 Perhaps it has given us a bit of hope that there are... ...we did not hear such a positive voice for a long time... ...talking about Europe as we did over the last few months... ...from Emmanuel Macron. And it has been very refreshing. And very invigorating. And he really has insights into, as I said... ...the scenario in France that our... ...eg attendad. Eroedd yn allan... ...eg ardod amddugfa. Elin rwy'n gwybod o'r trydydiadau. Rydych, si'n defnyddio'n gwaith... Dwy'n ddiogel... Dwy'n digwydd. Rwy'n ddweud hynny... ..i'r wrthyn nhw a'r ysgol yng Nghymru... ...a shawer pwyaf o'r ysgol sydd wedi amser... ...y hynny balog i'r mynd i'r eistedd erioedd. Rwy'n dweud eio'r ysgol yng Nghymru... ond ddod yma ymlaen am y cyllideb am leidio am y cwanaeth esau. E wedi mewn ddod three cwalaethau – oedd yma yma noddoddoddoddoddoddoddoddoddodd. Oedd yma yma ni'n gwistu cwanaeth cwrthogau a'r ddigwyd oedd yma symud hefyd. Mwneud rhyw tryd, mae hynny yn unrhyw dechrau. Mae hwn yn ddod o'r ysgolfyddiad ar hyn oedd y byddwn yn y rhan oherwydd y cyfan yn y ffordd a rhan oherwydd y byddwn yn fawr. Dwi'n credu, mae hyn yn gallu cymdeithasol oherwydd y ffrif. Mae rhan oherwydd oherwydd y cwmpein a chyfnodd i chi'n meddwl o'r byddwyr o'r Prif Weinidio. Siak fewn y mae'r mai, fewn y Prif Weinidio, fewn y Llyfr Ulith ymrwyng y Prif Weinidio, But coming in the idea is that you need to run a career. Start down and go up the ladder. He decided to blow off that. Secondly, everybody thought that you could not run an election without one of the established political parties. And he for example refused. rwyf wedi'i llyfrwng o'ch cyfnodd ym Mhobir, a rydyn ni'n gyrwlltio. A rydyn ni'n iawn o'r noddyllfa'r berthynas, sy'n mynd i bod yn ddim ynworknwys, ond byddiaethur wedi'i gyrwch. Gwyddoch chi, oherwydd о'r werth ffoelio, y gallu amddod yn cydwyddiol ni'n gorfod o'r lien, hwn yn cael ei ddefnyddio ein ... A rydyn ni'n gallu 285,000 mlyneddol byrdd, byrddod byrdd o'r plwy syrreffenni, That's different from the members of a political party. Because they are not organized in the same way. But still, there's a significant number and a lot of these members joined the campaign in different capacities, with something like 3,000 local branches. It has become a spontaneous organization that you could not imagine a year ago. Obviously the third thing is that ac mae'n cael ei wneud y ffordd mewn ffordd, ond ni wedi ei fod yn ymgyrch yn y syniadau o'r ffordd y gallwn. A wnaeth yw'r ffordd o'i ddweud yw'r cyffredin, ond mae'n dod o'i ddweud yw'n ddelch yn eu ddweud yw ddweud. A mae'n cymryd yn mynd i'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd,� performing what politicians had said, that thened will blow up and he will not resist the first test of campaigning and so on he did it and he got elected so that was unprecedented in French politics, lot of comparison has been made with obama but even obama was one of the two dominant parties felly, oherwydd mae'n fawr, ac Obama, mae'n fawr, yn dweud o'r cymdeithasol yma, ond mae'n dweud o'r cymdeithasol. Mae'n meddwl i'n dweud, a'r cymdeithasol yn dweud, ond mae'n dweud o'r cymdeithasol yn y canfodol. Yn y gwybodaeth yma, mae'n dweud o'r cymdeithasol yma ymlaen i'r ysgolwyddiadau, Beth yna'n wno'n gwybod, dyma'n gwybod a'i gydag oherwydd mae'n dyn ni i gydwg ar ôl yn agorio. Ond yn diwylliad datblygu'n ddigwyddasio'n gweithio dechreu. Ieidwch yn ddweud hynny y cyflawn i weithio ddeuwaith ar gyfer hynny, ond, ond yn credu a'ch gynnig y cyflawn ar ei sahr, y maen nhw'n ddweud, sy'n gwirio i'r ddechrau yn diolch yn y yerbyn. Ond yna'n ddod i'r ymdweud yn y twelid yn y cyd-falu gyda'r ymgyngoredd ar gyfer yng Nghymru, el-Ref ovat yn ymwrthag. The part of this came from the debate on one of his reforms, one of the laws that he had introduced in Parliament, and he said it in his book and in many interviews, some people from the right came to him and said, your reforms are really good, I'm 100% with you, but as you know our party is against it, so I will vote against it. It created such a deadlock that's why the Prime Minister used a dedication of an element in the constitution that allows to bypass Parliament. When he felt that he had a political majority to support the reforms but because of that party's policy, it was impossible. Mae'r defnyddio yw'r Llywodraeth. Mae'n gwneud yn ymhell o'r cyffredd ymhell yn Ffranc. Felly, rydyn ni'n gwneud am y pethau hefyd yn ymhell yw'r cyffredd, rydyn ni'n cyffredd ar gyfer a'r cyffredd a'r cyffredd yn ymhell. Yn gwneud, yr ysgolwch yn ystod o'r hwnnw, ac ond am ystod yn amlwg bod e'n gwybod ydy oherwydd â'r mynd ar-incnid. Ond, mae Hwbag Juppeas e'w gyffeithio'r rhain