to go down. I think that there is a lot to thank the community around the caterpillar occupation for what they achieved then, what they brought now, and I am really pleased to be supporting Richard Leonard's debate tonight, and I know that there will be some celebration offers for perhaps a chance to talk to John Branagh and others about their many achievements. I start by thanking Richard Leonard for bringing forward this motion and giving us the opportunity to mark the 30th anniversary of this notable event in recent Scottish trade union history. A history, as Richard Leonard stated in his speech, we do not celebrate enough. The caterpillar plant in Oddingston drew its workforce from across Glasgow, Lanarkshire and beyond, and its closure would have had a significant effect on workers from my constituency at the time. Although the aim of the caterpillar workers to save their plant and jobs was ultimately not realised, their actions in occupying their place of work in the face of global corporate disdain for them was a lesson in solidarity and determination. Like the upperclide shipbuilders 15 years earlier, they were determined that their right to work would not be prized from them easily or without a fight. Although ultimately unsuccessful, there is much to be admired in the spirit that is shown by the caterpillar workers in refusing to be ignored and disrespected, and I particularly welcome them to the chamber and to the gallery today. By 1987, the industrial and manufacturing base of Scotland and the UK and my community was being systematically eroded under the supervision of a Tory Government dismissive of the concerns of the communities involved. As with the minor strike, as has been referenced by other speakers in the debate earlier in the decade, little or no consideration was given to what would replace long-standing industries that faced forced reorganisation or technical restructuring and was taking the food out of the mouths of children that I went to school with at the time. The aim of the Thatcher Government and their global corporate friends was to erode the influence of trade unions and their ability to organise. By the time of the caterpillar occupation, mainly as the result of the policies of the Tories at the time, trade union membership had fallen by 28 per cent from its post-war peak of £12.2 million to £8.8 million and was to decline further. Notwithstanding the onslaught on workers' rights, the actions of the caterpillar workers and other groups of workers who fought for their jobs throughout this period were certainly an inspiration to young socially aware teenagers such as myself, who were entering the world of work at that time of great change. The caterpillar workers unfortunately did not change the decision of the company to pull out what they did achieve in a redundancy package that was well above what was being proposed. A lot has changed in the intervening 30 years, but it is right that we should never give up on the concept of fair work and workers' rights that were at the core of the caterpillar action. Since the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, we have had an opportunity to progress a fair work agenda. The Scottish Government considers trade unions to be partners, and my own experience as a divisional convener with Unison and the NHS is in working in partnership, not as an opponent, and it is a much more productive relationship for all involved. The Scottish Government opposed the trade union bill, which threatens the fundamental rights of workers to organise and bargain collectively, if necessary, withdraw a labour. We should work to deliver responsible foreign investment to bring employers to the country and to further develop employee rights, which devolution of employment law would allow us to do. We have repeatedly called for the devolution of employment law in order to ensure workers' rights are protected, and that is something that Labour has until now refused to support. In the light of current threats to those rights from ultra-right-wing Tory Brexiteer Government, I would hope that Labour can alter its stance and support us in the call for those powers. That, I believe, would be a fitting tribute to those who have stood up for hard-won trade union rights over the years. In conclusion, I wish that Caterpillar Workers' legacy project well with its planned exhibition and other events planned this year to coincide with the anniversary of the occupation, and which will commemorate the determination and solidarity of the Caterpillar Workers. The last of the open speeches is Neil Findlay. I thank Richard Leonard for bringing this motion in. Important members' debate before the Parliament, and I commend him for his speech. The occupation, just like Brick Slayland, the UCS, Timex, the Miner Strike and others, are ingrained in the DNA of the Labour and Trade Union movement. The actions by workers in struggle, not for higher pay, but for the right to work, and many, many more industrial struggles are not just our history and our heritage. They are absolutely relevant to the times that we live in, where corporate power, and all too often, corporate greed, have much more clout than the people or their democratically elected representatives. As the Brexit debate reges, I hear people mouth platitudes about the apparent benefits that we all derive from the so-called free trade and the free movement of capital, while Caterpillar is but one example of the consequences of such policy. Time and again, we have witnessed multinational companies with production plants in Scotland, and, indeed, across the UK, across the UK and across the globe, taking that production to wherever they can maximise profit through low-taxis inducements or ever-cheaper labour. The workforce left behind discarded like a fitters oily rag by corporate power brokers, financiers and the demands of shareholders. Only last week, we saw Tesco announce closures and job losses, and what happened? Its share price shot up. What a brutal system capitalism is? Of course, in the circumstances, the Caterpillar workers found themselves the only tool left in the locker, and the locker of all working people is solidarity, is unity, organising together and loyalty to each other, to the community and to their class. My friend, and a lot of us have mentioned people who we know, my friend Alec Cunningham, sadly, no longer with us, was one of the young Caterpillar workers at the time. He spoke with great pride about the occupation, about the construction, the pink panther and the comradeship and solidarity of the occupation. The debate is a tribute to him and all his fellow workers alive or no longer with us. Ultimately, the plant closed as the employers resorted to the courts to bring about the end of the occupation, but it was not a failure. People have mentioned enhanced packages that were secured, but the success was also the international support, the finance and solidarity received from trade unions and working people across the world and a community united in support of those men and women. A socialist icon once said that it is better to die standing than to live on your knees, but the Caterpillar workers refused to live on their knees. The current generation has much to learn from this and other such struggles, and I pay tribute to and express my solidarity with the stewards and others