 Zgledanje izračja Israel objezda, da zelo počke začno. V palestinii je tudi kratiljna vseza, tudi tudi izraži, tudi ježwi, tudi vsoženje v izraži in tudi palestini, kde je izraži in tudi palestini. in izgledanje, kaj je zelo v refugijskih kampečnih, kaj je zelo vživljeni nekaj 70 ljudi, kaj je izgledanje izgledanje iz Israelu, nekaj je zelo v Israelu. Tudi tudi je tudi malo poživljenje in poživljenje izgledanje in poživljenje izgledanje in poživljenje in poživljenje in poživljenje, z Israelu-Palestijanem, svojo se pravda sem tudi završila kontrastenost in vrštih svoju in perializmu. Palestijan je izgleda, kaj in perializm in kapitalizm je izvizala vsak soluzio željih izgledaj je. Zaliziraj je z delovim zelo pa načaj pamidljenje idjim izpraviti ježice v Palastiji je sedljevavena najsmaurast, kaj je da so palestijski in jeský, ki so tudi tudi viziv least, tudi najsmaurast. V sej svoj začawili je kodna stran. Sprav nekaj zelo počbe kakeli vsoči sredna na plenje kapitalizmu. V 1940, veliko revolučne revolucije, in Marsis Leontrovski, prišli, da je vzgledat s Stalinistim agentem. V juli 1940, je vzgleda za vršenje na zelo, in je zelo, da je vzgleda, da je vzgleda, da je vzgleda, da je vzgleda, da je vzgleda, Now possibility of watching it is a tragic mockery of the Jewish people. The future development of military events may well transform Palestine into a bloody trap for several hundred thousand Jews. He was developing this analysis of the situation in Israel and Palestine by a Marxist standpoint, ker ima odličenja izgledanja iz stvari, in je nekaj izgledaj izgledaj izgledaj izgledaj in je nrč načinno ne možete objevati v redu vzadom z vso zelo izgleda izgleda izgleda izgleda in izgleda izgleda in zrčenja imegrašnjo in sovom, Here we remember as it was envisaged by the imperialist powers who were in charge and were controlling and running the show in Palestine. The origins of the conflict go back quite a long time obviously. v 1916 na vsem tudi jezavnjenj del, odrečil kaj jezavnjenj prijev, da je vse povrstva bojov. In v 1916, zupravo, nam je zelo več vsejo vse predvršivovane delov, z nekajtej prejstva. Vrši inštjaj, v neko njih poslednjih, v težavnih, vtežavej, v težavnih, v težavnih, v težavnih, kaj se z Franskimi in Britanii kot. Vse načaj skupnje treba v težavnih, začala izgledanja, in v modernem kompoziji, i v modernu stavu, v težavnih, v neko v eštešnji, z zemlja, ki je palestina se priklavila na to, kako je vse postajila obdelati. Fransi je se vložila v lebanonu, kaj je kaj je vzostali, da jaz so počeli, ki se priklavili, kjer su priklavili, ki se priklavili, ki se priklavili, in vsega nekaj, da je ta vsega načinjela vsega. To je zelo zelo, da je začinjela svoje in stvari, kako vsega vsega vsega. Zelo, da je vsega, da je začinjela vsega in zelo, načinjela načinjela, nekaj, da je vsega vsega, kaj je tudi nekaj predominant, nekaj vsega vsega načinjela vsega, zato je zelo veliko in veliko vživljate. Zelo vzelo vzelo in zelo vzelo vzelo. Na različenju vseh vsoženje in vseh, in vseh izrešenje hrvajstvih milijskej stajj, od bilovala prejzala vzelo vzelo, imajte nekaj režim in vseh nekaj režim, v svej zelo, vseh nekaj, v sej režim, vseh nekaj, vseh nekaj režim, kako je proksi režim, ko je vse začeli in izstavljali in izvršal in odpravljali in izradično, da je in periyelistica in zelo. Vsi monarki, zelo, da je Jordan monarki, eraki monarki, ali izegypti monarki, zelo, ki je odpečila na prvi ročenče. This were entirely appointed and propped up by British imperialism. The Hashemite Monarchy for example didn't have any tradition in Iraq, but set up as a decision of Britain. Immediately after that, in in order to gain support of the Arabs and the Jews as well during World War I there was the famous Barbur declaration. Basically British imperialism promised Palestine both to the Arabs and the Jews almost at the same time. nekako v ne kratu. In prijeznemo krišanje, z nekaj delovih vseboj, zato v Britiji vseboj odvoju, načino nekaj veče, občasne gdje je iz Palistine. Isto je občasno, se občasno nekaj veče, bojte pošto, izgleda in na Palistin, Zbalosti od očinjuna priživljenih jazov in z drankov nasunščệni z vVERS. To je z včetnjem všečest, v kako je ponatovalo, danes nazajting iz vahete na jazov. Zahete je drive, kar je izvizila v lat 2001. To je vzivo, da se je skupil. Ne bomo v izgovorili, da je nekaj teži, da je ništa kaj se izgovorila, neko je odličil. V zelo izgovorili, da je nekaj teži, ki je zelo izgovorila, da je nekaj teži, ki je nekaj teži, ki je zelo izgovorila. vse za vse pravno časno, kaj je v svoju vrlo, kaj je vse našem doma, da je vse počatil, nekaj je vse našem vsočen, nekaj je nekaj počatil, kaj je začal, da je vse projekte. S očastnjem vse, V Britanii počatili, da je vse projekte, in izbijao Palestini za predstavnje homenje na procesu življenih in migrativnego. Objezvisno, Palestini ni ne na zeljegi, je tudi zelo odljega in zelo se na milovje, in vsega časovana population ne je vzela, kako je vzela vsi in z njih zainiststv, settlement that he already lived, and by the imperialist powers. A process of Jewish immigration started in the 19- was already in place, but then became more and more prominent during the 1920s, the 1930s up to the point where we have the first