o'r Ffraithrein Gweithig Gwyllgor a'r Ffraith Gwyllgor o'r Pwllgor o'r ff overly himfodol yn y bach. Al hwnnw, dwy fydd yw mewn siwr. Ond yw Freonsoir Fhio, byddai dweud y lefyd o'r mynd ac mae wedi y fan o'r gandol yw'n rannu. Today, Emmanuel Valseные, on the left, thinks he is going to be the saviour of the Socialist Party and he loses the primary. So you have a situation where every favourite falls on the way. And not only that, but chosen candidates of both the traditional right and the traditional left are so far from the centre. Fiyon was very conservative, with a very liberal program Amon wrth hynny, y gweithio, y gweithio ar y gweithio sociaelist, ond yn gweithio gael y gafor y magron a'r gweithio. Rwy'n swyddfa ymlaen i'r cyfrannu, ys Ffraswyl Baerw, yma'r cyfnodd yn ei cyfrannu, ..don ni wneud bod yn rhan o'r dyfodd. Ond oedden nhw'n ddau'r hyn o'r hyn o'r ffordag.. ..daw'n ddaw'i amser i'r ffordag a'r hyn o'r 39-karau.. ..o'r hyn o'r ddechrau sy'n ddau'r hyn o'r gyfliadau.. ..o ddau'r hyn o'r ffordag.. ..oedden nhw'n ddau'r hyn o'r hyn o'r hyn o'r mwrdd.. So, all these events were totally unpredictable and have taken everybody by surprise and produced the accumulation of the luck and small events that produced an opening for Macron to win. The... abundant is an important part of success and he has had this more than his share But you have to add the three elements to understand what happened Strongest point is himself that's indisputable You've had the kind of... Both... the age is obviously important hwnnw'n genesgymniadau'n gwneud o'r fwrdd yn ymgyrch. Felly, rwy'n genesgymniadau'n gwneud o'r fwrdd yn wedi'ch controlsu hyn, waith mae'n cyfesa i'w rhan iddo ni'n rhaid o'r ddechrau ymlaen i amlifio cyffredinol yn ymloedd erbyl. Felly, mae arno yn Afganistau cofysig, fel dweud i ddechrau cofiadau. Yma'r ysgol maenonbl yn ymlaen. Mae'r rhaglen yn ymddiad yn ymddangos o'r cyfnod o'r ffordd o'r cyfnod, o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod, mae'n gwybod. Ond mae'n gwybod. Mae'n gwybod i'r ddweud, a'r ddweud yn ddim yn ei ddweud. Mae'n ddweud o'r ddweud o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod, oherwydd mae'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r cyfnod. Er oedd yn cyrraffol iawn y cyllid mewn bydd y ffilosofi. Er oedd iawn hefyd ar hyn y breadadau bush. Er oedd yn cyflwydoedd grocery chi wedi'u cy unsure omlwysig. Er oedden o'r cyflwydoedd ar gyfer… …si'n rhai a gwneud. Ond mae'n bwrs yw ddim yn cyfryd cyffredeb sy'n… …bryddoedd yn cyffredeb yn cyllideb. and technocracy and politics. And this strange mix is very different, gave him a very different outlook from professional politicians. You know, you've had people like Teg François Fillon. You know, he's never worked outside politics in his life. In 40 years of career, never. You know, he finished his studies, he became parliamentary assistant then yng ng Amyll finally mawr y siwet y mae'r King Fyfyrdd yma. Mae yna chexen o'r maen nhw'n ddod i'r meddwl mewn ffarsadau a hwn yn wrth fyosbwynt ar y gofyniad. Yn y lle'r hyffordd hyn wedi gweithio. Yn y cèr arfer, mae'n cais ei wneud hefyd ac yn ffarsadau. The second thing is, he was quite blunt about this programme. He never tried to hide Europe, he said, if you are pro-European and you put it under the carpet, you lose. So he went out European flag one week before the first round. He was in Nantes and maybe you saw the pictures. He was there with the European flag, waving it on stage in front of thousands of people. It's unprecedented, probably not since the law, probably as anyone campaigned on a pro-European platform. His economic programme, there are really tough things on it that are not popular. Like he says, if you're unemployed, you get two reasonable offers and you refuse, you're out of the unemployment role. That's not very French, I must say. It's more Thacherian or Blair-like than French. He wants to cut 120,000 public service jobs. There again, it's not popular because people feel that the disengagement of public service in certain areas is producing national front votes. So if you weaken the public service, then you will continue to fuel the far-right vote. But he's defending it. He says, in the next five years, we're going to have about half a million civil servants who will retire. He's only thinking of not replacing one in four, which is not with gains in productivity with technology and so on. He says you don't weaken the public service by doing it. But he has put forward proposals that he knew were unpopular in the country. But he has this positive approach to social issues, to society issues. He's quite open to calm the community relations