 Hefyd, rydyn ni'n golygu i'n ddyn nhw'n gwaith ymlaen ffasiau yn y cyfil, ac rydyn ni'n cymryd i'n mynd i'r hwn. I'n ddwy o ddweud, byddwch i'r ddwy, o'r lleiach o'r ffaith, i'n ddweud i'r ddechrau'n eitwm i'r gwaith. I'r dweud i'r ddweud o'r ceisio yn ei ddechrau'n ddwy'r ddwych, mae'n golygu i'r ddwy yn ymgyrch, ac yn y Llywodraeth i'r Llywodraeth. As European Ombudsman, I sit on a small perch, but a perch that nonetheless allows me a bird's-eye view of much of what happens at the institutional level of the European Union. My mandate covers every institution, agency and body of the EU, although we deal mainly with the European Commission. The issues and complaints we are currently dealing with or have dealt with include everything from standard administrative errors, that is delays and failures to reply, Ie ddweud y cysyllt i ddau cyfnodd o ymddych chi'w upaint o gyfu eu sefydliadol, y gallu'r ddweud y meddwlion eich meddwl i gallu eu cyfnodd a'u drwg, y dylai'r uchydig o ddysgu'n ei wneud o ddweud, ydych chi'n gwneud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud ymweld y dyfodol, y cyfnodd yn ei wneud o'r ddweud o yr eich ddweud o ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o dyfodol, How fishing quota decisions are made and very recently why commission advice in relation to certain pesticides and the protection of the bee population remains stuck at member state discussion level, essentially invisible to EU citizens. Policy is not my business, but the investigation of administrative compliance with the law and with the principles of good administrative behaviour afford nonetheless a deep insight into how the EU is functioning. The influence of global corporations on policy making is visible through evolving door's cases. The challenges of policy making in sensitive areas such as defence or now climate action can be seen as citizens, civil society organisations and businesses attempt to look inside the decision-making process whether at expert group level, cancelled working group level and the decision-making process. firing process after expert group level, cancelled working group level and above or through monitoring. The meetings held by commissioners under came in a or senior officials. Reflecting about my experience over the last six years and noting how episodic it was in terms of a various crisis affecting toward that period, I started to see the story and the trajectory of the EU in TV terms are perhaps more appropriately for 2020 in terms of what we yn cyfnodd i'r sefydlu cymwylltig o'r tyfnodd ddau'r awr. Felly, yn rhai'r awr, yn gyfnodd i'r cyfnodd i'r fathau syrhyw yw'r sefydliadau i'r cyfnodd i'r sefydliadau. Mae syrhyw oedd ar gyfer rai'r cyfnoddol o'r byw sy'n cyfnodd diwylliant ac yn ymwyllteb yn gweithio. Mae'r cyfnodd i'r sefydliadau yn gweithio ar gyfer y cyfnodd because it is the single story leading to an eventual end, a climax. So I wondered whether the EU is a series or a serial. When I glance across the years 2013 to now I see a franchise certainly, the European Union, a cast of characters whether commissioned President or head of Member State, whose nominal role doesn't change but actors playing them constantly do. a gyda plotliwn sy'n cyfnodd ac yn ymddangos cyfnodd yn gweithio gyd yn fwy fwy ffynwyr o ffadog o'i ddweud ar y cyfnodd oedd yn ei wneud. Yn y gyd, mae gennych ddweud y gweithio cyfnodd, y mae'r cryf yn ymdyn ni'n cais o'r cyfnodd, y ddweud ychydig o gweithio ymdyn ni, y terorysm fydd yn gyfnodd i'r centru o'r euw ysgrifennu ac rhai o'r cyfnodd i'r gweithio i'r cyfnodd i'r cyfnodd ar y dipynnydd ym mwyaf, y dyfodol, y dyfodol y Gweithio Gweithio Llywodraeth, y Brexit, y dyfodol y Ddiwylliant ddweud a'u cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r ddweud o'r ddechrau Eau. Mae'r gael y gwirioneddau sy'n gweithio'n gyffredinol, oedd yn gwneud o'r nobl sy'n gwneud o'r ddweud o'r gwirioneddau, a'r gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio. Mae Ynrhan o'r gwirioneddau yn cyhoeddiwyd y Gweithio'n Gweithio'n Gweithio, dysgu'n siarodol, gwag o'n tych yn gwneud o'r ddweud o'r rhannu sydd polw o'r bobl o'r gweithio'n gweithio gyda'r gweithio sy'n gweithio'r gweithio argyflref ac yn wahanol yn ychydig o'r Gweithio'n Gweithio'n Gweithio, oherwydd i'r Gweithio'n Gweithio a Gweithio'n Gweithio'n Gweithio. Y lluniau newydd bwysigol bwysig allanol. Cyfnodd y Brexit yn ddfodol i tham allan o'r effaith i ddweud y cyfrifenduig yn perceivedr ac yn ddalig yn ddiftwedol a'r effaith a'r enfknol sy'n ddangos, sy'n ddiddordeb trum effaith yn gweithio o'r fus packet syniad eu ffau, fel y pethau nesaf, os yna hi'n meddwl neith. Vargiad am gyfaf adydlai cysaf sydd y gallwn meddwl ychydig sydd y clywed o'r cynhargydd sy'n Orchestrofi Gyda Llyfromanol. Grys i'r ysgol yma y golliant. Felly, E.C.B. y Prif Weinidog, gyrdwyr Cymru, yn ystod i ddweud i ddweud i ddweud eich cyfnod y euro. Mae'r cyntestu'n ddweud i'r Tercwys yn hynny'n gwneud y cyfrifio'r mynd. Mae'r cyfrifio'r ddweud i'r UK wedi'u ddweud i ddechrau eu cyfrifio'r ddweud i ddweud i ddweud i eu cyfrifio'r ddweud. Let me'n eich cyfrifio'n ddweud o gynny Prif Weinidog ASMR yn unig o beth dy wneud roedd ddweud i munun i gwstdurfa at tulydfannu Gwyrdiw yn byw. Mae gennym amduio arodiul i ddau cwestiynau o dim o ddechrau neu Cymru, ac mae'r cyfnodau drwy ein digon i fynd i gyfnodau o y gallur cyfan oed, ac mae'n agen ystod ar gyfer cymhiliadau cyflog. 