clashes, the first strong frictions between the preexisting Arab population in z vsej zvičnih imigranju, v Palistejno. Vsičnji je zvičnji, kaj je vispešnje, lega, in da se začimavao kolonizacij, da se je v zvičnih imigranji, vzpečit ga iz Avrupland in tudi je zelo po kolonizaciju in tudi po teži predvah v izgledanju. Protočnje je zemljena milica, možnosti za družjej vzpečit, način tudi v tudi je v izgledanju Israela tako, da ne ima tudi čas, da se počkega izgleda. V Palestine, če je zelo načinjala, in zelo načinjala, tudi je zelo načinjala, ne če je vživljava, zelo načinjala, in je dobro však je zelo načinjala. Načinjala, da v Britej je zelo načinjala, zelo načinjala, zelo načinjala, načinjala, je vso vse zelo načinjala, коj je to v tudi 1947. Prišlo v Wurstavne našličenje podelo z sincerely raisedi prisonovati v Gruzice Inštiyunje, in v našličenju aldivim propoči na Palošianje. Vseto bilo zelo aktyčno v seemsili postavoje, Zelo se protest na zelo, zelo se je izgleda jezera, zelo jezera ispravno, stvar jezera, sljude nače stvar, tko še jezera jezera začala, ne bejste kratili. So jezera jezera jezera jezera, There will be a declaration of Israel, which is not very well known, where for example the military units and military groups of the Jewish settlers around the Agamah which was the Jewish militia and around other military formations like the Stern band and Zvay Lehmee in je zelo tudi pravda po vsej izbali. Po trpom varega je zelo, ki je to je začala vsega, da je začala do vrtištah, da je to neko vzelo, da je to do vrtištah, da je to do vrtištah, da je to do vrtištah. Oni were even bombs planted in the very offices of the Palestine mandate structures, the King David Ottel, where dozens of people were killed. Tveno se počel je bal jako iz glasba v 1947 in 1948, kar je tvoj možda, kako v svoj uročnih operacijov, v načine glasbeni, kar je konminala. Zajočnega strategija, kater je, da nam je pričajnje svočnega arduza in v 1947 in neko se je v terhlu paragraphs leželj, in je je vso naredil v vseh avanêter. Vse neko se se nekaj negače ubrajili, neko se se nekaj negače, neko se našli vseh avan Eigenenčin. Ovo je zanjenje, ki pričal vseh srinoj na nederbi povzela 1966. Zelo mi izled点kih povzela. Ko začel ni začel se nekaj nekaj nekaj negači, ko se se nekaj negači, in priživaj jeznik, da se nekaj vzelo, ki se vzelo, ki so vzelo, da vedno se voli, da se vzelo v zelo v israeli. Vse proces, da je nekaj v 1947, in v sprinu 1948, vse jeznik jeznik od kanalih, odslednjih školj, da jeznik in zelo vzelo v israeli, obježenost na zelo izračenju izračenja, vse je razvijasno, da je izračena skupanja vzvečenost, katero so nosimo, kako se izračenje izračenja zresneza. Od izračenja izračenja izračenja je 71 doličenja nož v 14. na 15. jubelj, 1948. In je vsečo zelo početil vseč, kako je vzelo v teroru, ki je vsečo za vzelo za hodnje milijetih palestinijskih, ki je vsečo vzelo v zelo in v življenih, in ki je vsečo vzelo in vsečo vzelo, v svoj stvari izrej v Israelu, je način bavno 1948. Srednje se bo se na 7800, 8900, neko vse ne vse način, nekaj nešli, da se počeli. Vsi nekaj refugijs se počeli v refugijskih kampev, ki se vse način vse, nekaj se počeli na mlidu, lebanon, gaza itself was a massive, 70%, by the way, 70% of the gaza population today is made up of refugees or people or offspring of refugees of the 1948 war of independence if you want or Nakba as the Arab described the disaster, the big defeat. So what we have today has been the establishment of a country Israel, which has converted into a bloody trap both for the Palestinians and the Jews in Palestine, which is a powerful machine perfected over many years pursuing the same policies which we see at play today. This has been consistently done since the formation of Israel up until now in a situation where the national question and the contraposition between Arabs and Jews is the founding element of Israel today. And you cannot understand the enormous contradictions that we can see, for example, in the political landscape in Israel in the latest elections with all sorts of extremely reactionary parties getting quite an echo in the elections. The radicalization of the position of Netanyahu and the Israeli government over the past few years is just a reflection of that. So all these, the foundations of Israel have been laid on the oppression of the Palestinian people and that is kind of has become now enshrined even in the constitution of Israel. Just last year we saw the approval of the new constitution, the new state law, which is basically establishing for the first time in a clear black and white written paper, the institutional oppression of the Palestinian minority within the confines of Israel. Obviously, the Israeli constitution doesn't apply to the Palestinians living outside of Israel, but there is a minority of Palestinians in Israel, about 20% of the population or 1.6, 0.7 million people who are now officially second class citizens. What we have analyzed as Marxists in last year when this law was approved is that it's just a recognition of a de facto situation which has always been there. The Palestinians in Israel have always been second class citizens, for example, they cannot, apart from the Druze who are a specific minority of the