in France, which have been very tense and which regularly are provoking tensions, and he's got a very reasonable approach on that. So this mix has made him someone that you could not just dismiss as a liberal, or as a war monger or whatever. He has captured the attention by the complexity. Everybody has made a joke on the fact that in his, he has a verbal, I don't know what you say in English, antique in French. When you repeat all the years, what do you say that in English? Tic. Oh, okay, we have the same word then. And he says at the same time. And that means every time he says something, he counterbalances with another argument. At the same time, this is blue, but at the same time it's red. And so people say that means you don't make up your mind if you say that. And his answer is always that he takes into account the complexity of things. And so he has come out with a, at the beginning, no one understood what he was saying. He was like an intellectual in politics. Even in the first debate, it was very interesting, my little pen scored against him because he had one very long answer on something. And she took the floor and she said, Mr Macron, you've spoken for seven minutes, I haven't understood anything. Which was a good one because we were all feeling the same behind our screen. But nevertheless, this complexity speech, this, you know, the fact that you don't take people for stupid, has been an asset there again when it could have really sunk his candidacy. And so that's the strong points of his personality. Obviously, he won a decisive victory on paper, but in reality it's the reflection of a deeply divided country. Because you have to take into account the fact that Marine Le Pen doubled her father's number of ballots. She got almost 11 million when he got six, 15 years ago. You have higher abstention in the second round and higher number of blank votes. These being both from Fillon's side, people who refused to join Marine Le Pen and who didn't want to join Macron. And probably more from the far left from Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who had 19.5% of the votes and refused to give a mandate saying vote for Macron. He said that he himself would go to vote. He didn't say for whom. He said I'm against Marine Le Pen, but he let his voters free and part of them abstained, part of them voted blank. A small part, 6%, voted Le Pen and 40% voted Macron. So this landscape is not very good because it means and all the analysis, the post-vote analysis shows that people who voted for him out of support for his programme are only 43%. But in a way, that's the French system. You know, we have this two round system and we've always said first round you choose, second round you eliminate. So in the second round, the name of the game is vote for the one you dislike least, not for someone that makes you dream. You know, that's for the first round where you have the choice of 11 candidates and so you really had an open game. But even on the first round, some people voted for him because they didn't want out of strategy votes. Lots of people, particularly on the left, didn't want a second round Fillon Le Pen because of the scandals and they said if we are faced between a crook and a fascist, that's not really a very good choice. So they voted Macron saying at least we can live with this guy. It's better than Fillon. Others, and that's where some of the divisions of today arise from because the left was split between those who chose Mélenchon, went to the radical left, and those who went to Macron for that reason and left the Socialist Party to collapse with only 6% and that was a really historical load. But the result of that is that Macron certainly is a legitimate president. You cannot dismiss someone who had 60% to 60% of the vote. No one is disputing the fact that he is well elected but there is dispute on what kind of mandate has he got and what kind of freedom of movement has he got to introduce the kind of reforms he's talking about. And that's the job of the legislative elections that we're going to have. You know, in a month's time, exactly a month on the 11th of June, is the first round of the legislative election. There again it's a two round system. But the difference is that in the presidential elections, the first two candidates stay for the second round. In the legislative elections anyone above 12.5% can stay. So you can have second rounds, and you're going to have second rounds with three or even four candidates who at least on paper have the capacity to stay which is changing completely the game of the French political system because in the past you had this automatic reunification