45 ydyn ni'r cyfnodau ei ddau cyfnodau ei ddau cyffredinol yn byddwyr â'r cyfnodau cyflog. Y Cymyswn yn gweithio'r cydweithio. Efallai rwyf yn ymhyngau cyflog yw yr wy transplant ddau cyflymu digan o'r cyflog cyflog yw'r cyflog cyflydd was of a higher order public interest. Enabling Member States freely to discuss difficult issues is of course part of any good transparency regime, but using it to protect positions taken after seven years of deliberation is, in my view, putting institutional interest ahead of the interests of the public. Without that information, citizens cannot know who or what is influencing this impasse and do something about it if they choose. If one Member State or several who are wary of imposing restrictions on certain pesticides is lobbying from the chemical sector affecting the play, whatever the reasons for the delay, the key point is that the citizen, much talked about by the institutions, are being firmly excluded from this process. I should point out, in fairness to the commission, that while some access requests are dealt with directly by them as they hold the documents, the refusal is sometimes granted or refusal by the council, by the Member States to change certain rules of procedure that would enable greater citizen access to relevant documents. A similar decision was made in relation to a request for access to documents around the annual decision-making on fishing quotas, who gets what and why. The public again not being seen as partners in decision-making but rather potential troublemakers. Given that fisheries policy is already a heavily contested part of the EU-UK trade negotiations, one can see how this should be a highly relevant area for the trust, values and transparency commitments of the new commission and the other institutions. Those two matters, the bees and the fish, are likely to be just the tip of a melting iceberg of challenges when the climate action plan and the distribution of the climate fund gets going. One can imagine the sheer volume of interest to be heard and reconciled, and the vast amount of lobbying that is likely to take place as various sectors vie for influence. Some concerns have been raised, for example, about the possible diversion of these funds to big industries for so-called transitional projects rather than to smaller communities and small businesses directly affected. Again, transparency will be vital in allowing citizens to see who is influencing what and what the outcomes are. It will be vital, in other words, for public trust. So, my recent experience in relation to letting citizens know what's going on would appear to stand in contrast to another initiative in this 2020 episode of the European Union, and that is the planned conference on the future of Europe. This is due to be launched by the commission alongside the Parliament and the Council on May 9 next Europe Day, and is planned to run for two years. It is intended, according to the commission, to give Europeans a greater say on what the European Union does and how it works for them. Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, has said, people need to be at the very centre of all of our policies. My wish is therefore that all Europeans will actively contribute to the conference on the future of Europe and play a leading role in setting the European Union's priorities. It is only together that we can build our Union up tomorrow. And Madame Suka, who is the Vice President of the European Union, has stated, we must seize the momentum of the high turnout of the last European elections and the call for action which that brings. The conference on the future of Europe is a unique opportunity to reflect with citizens, listen to them, engage, answer and explain. We will strengthen trust and confidence between the EU institutions and the people we serve. This is our chance to show people that their voice counts in Europe. It is probably fair to say that this is not a proposal, no matter how well-intentioned it is. Civil society groups are not confident of their meaningful inclusion, while others worry that the conference is just a suck to those left disenchanted by the failure to appoint a commission president through the Spitsyn Candidaten or lead candidate