 are they arriving? Yeah, slowly, slowly, they're coming in. Okay, so I think we can start now. So, welcome back to the final panel of today's conference. And our panel for starting with Martin Walsh was going to present on door palms, those speckled green snake. I probably mispronounced some words there with me, Martin. Okay, so over to you. Oh, hello, everyone. Can you hear me? Yes. And can you see my screen? Yes, we can. Okay, so hello, and Habari Zakulost, as an in-law of mine in Mombasa, used to greet me. My talk today is about words, and it's about the connections between them, and in the long dure over time, what the analysis of those connections can tell us. And what it's beginning to tell me about some aspects of the Swahili-speaking world in the past. And at the same time, I want to highlight the importance of Swahili lexicography, of etymological and historical linguistic research, and the considerable potential for developing these intertwined branches of study. And it is great dictionary of the English language. Samuel Johnson famously described a lexicographer as a harmless drudge. He was, of course, making fun of himself. But having spent a large part of lockdown last year, busying myself in, quote, in tracing the original and detailing the signification of words, end of quote, I can't disagree. Though I'm immensely grateful to earlier dictionary makers, the real lexicographers, for their labours. Although Swahili is Johnson, Frederick, can't match the wit of Samuel, and while the language doesn't yet have anything to compare with the Oxford English dictionary, it does have Sackler's superb dictionary of different dialect forms shown on the slide there at the left. And we also have Nürsen-Hinnebush's magnum opus of comparative linguistics. We've got Loeb, another studies of word borrowing, and a growing number of good dialect dictionaries and vocabularies. And these are precious resources and excellent starting points for further research, as they have been for me since the pandemic began in particular. And prompted by the request to contribute to a fester for a colleague, an Austronesianist, I began by researching and writing a paper on the early history of Swahili nautical technology, before distilling some of its main conclusions in a shorter, less technical article. As it happens that the pop piece shown on the left on the slide, the popular piece was published first, date-wise at least, it seems to still be in press, although it's dated 2020, it's still at the printers, I think, but I've had a copy of it for a while. But I actually wrote the longer, more detailed paper from Dugouts to Double Outriggers. I actually wrote that before, and it's got much more detail. And I won't attempt to summarize all of that detail now, but I will just outline one of the most striking etymologies in it, and that's the Swahili word Dao. And if you want to read or download the two papers, they're on my academia pages as shown in the link at the bottom there. So it's no accidents, of course. And I don't think it's an accident that Swahili Dao, an English Dao, D-H-O-W, sound the same. And they're generally both traced to an Indian or other source in the region of the Arabian Sea. There have been all sorts of proposals. And Agias, who's in the work shown on the right there, he notes attestations dating back to the 18th century in that sort of Arabian Sea area. Hornell and others who have suggested a Swahili origin for the Swahili word Dao are in a minority, but they've not been able to provide convincing linguistic evidence for this. And the reason for this, perhaps, or it's not a particular fault of theirs, but the reason is because nobody's really looked beyond the standard Swahili form of the word, which we all know as Dao, plural, Ma Dao. And this is a common mistake in research of this kind. And I must say, I've been making it myself for a number of years. It's a kind of linguistic laziness, a rigorous investigation of etymologies and Swahili. It really requires cross-dialectal study, cross-dialectal comparison, comparison across the forms in different dialects. You can't just make assumptions from what you hear in the different standard Swahili forms. And this slide, it shows such a comparison superimposed on a composite version of Nersen-Hinibuch's classification of the Swahili dialects. It's mainly Nersen's classification that was then developed and presented in the 1993 book. Although it's never quite spelled out fully there. And as this shows, there are some forms of the word Dao, both North and South, which like Tumbatu-Dalu have an inter-vocalic L, they've got an L in the middle. And it's also found in, as you can see, it's up in Weenie right up there in Somali and Barawa. It's also found in borrowings in Shambhal, Giriyama and other neighbouring languages. And this allows us to reconstruct or at least posit a proto Swahili form, which I've written there following Nersen-Hinibuch's model and conventions as Idalu. There are questions about the quality of that first Dao, vowel, sorry, and who knows if I'm pronouncing it right, but I'll say it as this reconstructed form as Idalu. And as they argued, L loss is a relatively late process in Swahili. I mean, it happened at different times in different places, but there are some late and 18th century records of this word with an L as written as Dallas or in some French documents as Dallas. And they're clearly attempts to write down an earlier form of this word, the form similar or probably the same as that Tumbatu form there, Dalu, or it might well have been from other dialects. The adoption of the L-less Swahili form in languages around the Arabian Sea remains to be proven and worked out in detail exactly how that word was taken up remains to be shown. But it may well be, I would argue that Dao is the oldest or certainly one of the oldest words of Swahili origin in English, other perhaps than older records of toponyms of place names that you