Palestinian population. For example, Palestinians cannot serve in the army. They do have Israeli citizenship according to where they live, but there are many different layers or many different Palestinians who have not clear access on citizenship rights. The Palestinian parties for example were banned from, some of them were banned from the last elections, they couldn't even run their candidates. So there is, and there are, a number, an enormous number of this discriminatory laws on the practical things. For example, the access, the possibility of buying land, or buying houses, or having houses which have been built, but are deemed to be legal because they are not recognized officially. To have them recognized officially as property, the property rights for example of the Palestinians are continuously eroded, challenged on a day by day squeezing out of the Palestinian population. This goes on within Israel itself, but it is also applied as a policy towards the areas, the parts of Palestine which are not officially under the control of Israel, but in reality they are just occupied territories. There was basically what has been described for many years since 1948 as the peace process in Palestine is only a fiction, it's never really, it's never been in reality a genuine peace process. It's just a negotiated settlement of the de facto situation which has been created on the ground by the Israeli ruling class and imperialism. So the successive agreements which have been reached by Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization, which became at some point the representatives, recognized representatives of the Palestinian people within Israel and in the refugee camps. All these treaties and courts and endless discussions have only ended up in a progressive marginalization of the Palestinian population, which have been expropriated of every right they had and have been expropriated even of their dignity. In 1993 there was a breakthrough, was presented as the ultimate peace plan, it was the Oslo and Madrid Accords, which gave birth to what we know now as the Palestinian Authority. This idea that you could settle the situation and create an equilibrium and defend both the rights of the Jewish Israeli citizens and the Palestinians, find a solution, a mediation to the conflict, let's say that's how the majority of the mass media presented the discussions around the Oslo and Madrid Accords. All these accords were always forced upon the Palestinians by imperialism, in particular by US imperialism, who were catering these talks. But all these settlements and accords are not worth even the paper they were written on. On the very day they were approved, a number of measures on the ground put in place by the Israeli ruling class have always challenged even the basis of what has been achieved in terms of negotiations and settlement before. The idea that you could build a two state solution to the Israel-Palestine problem has shown in fact to be a complete reactionary utopia. In 1993 the Oslo Accords established the birth of the Palestinian Authority. The Palestinian Authority was supposed to become a semi-state representing the rights of the Palestinians in Palestine. Very reduced territorial base, Gaza and the West Bank. But now after how many years have passed, 1993, it's more than 25 years. After 25 years we can see that this Palestinian Authority is not a viable state, it's not a viable entity of any sort. They are dependent on Israel on everything. Even the mobile phone network is run by Israel. Water is supplied by Israel. It's scattered with hundreds of thousands of Israeli settlers who have conquered or have established their presence inside the West Bank, in particular in the East Jerusalem, which is another occupied territory by Israel. Or the Golan Heights, which is another occupied territory. It doesn't matter whether the international community, the United Nations community in inverted commas, obviously, recognize or not Israel's dominance over these territories. The matter of fact is that Israel controls everything. The access to all the resources, the livelihood of about five and a half million of Palestinians living between Gaza and the West Bank is controlled at whim by the Israeli state. And every excuse is seized to create the conditions for a living nightmare for these people. The access to education to hospitals is blocked. A wall has been built in order to surround and protect and enclose the hundreds of thousands of Israeli settlers within the territories which were supposed to be the Palestinian Authority. And these walls and checkpoints and razor wires and network of roads, which only Israeli settlers can use, for example, they are not open for the Palestinians to use, have created a nightmare situation where communities have been cut off from their livelihood. For example, rural Palestinian communities have been completely blocked from accessing their lands, which then have been inglobated or seized by the settlers. The philosophy of the Israeli ruling class is epitomized in a tweet by Netanyahu. This was one year ago, and he was the celebration to open a new center in the name of Shimon Peres. And he said that Peres aspired towards peace, but he knew that