 I probably should say the same, so I'm representing my personal views and not that of the organization. And of course there's many many things to say to the presentations that have just been made and also some of the own work that I have done on governance and governance, efforts of strengthening governance in Africa. So I wanted to perhaps give you a few of those efforts that the World Bank in particular has been engaged in and perhaps also against the background that as Mamadou just ended perhaps the 90s was a particularly difficult starting point for democracy promotion in Africa because it came on the heels of structural adjustment and so very weak states and eroding state capacity and was that a good moment to try and have a democratic experiment. So of course there have been these major shifts following the end of the Cold War and there has been the rising emphasis on governance in general so going also beyond democracy assistance and the World Bank in particular and it's worth taking a look at this has very strict articles of agreement that forbid us from getting engaged on any kind of political aspects and I do a lot of political economy analysis for the World Bank and that is a real challenge for us sometimes and certainly our lawyers are very keen on what is written in the articles of agreement and they're stricter even than those of the IMF so that's really a constrained so the World Bank has deliberately in some ways not directly considered democratic governance but of course it has taken and has provided other forms of governance support and we have gone a bit through a number of the phases that I've listed there so we had a governance and anti-corruption strategy that was adopted in 2007 and as I'll show you in a moment that really coincided with a peak if you want governance assistance for strengthening institutions reforming institutions in those years and there was a lot of debate on whether to make any kind to what extent or how to make the level of assistance conditional on having good institutions so this was more from an effectiveness point of view that if you don't have strong institutions and you provide it it's less likely to be absorbed and used well so that was a key consideration but at the same time you have a lot of poor people in countries with worse institutions so that was the idea to not punish the poor twice by excluding certain countries and it's certainly something that's very topical today as we're trying to take more aid into the fragile states where governance is typically quite poor and I have worked recently on South Sudan and on Burundi and I can tell you those are the day-to-day conflicts that you deal with as well as on Zimbabwe in fact so I mentioned we have no direct link or engagement on democratic governance and then we have in parallel this growing attention to what do we do how do we engage, how do we strengthen, how do we stabilize fragile states also with the World Development Report 2011 on fragility and conflict and then since then really a growing attention to this and then of course we have the emphasis on poverty reduction which also has come about during the early 2000s so it went in parallel to this story around democracy promotion so the shift in how the World Bank and IMF operate away from structural adjustment and towards a focus on poverty reduction and then in 2013 the adoption of the twin goals of ending extreme poverty and achieving shared prosperity but what sort of remained and I think that's really striking also a little bit at this conference is that there's a bit of a silo so one silo is more the community that talks about democracy promotion and then the other silo that talks more about poverty and poverty reduction and economic growth and how you can foster that and I think there's still scope to bring those two communities closer into contact or into a closer dialogue so this is just drawn from the OECD database on aid so this is the composition of governance and civil society assistance and the orange one in the pie chart looks at the orange part how much wind is trying to reform or strengthen public sectors and then the green section is more assistance to other forms of governance and civil society in particular so that was always a bit of a minority share and this is the sort of aggregated sums over the last 20 years and then when you look at the right hand side at the bars it just shows you how strong World Bank engagement has been on this issue of public sector reforms in Africa so especially when it comes to Africa we have been a big player and with this peak that I mentioned earlier around 2007 and fluctuating since then so there isn't just some disenchantment with democracy support there's also some questioning of support to governance more broadly in public sector reforms and in a number of different ways and then the blue section is the share of the World Bank and the general support to public sector reforms and then as you can see on this chart especially if you look at the middle one one of the key issues that the World Bank has focused on was public financial management so that's really where we almost account for all of it and so that's been a particularly strong engagement much less so for other public sector governance aspects which is one of the left hand side and then you see the composition within the World Bank and I think Lisa mentioned it earlier how much support there has been to legal reform and that's the little bits of green that you see on top of the bars on the right so for us that hasn't been a particularly significant area although we do have some projects in that regard and then more recently a new emphasis on domestic resource mobilization now for one thing that we can say on the positive side is that this whole effort of strengthening public financial management has yielded some results so there's some progress the countries that are in red have moved between the sort of early PIFA assessment public expenditure and financial accountability assessments and the later ones so this only goes back about a decade a number of African countries have moved up into having stronger scores in that regard and those are some case studies that we deal with and we also have the country policy and institutional assessment ratings for how different countries perform with regards to their public financial management and these are the regional averages going back for about 14-15 years and you see that there's two regions where there's really been a strengthening and that's been sub-Saharan Africa which is