find in older documents. But if anybody knows an oldest Swahili word in English or candidate for a Swahili word in English, please let me know. The only Swahili boat name that's demonstrable or if that isn't actually only demonstrable, older than Proto Swahili Idalu, is the generic term for a vessel. Proto Swahili Qiyombo, the standard Qiyombo vessel of different kinds, hence it became as it developed from Proto Swahili became the name for a boat or when exactly that happened is difficult to determine. The iconic mtepe of the Lamo archipelago and Bajuni tradition in my analysis is a northern Swahili innovation and it's not the truly ancient sewn boat that sometimes made out to be. So Proto Swahili Idalu has its own deeper history as this slide shows and I won't expect you to absorb it all at once. It's the augmentative Idalu is in my analysis it's the augmentative of an old name for water balers which coincidentally we had mentioned earlier this morning. It's an old name for water balers which are essential to keeping sewn boats afloat because they're so leaky it's a notorious characteristic of sewn boats even the historical records of them on the Swahili coast that without teams of balers they were often in trouble and this word it derives ultimately from the name for doom ponds which presumably supplied the leaf strips that balers were woven from. I've never seen one of these or I think there are some sort of descriptions of them but I've never seen a picture of one if anybody has again please let me know and the term for this material for these woven strips and so the balers themselves earlier Idalu again with Idalu separately in a quite separate development it provided the Mijikenda name for speckled green snakes and other members of the of the genus Filothanus and I show that in the bottom left corner there. It may also have generated another set of environmental terms in nearby northeast coast Bantu languages the series shown up at the top right in blue but I don't have the evidence I don't have enough lexical evidence to sort of demonstrate the precise connections but I consider that a possibility. In addition to tracking the etymology of other boat names and nautical terms in the same way I've also been working on the names of marine fauna and related and the related vocabulary fishing and foraging at sea and on the shoreline and one of the challenges in reconstructing these particular lexical fields is the lack of data for Sabaki languages other than Swahili and Komorian for the obvious reason that others don't occupy the coastline and are engaged in that economy coastal economy to the same extent although in some individual communities and individuals are. Likewise I've been looking at names of terrestrial fauna and flora including birds this by the way is a slide from an earlier presentation and by matching reconstructions with species distributions it's possible to make inferences about linguistic geography in the past which is a particular interest on the east African coast and islands because of the evident importance of long distance migration historically. I've also been working on cultivated plants most recently the vocabulary of banana plants and the different varieties the cultivars banana cultivars different types of bananas and I've been engaged this year in a long-running conversation with with banana geneticists morphologists and others studying the history of bananas and their introduction to and diversification in eastern Africa and that includes some of the people on this paper that you might just be able to see at the bottom right of the slide published by a couple years ago by Xavier Peria and others so we've been together with the the Belgian linguist Kern Boston and his team we've been in a sort of conversation about different aspects of this history including the linguistic aspects that's none of this is published yet let me hasten to add the etymological studies of different lexical fields attest to me anyway they attest to what I call the genius of Swahili and related languages their creativity this is a kind of collective creativity now they're collective their creativity and adaptability and they also continue to produce surprising connections questioning old certainties and enabling us to formulate new hypotheses once you start looking and probing you know and you know probing etymology in detail all sorts of interesting things start to come out and many of them you know can sort of well they take my breath away anyway and the work on bananas for example has exposed some long cherished false etymologies as well as highlighting the importance of unexpected relationships in the past for example between the speakers of Malagasy and Komorian on one hand and those of the languages of northeast Tanzania on the other in land to to kill him in Jaro and I could give you a number of examples but there's one just shown at the bottom of this slide where well it's not spelled out but this word and lali which occurs in Swahili banana names and also I think some Komorian ones is find way in land on kill him in Jaro it actually it actually derives it seems from an older eastern Bantu word for basut which still survives as well in in Swahili and Komorian and and so it's because of that the sort of black markings on that those particular varieties of bananas and there's lots of examples like that and some surprising long distance connections for example between Komorian and Shambar and related languages in one minute left okay and I'm getting that and zooming in on Swahili the work of cross dialectal comparison has led me to reconsider an old suggestion of burnt hines that the boundary between north and south Swahili directs could be could be drawn to the north of Mombasa rather than to the south as Derek nurse did whatever the case lexical data from the Mombasa dialects has to be treated cautiously as evidence for historical reconstruction given the mix of northern and