of political families. You would have a socialist candidate, a communist candidate, a green candidate and the one who comes first gets the support from the other two and the same on the right. You have different families of the right and the second one would be right against left with the support of people from other parties. This is over. We have a country divided in four, some people say even five and very little capacity to unite on the second round and to support each other. So this makes these elections very unpredictable. Nevertheless, Macron has one advantage which is incredible is that all the other political parties are in deep trouble. They are deeply divided following this presidential election. Take the national front. You could say this is a historical vote but at the same time it's 10% less than she could have hoped for. If you spoke to her aides before a few weeks ago they would say below 40% it's a defeat, above 40% it's a success and some were dreaming of reaching 45% so she got 34%. So on one side she's very high, on the other side she's not reached the type of situation she was hoping for and today you may have heard that Marion Marichal Le Pen, the niece of Marine Le Pen, has decided to pull out of politics. She's one of the two MPs they now have in Parliament and she's not going for her own constituency and that's a big blow for them because she represents a different political line from her aunt. Marine Le Pen has made a choice several years ago which I think was very smart, which was to go on an anti-globalisation platform, anti-euro, anti-globalisation and to go for the working class in the industrialised regions and that's where she scored very high and she took many pages from the left, from Mélenchon's book, she's using the same vocabulary as him, the oligarchy and this kind of words. But Marion, the niece, she's from the south, representing the constituency in the south and that's another national front, more conservative and more nationalist, anti-Islam, anti-immigration with the support of the former French from Algeria who are very anti-Arab, the small shopkeepers on law and order issues, security issues and that's the traditional national front, that's the father's, Jean-Marie Le Pen's national front. She hijacked the national front and moved it into another direction and there's a lot of people within the party who think that this was a mistake, that they should have kept to their original values and programmes. So, by pulling out, she's saying, first of all, it's a slap in the face of her aunt and secondly, she's positioning herself as a potential leader, she's 27, so she has time to come back and the national front is a family business. She has the support of her grandfather and it is very weird, but that's the way it works on the far right. So the national front could suffer from those divisions. I was reading in the French media this morning that her voters in her constituency are saying, without her, I don't vote national front. So it could damage their chances because they will appear as a normal party with their own divisions and factions. The Republican, the traditional right, is in deep trouble because this was, as they themselves said, this was an election they could not lose and they transformed it into an election they could not win, which is quite a performance. And the problem is that when Fillon became discredited, they could not find the consensus within the party to replace him in time and to force him out. And he was smart enough. They should have done it and they could have retained the chance because normally the country was going to vote right. But Fillon was very smart. He did this rally in Paris. He mobilized really the hard right of the party, the people who had great networks who were very active in fighting the gay marriage bill three years ago. You had a lot of street demonstrations and so this is the conservative Catholic circles. And these are the people who filled the Trocadero Square in Paris and gave Fillon the small push that he needed to stay. And so they lost and they lost heavily and today they are morally bankrupt. You know, they are really destroyed and Macron is probably going to give them the final blow by picking one of theirs as prime minister. We're going to know on Monday who is going to choose as prime minister but the rumor mill of Paris has it that it could be that he will take someone from the Republican Party and not one of the former socialists or a new personality. And it could be the mayor of Le Havre, Edouard Philippe, who is a young man. Well, I don't know what it means to be young now with the president. When you have a 39-year-old