circled here and the Europe and Central Asia which has also seen a significant strengthening while in other regions there's been more of a stagnation really in this regard so there's some positive story around that the problem is that that hasn't really had as strong spillover effects into other areas of governance as perhaps was initially thought so there's been a lot of justification to say well if we try to strengthen budget systems if we try to strengthen how treasuries operate there will be less leakage money's public funds will be better used and then we get a lot of spillover into overall strengthening of how governance operates but perhaps so some of the hypotheses I think that we're now looking at and trying to find the evidence for is that if we just improve financial management systems and more at the sort of central and upstream levels of what ministries of finance do and we don't improve for example as much how the civil service is managed we can't get really a full impact on improving service delivery the other striking aspect however is that of course there has been improvements in service delivery indicators in a number of countries not least because the systems have been expanded so much in many countries if you think of Uganda universal primary education if you think of Ethiopia has invested very heavily in rolling out services geographically and I think that's also one thing that speaks a little bit to this democracy agenda that while many more authoritarian leaning governments and I think really Uganda is a wonderful example while they're trying to reassert their authority and to make sure they can stick around for a third term and so on they are also paying more attention to the voters outside the capital city because the guys in the capital city mostly don't vote for the authoritarian governments they're typically a hotbed for opposition voting and so there is some attention and there's been this effort to find different ways of appealing to rural voters now there's often many problems as the systems have been expanded to various you know to sub-national levels and to more remote regions that their quality has often stayed very poor and that's widely seen as sort of the next frontier in terms of further improving service delivery and of course also shifting back from especially in some fragile states like South Sudan shifting from complete NGO almost complete NGO delivery of services especially in the health sector to a more public, more nationally provided services now I think we are at a stage where there's quite a bit of skepticism whether on governance we can really achieve more and greater impact as well as some enthusiasm for trying to do more looking at for example improving engaging more on governance in specific sectors tackling perhaps how we can strengthen civil service and how it is being managed and sort of perhaps steered also because of course that has suffered so much from politicization and patronage as well as renewed attention to domestic resource mobilization so we've recently had a new World Development Report 2017 focusing on governance in the law as a potential new start the previous World Development Report that had focused on anything related to institutions really in depth was in 1997 so that was quite a while ago so 20 years so there is this question of are we trying to make a new start just to flag so this was the issue that we have not really had as much spillover to other aspects of governance from this engagement on specific areas so even if we've managed to improve public financial management to some extent there is the voice in accountability which is more the democratic aspects where there has been barely any change on average in the Africa region and then if we also if we look at government effectiveness that has pretty much stayed the same or even slightly declined and so for regulatory quality so those are some of the continuing challenges and perhaps just to conclude I mean I've recently worked a lot on Ethiopia so it's never the last day as we started off with the Fukuyama quote Ethiopia has of course imitated or sought to follow the Chinese model of a developmental state or the Asian model of a developmental state and it's done that somewhat with some effectiveness it's certainly built far more infrastructure than many other African countries and it's done so with a lot of Chinese engagement and contracts if you go to Addis Ababa then there was over the last two years a lot of protests coming from especially the surrounding regions from the largest region in Ethiopia and that's recently led to a change it's triggered a change in government and an opening up especially in the economic sphere but to some extent also in the political sphere and it's still the jury of course of how far that will go is still very much out but perhaps Ethiopia's prospects of maintaining a somewhat more liberal state and an effective state might be better now from what it's achieved so far than they were in the early 90s when the current party first came to power but it also shows of course how challenging that is there are many opponents within there's different groups there's different ethnic groups also that continue to be quite cautious and to challenge even this new government while there was a collective sigh of relief certainly that you could feed in our office among the local colleagues now we can say more freely what it is that we think and we can have a more open debate and that's really critically important and I also have been working in recent months in Zimbabwe and again that's an interesting story of trying to change things and make a new election happen but you can also still then immediately after the election there was still some violence and the regime has certainly not been truly willing to give up power but is also trying to attract new investment and trying to make the case that things are good enough for debt relief which the country badly needs so it's never sort of the end of the story it continues to be very much an evolving story with a lot of concern that unless we manage to I think have some improvements in how governance works no kind of regime is really going to be able to bring sustainable development so that's the sort of it's at least a triangle of challenges that's always there between improving how politics and improving the space for debate making sure the state functions and keeping these forces of corruption or bringing that under control that really really plague a lot of development efforts in many countries thank you