southern influences and more recently Derek nurse himself has cast out on his early analysis of the north south split and the historical implications there's also I'll just mention this this brief is also it also casts into doubt earlier conclusions about about the location of the Swahili homeland in fact the sabaki homeland in the north in the region of the Tana Delta and Lamu archipelago and for various reasons I think it's actually much more likely that that homeland was was further to the south somewhere between Mombasa Tanga that sort of area about kind of what's now a current border area and less not but not least there's also a growing body of archaeological evidence which can be used in conjunction with these refinements of dialect classification the redates Swahili settlements and migration histories and on on the linguistic side this kind of vision is is only possible because of the quantity and quality of data that is currently available and at the same time there are huge gaps in our knowledge and our ability to fill these gaps is threatened by dialects and especially lexical loss every word that is unrecorded and lost from cultural memory is a loss to the historical genius of Swahili it won't stop the development of the language in some of the ways we've heard today but our knowledge and understanding will arguably arguably be poorer for it and that is the end as Santény thank you very much for listening thank you very much Martin excellent presentation I'm sure there will be questions later on thank you so much and if you could just stop sharing that's great and then we can now go to our next speaker Donald Mayinghi who is going to talk about the Nyerar archives of the first Swahili so his research is then linked to art and art and society so the floor is yours Martin Donald you can start thank you okay thank you very much as Santény Sana I will begin by just saying that I began this research really thinking hard about Swahili etymology and really thinking about the whole idea of translation and in the kind of territory that we are in at the moment where we are talking about as art historians we're talking about the decolonization of the museum or the museological thinking introducing an African-centered thinking about artifacts from Africa and their histories I found myself very very unsettled when looking at you know broadly key terms like art archive and art image and the archive that is Sanaa Taswira and Nyeraraka now my presentation today I will deal with the whole aspect of archives on the archive of memory in this sense I'm talking about the Nyerakas of the free Swahili seeking art and discovering heritage of apost emancipation green I seek to briefly explore how contemporary artists in Kenya have engaged the Swahili intangible cultural heritage specifically focusing on the fourth and the fifth was a me international art workshops that were held in Lamu in the years 2005 and 2006 respectively as an artist who practiced at Nairobi school in the trust in the 1990s I remember being very fascinated by where the other artists would engage with so he heritage under the triangle network residential workshop model which was founded in the 1980s by British artist Anthony Carol and collector and philanthropist Robert Loda 15 years later I got I got consumed in into using on the same wondering how these artists responded to Swahili heritage and its monumental ruins daily traversing the Lamu and its narrow residential back streets with buildings that are evidence of Swahili cosmopolitan heritage not least the pictorial site of Swahili monumental greens as well as the the view of the picturesque view of tin roofs dried coconut phones move walls with intricate carved niches carved wooden doors and many more also interacting with each old legacy is of Swahili post emancipation which occurred along the Indian Ocean Island as former slaves became further constrained by colonial legacies although locally considered as villain villain certainly the triangle workshop model provided for this international artist an ample opportunity to interact with Swahili heritage beyond the tourist base they sought to develop an ecosystem of ideas as artists freely downloaded with process within process led activities coalescing ideas experiences histories and imagination within a collective aim of producing an unfinished process one that was comparable to the subtlety that the old Fundi or master craftsman of the Lamu island how he will become inspired by a kind of multimodal dimensional Swahili ornamentation program and its creativity regained through the art of carving intricately decorated door panels carpentry the art of Swahili poetry singing sculpting on walls letter decorations and calligraphy to mention but a few these art forms formed a decisive leg motive for contemporary artists to interact with Swahili heritage as they laid creative siege of the heavily fortified fort Jesus in Mombasa principally sitting at its terraces constructed in 1593 and designed by Italian architect Joe Batista the fourth was a new workshop in 2005 as recorded by Hadija Buonada and encouraged artists to seek for things or stimulating environments that will enable them produce art this rate but was not limited to the variety of the objects I've just mentioned to the textures the unique textures the smells the taste and this specifically the textures of the textured walls of live coral stone and plaster at the fifth was a new workshop however curated by Joni Wait a Lamu based artist and founder of Danari Watatu in Nairobi the workshop provided for the artists a deliberate opportunity to deconstruct how those found sources of inspiration problematized Swahili heritage this unfinished process of seeking for art while at the same time discovering heritage presented useful platforms for artists to consciously investigate and contemplate how the creative and conceptual dematerialization of art language and heritage occurs to