process, the attempt to do so thwarted by the council. Critics argue that the failure to use the lead candidate process does not suggest a genuine intent to have citizens play. As the commission president said, a leading role in setting the EU's priorities. But as with anything, this initiative will stand or fall not by the attitude of the skeptics but rather by the commitment of the institutional leaders who will put it in place and act or not act on what emerges from it. To be successful, in my view, there is a compelling need to match the big rhetoric with the small everyday actions and the dramatic legitimacy of the union just as much as the showtime events such as the proposed conference or indeed the European Citizens Initiative, another big ticket item intended to give voice to citizens of which has yet to live up to its promise. I should mention earlier that the Irish Citizen Assemblies, the Transparency Register and our FOI Act are quite often referenced in Brussels as progressive and effective methods of citizen inclusion. Ireland has also joined a growing number of Member States, 10 at the moment, pressing for more transparency in the Council. My office's major investigation into Council transparency revealed the ways in which the contribution of the Member States to EU legislation is kept away from citizens scrutiny, thereby continuing to fuel the blame Brussels culture that underpins so much of the Brexit referendum debate. I hope to be going to Berlin in advance of Germany's presidency in June to press the case for continued progress in this area. So from my Ombudsman perch, I can often sense what plays well with citizens and what does not. I can hear the mood music change from light and happy to dark and unhappy as actions or inactions give rise at times to a loss of faith. Legitimacy is eroded for influential EU personnel moved through the revolving door dragging their institutional network and insider knowledge with them just superficial restraint imposed. Legitimacy is eroded when a citizen cannot find out what position their own government is taking on an issue that is important to that citizen. Legitimacy is eroded when expert groups that advise the Commission on Lawmaking fail fully to comprise all legitimate interests. Legitimacy is eroded when conflicts of interests are not fully disclosed or fully dealt with. Legitimacy is ultimately eroded when an institution prioritises its own interest over those it is there to serve. Needless to remark, my work is not always welcomed with open arms by the institutions but I do appreciate the high levels of cooperation we receive and I also acknowledge and applaud the committed work of those who work in the EU administration. The standards of the administration are high in accordance with the major role it plays within the union and often higher than those in some of the member states. I approach my work not as a cynic or even a skeptic but as someone who is deeply committed to the union and never more so than now when its values no matter how fragile they can seem to be are needed in a world where so many of those values are in danger of degradation. We live, it is said, in an age of anxiety from anxiety about the planet about pandemics, about the reach and power of artificial intelligence the future of work, the might of China the direction of travel of the Trump administration. The small EU administration cannot be expected on its own to solve or resolve those global issues but it can do its own work ethically and in compliance with the values under threat in other parts of the world and even within the European Union itself. Its leaders have an even higher ethical obligation. Every individual deviation from the values of the EU are seized upon by those hostile to the union and used as weapons to discredit and attack. Some complaints might seem trivial or nitpicking but I have seen those so-called trivial complaints have not resolved by the institutions weaponized by your skeptics and used to inflict significant reputational damage on the union. As the new legislative cycle gets underway the EU is faced again with great challenges some traditional, some brand new some people wonder if the union has the strength of will and the traditional means to deliver the outcomes it has committed to. My belief is that the union can be as powerful as its leaders wish it to be and as courageous as those same leaders dare themselves to be. If populist with agendas that lack compassion for outsiders that attempt to subvert the rule of law can gain support among a multitude of followers it simply cannot be that a union that genuinely the deeply humanitarian values set out in the treaties and the charter cannot garner the depth and breadth of support that will enable it not just to survive but to flourish. Thank you for your attention.