through peace can be achieved only for hands strongly grasped defensive weaponry. In the Middle East and in many parts of the world there is a simple truth and this truth is that there is no place for the weak. The weak crumble are slaughtered and are erased from history while the strong for good or for ill survive. The strong are respected and alliances are made with the strong and in the end peace is made with the strong. So this is the point of view that really shows the point of view of the Israeli ruling class, it's not just Netanyahu, but this has been the policy of the Israeli ruling class and this policy has been backed in the main, although with frictions and differences on the temple, on what could be allowed in this or that particular moment. But it has been generally backed by all imperialist powers and here we have to see there is no distinction between, for example, the United States who are clearly backing and recently even openly backing even a more extreme solution from their point of view of the Palestinian question with Trump totally backing and supporting in every step in every future plan Netanyahu, even running a joint election campaign in the recent Israeli elections that were held just one month ago with an open support by Trump for Netanyahu. But in the past there have been frictions, there have been differences, but in general imperialism sees Israel as the most reliable, the most important point of support for imperialism in the Middle East. Israel has developed modern economy, has developed the most powerful army in the region. This has been shaped up and developed over decades. Also, because of the poisonous effects of the national question in Israel-Palestine, at many junctions and many important moments in the history of Israel, for example, the ruling classes successfully managed to imbue into society the idea that Israel is under siege, is surrounded by enemies, and therefore any threat to Israel is used to mobilize important parts of the population in support of the reactionary role that Israel is playing in the area. Israel is in the capitalist country like Britain, well, not exactly like Britain, but still capitalist the same, with huge polarization within Israel, enormous problems facing the Israeli working class, and when I'm talking about the Israeli working class and I'm talking about the Jews and the Palestinians as well, there is, as I said, a minority of Palestinians living in Israel, about 20% of the population, and they represent an important part of the Israeli working class along with Jewish workers as well. The huge polarization of wealth, inequality, the austerity policies carried out by the government are masked constantly with this frenzy of nationalistic discourse and racist activities carried out by the Israeli government and the institutions. And obviously the continuous clash and the continuous conflict, which is inevitable given the conditions with the Palestinians in the occupied territories, in Gaza in particular recently, but also in the West Bank, is being used as a way of continuing and strengthening this impression by the Israeli workers that Israel is under threat. The Arab regimes surrounding Israel are extremely reactionary, so the vast majority of the Israeli workers, they don't see Jordan, which is an oppressive regime, or Saudi Arabia, which is an even more oppressive regime, or any of the other reactionary Arab regimes as a possible model or as a possible partner in a peaceful transition in the future. And I think they are quite right in being extremely wary of the Arab leaders. The Arab leadership, the Arab ruling classes have been using the Palestinian question in order to gain some credentials and gain popularity. We had several cases in the past, but basically the League of Arab Regimes was financing and supporting to a certain degree the Palestinian Liberation Organization for many years. But in order for the PLO to defend their own interests, not so much the interests of the Palestinian people, it was a very cynical support. We have the case, for example, of the massacre of Black September in Jordan, where the Jordan monarchy unleashed the state repression against the Palestinian refugees and the PLO, killing, well, it's difficult to say, but maybe 5,000, 10,000 people in Black September 1970. So there is a history of the Arab reactionary ruling classes of using instrumentally the Palestinian question for their own interests. On the other hand, the Israeli ruling class and imperialism are using the history of Israel, the several wars they had to go through, wars of expansion, but also defensive wars, like the Onkipul war, for example, as a way of supporting and developing Israeli nationalism, and to strengthen this idea that Israel is under siege and threatened. And obviously, I'll spend just a few minutes, the last minutes, on what is the situation now and also what can be done, what perspectives arise from the situation in Israel, Palestine for the future development of a revolution in the area, a revolutionary process in the area. As I said, Israel is a capitalist country. Israel is affected by the global capitalist crisis, as all the other countries, and even more, in a sense, because it's an economy