here today. Their struggle will be our generation's inspiration, but debates like this are not some dewy-eyed nostalgia trip. They are about the lessons of yesterday inspiring the actions of today and ultimately the aim is to bring about social, political and industrial change. That is the lesson from those events. I move to the closing speeches, and I call Jamie Hepburn. Around seven minutes please, minister. Thank you very much, Presiding Officer. I join with others in thanking Richard Leonard for bringing us debate to the chamber. I must admit that I was a little surprised to learn that it was his first in members' debates. He shows the common frequency with which he participates in members' debates, because I think that I come up not against him but in debate with him in members' debates with great regularity, but I would agree that this is a very worthwhile fitting subject for him to have brought as his first members' debate. I also welcome those who have come to Parliament to watch the debate and to participate in the reception that I know that Richard Leonard has organised. I think that it is absolutely right that we recognise this 30th anniversary as an important part of the history of industrial action in Scotland. As many have mentioned, I thought to the turn of phrase that Neil Finlay used at being woven into the DNA of the trade union and labour movement here in Scotland. I would go further and say that it is woven into the DNA of our country's history. Elaine Smith and others mentioned some of the other forms of industrial action that we saw over the years, leading up to and subsequent to the 30th anniversary, or subsequent to the action that we saw at Tannockside, such as the UCS working. The minor strike is a representative of a former mining community, as I know others in this chamber are. It would behoefn me to mention the minor strike, the occupation of the Lees factory in Verclyde. Another example is showing the wider impact in the wider world. We saw the workers in East Kilbride refusing to work on engines to be sent to Pinochet. All of those seminal events deserve their place as part of our country's history, a point that was picked up by Mr Greer. We heard today very clearly about the devastating impact of the caterpillar decision. Any of us in this chamber would understand and sympathise with the sense of betrayal that prompted the occupation. The actions of the caterpillar in 1987 dramatically changed people's lives, not just the workforce in Erdynstyn, who had embarked on the 103-day fight for their jobs, but the wider community, their families. We also heard of the widespread anger over the decision that should be displayed scant regard for the impact on such individuals. That was not a failing plant. It was a profit with an exemplary and highly skilled workforce and not the similar situation with the dismantling of British Steel's presence in Lanarkshire around the same period of time. As Richard Leonard said, a caterpillar had designated it as a plant with a future, not only that, but it backed it up with a significant investment of £62.5 million to secure the plant's future. It even persuaded the UK Government to line up with it to announce the investment, which is public only for the decision to be quickly swept away. As we look back some 30 years hence, it remains unclear as to the specific rationale behind the decision to close a plant that was productive and profitable. The hopes of the workers were raised by the positive public announcements by the company and swept away by their subsequent actions. The hopes of the workers and their families may ultimately have been dashed, but their dignity and defiance must always be recognised. So, too, must the actual difference that Neil Finlay and others made the point that, first, the ultimate desire of the occupation to keep the plant open was not to be realised. Their action did lead to enhanced packages for the workforce. So, too, must we learn from the experiences of the workers at Cattable and other industrial disputes down the years? That has to inform our thinking for today. The Government will not accept that such negative outcomes are inevitable, and we will always support and protect the workers' rights. We will also seek to intervene where we can, where any particular employer is in danger of ceasing operation, resulting in job losses. We have seen that with Ferguson's. We have seen that indeed with partnership with trade unions, where we have felt safeguard jobs at the L, Clydebridge, Rio Tinto and Penman engineering. I believe that that is a positive example of the collaboration of the Government and trade unions and, indeed, in conjunction with industry, where we can achieve real results. It is an indication of the value of trade unions, why James Kelly was correct to say that trade unions are a matter. I believe that today is a good opportunity to discuss the Government's valued relationship with trade unions, underlined by our memorandum of understanding with the STUC. Trade union membership of our fair work convention was also crucial to delivering the framework that was published last year. Of course, the framework defines if fair work is offering an effective voice, opportunity, security, fulfilment and respect. Fair work balances the rights and responsibilities of employers and workers and generates benefits for individuals, organisations and our society. The vision challenges not only businesses, employers and the public and third sectors but has clear actions for unions and Governments. Such partnership working is fundamental and that is why we committed £500 million this year to support the convention's future work. We have, as the Administration has repeatedly opposed the draconian measures put forward in the Tories trade union bill act, which are like Mr Kerr, who I think made a misjudged contribution. I hate to stray from the usual form of consensus we have in these debates. Unlike Mr Kerr, I think that it is absolutely absent and appropriate for us to mention the trade union act today. It is why we will continue to raise our voice against that act. We have not only set out £500,000 of support for the further rolling out of the fair work framework, but we have not only set out £2.26 million this year to support Scottish union learning or £100,000 for equality and leadership projects, but we have also invested and created a trade union modernisation fund to support trade unions to mitigate the effect of and to be able to better respond to the impact of the trade union act. I hope that that is a demonstration amongst other activities that inevitably I do not have the time to set out today. The great value in which the Scottish Government places in terms of our relationship with trade unions, but let me close by saying and bring it back to the 30th anniversary. The catapult of occupation in 1987 is a marker in time that we must continue to seek to learn from a period of profitable manufacturing in Uddingston, which was crudely brought to an abrupt end. I commend the efforts of those who were involved in the occupation. Welcome again to the Scottish Parliament. I absolutely like to reassure this chamber that, as a Government, we will continue to work tirelessly to promote fair work and secure jobs for workers here in Scotland. I now close this meeting and any appreciation can now be shown.