president because Edouard Philippe is 47 so you can say he's old. But still, he was the spokesman for Juppé during the campaign for the primaries and he refused to accompany Fillon. And so he's a quite respected personality. Le Havre is a very interesting town because it was communist in the past. It's a working class hard town that was captured by the right and Edouard Philippe is considered a very good mayor, been re-elected with a huge margin and he has respect from both right and left and he would be a good choice. The result of his choice would be that Juppé clan within the Republican could just leave the party to its own transformation but join with the presidential majority. They control at the moment they have 30 to 40 MPs who follow Juppé and who supported him during his campaign and that's not insignificant. So that's the situation on the Republican. The Socialist Party is in terminal illness and yesterday Manuel Valls, the former prime minister, said on the radio that it was dead and he did something very strange that he went on the radio and said, I'm going to run not as a socialist but as presidential majority with Macron and Macron's people said, really? You should register online. We don't know like everybody else and it's too bad because we've already selected someone for your constituency. So this was really a humiliation and Valls and Macron are too similar in a way and there was probably no room for two crocodiles in the same pondas as Oofwyd Gwenni used to say in Ivory Coast. Now this morning Benoit Amond was the candidate announced that he was going to launch a movement because the new trend now is to forget parties, you launch a movement and to try to reunify the left, which is a hopeless goal. And then you have Mélenchon who had a very good campaign who is in the middle of a total depression because he thought he could make it and he missed the second round by only 600,000 votes, which is not much in France. And he's fighting now with the Communist Party. You know the communists are small in France nowadays, but they still control few cities, they have a few MPs, they have an apparatus, they have a party structure which Mélenchon operates more like a sect, he's a guru and people follow him. And so the communists are very keen to keep their constituencies and they started campaigning right from Monday after supporting Mélenchon in the campaign, they started on their own candidates for the election and they put Mélenchon's figure, portraits, sorry, photographs on their posters and Mélenchon announced on Monday that he was taking them to court to take his picture of the posters. They were allies during the presidential campaign and on Monday they are fighting in court, so there again nothing very convincing. And the only game in the town is En Marche, is the party or the transformation, transformed movement that's turning into a party, now it's called La République En Marche of Emmanuel Macron. And we still have to see what it means because it's one thing to elect a charismatic leader, it's another thing to get a majority in parliament in 289 constituencies. And so tomorrow they're going to announce the list of 577 candidates which were selected in a very weird process. Unorthodox. Unorthodox, yes, you could say so. They've opened a website and you could register online to be a candidate. All you have to do is like joining Apple or IBM. You put your CV, you put an official paper showing that you have no criminal record and motivation letter, like an HR process. Do you have to be a French citizen because we may have some candidates around this day? I'm afraid you have to be a French citizen. And they receive 15,000 applications, 15,000 which are being processed at the moment, they are in the finishing hours of it, by a committee led by a man who is highly respected called Jean-Paul De Levoix who is a 75-year-old former minister with Jacques Chirac. Then he was the head of some consultative bodies. He's a honest man who really has no shadow or no problems in his career, highly respected and he's the head of that committee that is choosing the candidates. They have two criteria. Half of the candidates must come from civil society. That means no political activity before and half women and half men. So with those criteria in mind and the others should be from all political background right and left. This is, you know, it sounds like the Italian five-star movement. You know, it's a bit of this kind of thing except that it's not on a populist agenda. It's on a centrist reasonable agenda. So that's a big gamble, whether it can really work, rejuvenate politics, bring new faces. He has one asset is