based on exports, which have to find an outlet on the world market. It is a fragile economy. It is true that Israel is a powerful state with a powerful military in the region, but nevertheless it's just a small state and cannot really win a military conflict or economic power or economic war with the rest of the world. They rely a lot on U.S. subsidies. The U.S. subsidies are an important part of the military expenditure of Israel, numbering in the dozens of billions of dollars per year. I can't remember the figures, but it's a staggering figure. And the crisis in Israel is very, because of the impact of the national question, the distortive impact of the national question, has found it very difficult to manifest itself over the past decades, and there are some indications of what can happen in the future. The first real important movement, which I want to highlight, was the Intifada. The Intifada developing in 1987 in what were the occupied territories. Israel occupied these territories in 1967, and since then West Bank and Gaza and East Jerusalem were under military administration by the Israeli state. A revolt developed in the occupied territories in December 1987, and this revolt shook the very foundations of Israeli society, because a lot of business and industry was developed in the occupied territories. The idea of the Israeli ruling class was to include them at some point, but they were reluctant of allowing the Arabs in the occupied territories to reach the status of citizenship, because that would create problems in terms of allowing them, for example, to vote. And the fear of being outnumbered by the Arabs, it's a constant fear within Israel society. The demographic war at play with the Arabs is a day-to-day occurrence. There are even comedy shows, which are based on this. For example, there was one comedian who, or some comedy shows, which were highlighting the idea of the Israeli government issuing a ban on Jewish people to leave Israel, even for holidays, with counters at the airport saying, counting the number of Jews living in Israel and the number of Arabs living in Israel being equalized and therefore having to grant certain concessions to the Palestinians. It's just organized madness, but in terms of comedy, they're just exposing this obsession with the demographic question. We saw, with the intifada, the emergence for the first time of a mass movement of the Palestinian people after many years, and that appealed to important sections of the oppressed layers within Israel. It was part of the working class, responding to it, even the shopkeepers in Jerusalem, even the Jewish ones joined the intifada at some point. There was the possibility of connecting that movement against the occupation with the movement of the oppressed layers within Israel. That was crushed by the repression against the intifada in the turn taken by the movement along a conflict between the Arabs and the Jews. So in that way they managed to diffuse and neutralize the potential impact of the intifada. There was another example, more recently, of the big impact, for example, of the Arab revolutions. In this book we analyzed the Arab revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia and other important countries in 2011. This wave of revolutionary movements throughout Northern Africa had a huge impact on Israel. We saw the development of a big movement within Israel on the question of housing and even a joint movement for the recognition of civil rights of the Palestinian minority and so on. So it became a mass movement which had lasted for a couple of months against the government, against the corruption of the Israeli ruling class, which is one of the main questions arising from, for example, the latest elections even. The fragility of the Israeli ruling class in keeping hold and keeping control over the Israeli working class. And that's the reason why they're pushing a more nationalistic, more aggressive policies against the Palestinians in order to create or stir up the conflict in which consolidates the two sides in the conflict on one side the Israeli government and the reactionary forces within Israel. On the other side the forces like Hamas, for example, in Gaza. Just a few words about Gaza, because last year we had the big movement in Gaza, which was a heroic movement of the youth in Gaza. Gaza is, well, has been described by a United Nation human rights rapporteur in the following way. This guy is called John Daggart, and he described Gaza as a sealed off imprisoned and occupied territory. It's an open air prison where about 1.8 million people live. And Israel, of which Israel appears to have thrown away the key. So basically Israel is encircled Gaza, which is a very small territory, one of the most densely populated territories in the world, of about 40 kilometers per time, times 12, where about 2 million people live in unbelievably harsh conditions. And the conflict in Gaza is not really a conflict. It's snipers and military trained, military personnel of the IDF, the Israeli Defense Force, shooting on unarmed people on the other side of a border which shouldn't even be there. It's not a proper border anyway. The idea of defending the fence by shooting people was brought to the attention of millions, billions of people in the world, the tragedy that is happening in Gaza. The Defense Minister of Israel at the time said that in Gaza there were no innocent people, and therefore it was justified to use this access of force and repression against peaceful demonstrators. There were flying kites across the border, that was the kind of... But this movement also expresses another thing, that you can have individual suicide, but that cannot be applied to entire peoples. And the situation, the Palestinian people is living in Gaza or in the West Bank or in the nightmarish situation determined by the increasing settlements and walls and razor wires and barriers being built to prevent them from free movement and everything, carrying out a normal life of any sort, is pushing the Palestinian masses to the limit. And to the point where even going and demonstrating with the clear knowledge that you're going to be shot or killed or maimed, there were 300 people killed over the past year along the fence of the border with Gaza. But that's just the tip of the iceberg because there are 6,000 or even more who have been seriously injured and by bullets, which are designed to destroy the target they are hitting because these are the type of bullets that expand when they hit the body. So maimed legs, arms or very serious injuries. In a situation where Gaza is collapsing, the health system in Gaza is collapsing, the influx of drugs and medicines or even blood is blocked by Israel at the borders. So it's a complete hopeless situation from all points of view, yet there are thousands and tens of thousands of people who are willing to take up the flag and develop the struggle. At some point, and this point might not be very far in the future, this type of resilience and struggles developing from the Palestinian people in the occupied territories, which are effectively occupied by Israel, will connect and is connecting with the Arab population, the Palestinian population within Israel. And it will also inspire at some point the struggles of the Israeli youth and working class against the system that has created this nightmare. Obviously, in order to achieve that, we need to give a perspective how is possible to achieve a solution of this nightmare in Israel-Palestine. The only way to achieve that is by overthrowing the capitalist system that has created this nightmare, not just, obviously not just in Israel and Palestine. By the way, even in Palestine there is a bourgeoisie and this bourgeoisie is taking advantage and profiting from this situation. They are the kind of aspiring partners of the Israeli ruling class, the minor. They get just the crumbles of the profits, but nevertheless they are flourishing. They have been becoming richer and richer. There were scandals, for example, of even people high up in the hierarchy of the Palestinian Authority collaborating with Israel in business, like, for example, even building the wall, which was the word Palestinian companies collaborating with Israel in building the wall, which was meant to basically graphically expose the oppression of the Palestinian people. They are benefiting from the crumbles of the profits of imperialism. A lot of people don't know, for example, that the Palestinian Authority, as a concept, was established in 1993 with the aim of policing the Palestinian people. So, since then, the Palestinian police in the Palestinian Authority is running jointly with Israel. They exchange information. They target individuals who are considered dangerous by Israel. They detain these individuals in Palestinian jails. There is an active collaboration on part of the Palestinian Authority and part of the Palestinian bourgeoisie in oppressing their own people. So, the only way of breaking this is by establishing links in the joint movement against all the forms of oppression in Palestine and in Israel, a joint movement of the working class, which can only come about as a consequence of the progressive impact of the capitalist crisis on the livelihoods of both the Palestinians and the Jewish workers. But that also will be helped by the process of international radicalization and revolutions, which is swiping the globe and is hitting country after another, where oppressive regimes are challenged and threatened and overthrown by mass movements like in Sudan, like in Algeria. These movements are talking not just to the Palestinian masses, but also to the Jewish workers in Israel. It is the task of the Marxists to find a common path between the struggle of the Palestinian workers and youth and the Jewish workers and youth within Israel with an aim in mind, which is the overthrow of capitalism in the whole area in the establishment of socialist federation with autonomy, with all the possible measures that can be taken in order to guarantee the achievement of national independence and national rights and self-determination of all the peoples that are part of the Middle East. It's not just Israel, Palestine and nightmare, but if you go to Lebanon or Syria, the national question is extremely complex and has played an extremely reactionary role, and the only way out of this nightmare is a struggle for socialism. I'll stop there. Thanks.