that there's a new law that is now in place for this election. You cannot have several hats. You cannot be a mayor and a member of the National Assembly at the same time which was an element of sclerosis of the political system. People were, for 30 years, you were both deputy and mayor and you would freeze, you know, you had local barons who had their constituency, their city and things were impossible to change. And by breaking that, you forced people to choose. Most people were in that category went back to mayor office and abandoned their national position, which means that you have at least a third of the constituencies where there's no standing MP. It's a new, you know, you start from zero. And that's an advantage for the newcomers because they don't have to face someone who has local roots for a long time. And Emmanuel Macron is so self-confident that last year he was talking to three journalists, including a friend of mine in June, that was off the record after late at night. And he told them, he was still a minister, he told them, I'm going to run for presidency. I'm going to be facing Marine Le Pen in the second round. I'm going to be elected and I will have an overall majority. So he's done the first three of the four things he said. And useless to say that the journalist started laughing and said, you're a dreamer. And Monday morning, first opinion poll in France after the presidential election about the legislative election and who comes first on March 26% of vote intentions even without knowing the candidates. And the socialists are down to 5%. I mean, there's something which, you know, we have to understand that this is not just smart manoeuvres by a smart politician. It's an earthquake that has changed the mentalities that people are, for the first time, ready to try something else. And in a way, the second round was two candidates who were telling the French, we have to try something else. On one side, we destroy everything, we leave Europe and we see what happens. And on the other side, someone who says, we do have to change, but in a reasonable way, we reform, we work hard, we build Europe and we will change this country and bring it back to better days. And that's very important that the two offers were offers of change outside the political parameters that we had had for 30 to 50 years. And that's really quite significant. But obviously, this will not solve the problems that he's facing overnight. And particularly, you know, there are three angers. He used the word anger in his first speech. You know, he said, I know there is anger in the country. There are three different angers in this country. One is the losers of globalization. The people from the northeast and southeast, people who voted Marine Le Pen, people who come from regions where industry has gone. The public service is slowly being concentrated, cut and so on. And who say, OK, if we don't count the social contract in this country that we don't leave anyone on the side of the road, it's over, and then we vote for the most extreme. That anger is number one. The second one is the suburbs, you know, the sons of immigrants who are bitter because they say this country, the society has never given us a chance to enter the society. And that anger expresses itself regularly through riots or through incidents with the police, tensions and so on. And is part of the explanation for why young French-born sons of immigrants have gone to Syria, returned and killed other French people, you know. It's obviously not the only explanation, but it's part of the equation. And the third anger of fear, more than anger, is the middle class that sees everything going down, you know, a fear of that your children are not going to live better than for the first time in 150 years. The next generation is not guaranteed to live better than the present one. So these three hangars, none of the candidates was addressing the three together. Marine Le Pen was only building on one. Macron was certainly talking to the middle class a little bit to the suburbs. He has something in his program that are pretty smart on that. You know, he wants to, for example, to cut the number of kids in the class for the poorer districts of those suburbs to 12, which is, you know, and school is the key. And the school system has failed to integrate those children. And I think that's a very smart move. He's also giving fiscal advantages for people who recruit in those districts. But he's not talking to, or when he talks to the first group, sorry, the people from the industrialized zones, they don't listen to him because he's a caricature of what they feel is the cause for their problems. So whether he can, as president, show, as he said in his first speech, that he can be inclusive and that he's not going to be the president of the winners versus the losers, that's his big challenge because you don't change that situation overnight. And we have a situation in the country where this is really the polarization. But in a way, that's what we saw in the US with Trump's election. It's the same divide between winners and losers of globalization. And in a way, like in the US, when Trump was saying, you know, the economy is in shambles and we were all watching and said, but that's not true, you know, the economy in the US is doing pretty well. When you are in Paris, Bordeaux to lose, Nantes, Rennes, Lilles, Strasbourg, Lyons in the big metropolis in France, you don't think that the country is in trouble. Restaurants are full, shops are full, and Marine Le Pen only gets 5% to 7% of the vote in those areas. So you see really different situations, a two-speed country, even more than two-speed, but to make it short, two-speed country, and those who are in the fast lane don't vote Marine Le Pen. I live in the tents around this more of Paris. She got 4.9%. That's nothing. It's irrelevant. And if you are in a Beaumont where Marine Le Pen is probably going to run, she will get 65% probably. So you have this huge social, cultural and outlook on the world, which is very strong. So how can you solve that? And that's going to be a hard work for many years, but in a very constrained environment economically, even if things are going better at the moment than they have been for almost since the 2008 crisis, the speed of job creation and growth is getting better, particularly for example the construction sector is at the highest for 10 years. And the strange and bitter thing is that Oland was hoping that what is happening now could have happened two years ago, and it was slower to pick up than what he was hoping for. And if it had happened two years ago, it could have been a candidate probably going to people saying, you've made sacrifices, but the results are here. So it's Macron who's going to... That's another of his luck. He's coming at a time when the economy is picking up. One last word is Europe, because that's obviously the key and very central to his personality and his programme. As you probably noticed on Sunday night, he appeared at the Louvre with the odd to joy, and the National Front was quick to tell him, you are a traitor, you don't put the Marseillais, you put the European anthem. Yesterday for Europe's Day, he had a message, I saw it on Twitter, he had a recorded video message on Europe that was widely shared, and that was so positive that I don't remember having heard anyone probably since Mitterrand saying those words like that, or Rocha, but that's 25 years. And so he's going to Berlin next week. He's made the rapprochement with Germany a key element to his programme, and the Germans are very eager and maybe a little bit apprehensive in some circles built the tabloid newspaper, had a headline saying, how much will Mr Macron cost us? Because he's talking about reinforcing the eurozone, which means that Germany will have a larger part of the burden, he's criticised the surplus of Germany. But he, Ermae Merkel, I think is so relieved to have, first of all, not to have Marine Le Pen, but also to have someone who says, and that's what he said during the campaign and repeated, that he knows that to work with Germany he has to restore France's credibility, and particularly economic credibility and introduce the reforms that the country has not made for years. So that's a good starting point. The noise, the rumours we hear from Berlin is that they're ready to start introducing some joint approach even before the German elections when everybody thought that it would have to wait September, but there could be surprises by the summer. And certainly before the end of the year, we could have some relaunch of projects in Europe on defence, it's started already, but they will go further, on something that Ireland might not like is fiscal issues. We're watching. On the eurozone, it's very keen to deepen the functioning of the eurozone. And one trick issue that's very political in France is the detached workers. It was a big issue in the campaign. We have officially 350,000 detached workers in France, mostly from Poland or Czech Republic or Romania, who are aligned on their country of origin system, and that's creating a lot of tension. Marine Le Pen has used that a lot, so he has promised not to tear it down because that's what she was proposing but to reform it and make it more acceptable for French workers too.