revalue history by this I mean establishing a conceptual global relationship with the invisible cultural heritage beyond merely gazing at its embodied objects to capture the lived yet imaginary tropos and cultural topographies that exemplify the Swahili post emancipation green I will define this process a bit later but this paper seeks to examine how this artist interacted with the ethereal daily niaraka or Swahili archives that became manifest in by the problematic past legacies and heritage of the ones run away or free freed slaves um this inspired Sudanese artists and entire the the world the world beat and Kenyan artist Prina Shah uh participating in the 2006 workshop was a new workshop to pay more attention to the surreal surreal uh surface textures and muted colors of its old walls from the earliest records such as the first centuries Greek uh see in Greek uh navigational chart that is the peri peri plus of the early currency we are made a way of the fact that Swahili culture was shaped by the spare bound economic system of slave holding along the east African coast told me uh third century geography recorded similar observations even as scholars have widely examined the archaeology of slave uh Swahili slavery and slave trade from east Africa to the east african coast and beyond the presence of an unusual iconography of uh broad blade spear carving on the right side right side of the 12th century Gedi ruins seen in Tigawan uh it is no way it poses to me interest in some interesting uh features uh this monumental ruin excavated by James Kathman between between 1948 and 1950 principally problematized uh such an association uh of creativity and Swahili heritage objects with uh uh uh the kind of repute of slave trading since Kathman's discovery within the same site of the uh since his discovery of the Wasik Geju a fine finger nail ornamented cooking pots uh presented uh interesting evidence on their eventual revolt against uh Swahili Arabization under the uninterrupted period of Portuguese presence they also made siege uh of uh Fort Jesus with the Oman Arabs from 1696 uh to uh 1698 again this mysterious decline and eventual decay uh presents to us the that unique problem how to reenact a ruin and its cultural historical and creative process of renation within Swahili culture uh by extension how artists laid siege at the Lamu Fort and that undergoing the cultural process of renation as a as also a creative process or one which georgia boo boo and Muhammad Umchula Muhammad uh for instance associated to the enduring practice where the Mombasa Swahili occasional used old uh ruined mosques as places of spirit propitiation a ruin or go full um denotes amongst the Swahili a broken down thing that enacts or uh rather brings to form the word won't go full um translated as righteousness which father denotes an evolving conceptual life cycle of spiritual formation decay and renaissance renaissance uh such reenactment is reminiscent in the Swahili saying assuming figure three um by Kenyan artist Larissa Hoops um which was displayed in 2010 at the low luristic uh restaurant in Nairobi it depicts this jointed frames of uh Swahili of the Swahili Kanga uh produced in Mombasa bearing the 19th century saying who but who knows his army who couldn't be translated as you can't remember something you don't know uh here collective memory and cultural anesthesia does seem does imply to interactively remain hidden within the visceral views of the ruin um whose majesty as as as we all know is deeply resonated in the 79 stands alone uh Swahili poem Al-Inki Shafi composed by Saeed Abdullah being Al-Nasib between uh 1810 and 1820 AD Al-Inki Shafi um motivates us to question the ruined heritage using the Swahili metaphor chambalachio or what went before a form of questioning that uh remains uh characteristically adused at the 2006 Wassani International Workshop by the Australian artist Maria Buckner through her installation titled catching sun rays as shown in figure four it's the depiction of the metaphorical art of catching sun rays or kukambata miyalaya jewel is represented by projecting golden threads of from a single mangrove pole hanging above either the terraces or for Jesus or the bright lamb beach perhaps to depict its revelation uh of the site of history at the 2005 Wassani International Artist Workshop um Indian artist Miku sends installation uh titled band in the sun as shown sorry as shown in figure five engaged a similar representation of the uh intriguing warmth and wisdom of the long story this uh enchanted ancient archipelago that remains a paradise on borrowed time whose beauty is banned in the sun for its rich and complex lead oral histories to uh that that preserve uh its original character yet Miku sends um choice to project this Lamu story at Fort Jesus presented perhaps her feminist this disclosure of the veil as a site of intellectual inquiry in its canopy like enclosure the historical life behind the translucent black fabric uh is displayed in Hadija Bonada Ernst uh Ernst's view uh that symbolizes the traditional zanzibari boy boy hence um unveiling to us her depiction of its dramatics suggested turbulence within Mombasa women's uh many socio-political spheres of negotiating diverse tasweero images that shaped Swahili identities the black veil flapped by the coastal wind adjacent to six Swahili decorated uh wooden panels laid on the floor with Medusen father inscribing uh using band marks a poem on woman's desires surely projected their voice as unsilenced the the display within the contained space of Fort Jesus ex exumes to us um historical imaginaries framed by a dark past as you and by uh the historical uh expulsion of the Portuguese at Fort Jesus under a 30 month siege of the Omani Arabs in 1698 an event which further led to the fracturing of the Swahili coast uh with uh the alliance between the superior forces of Mombasa and the party in 1812 leading leading a battle uh that that further led to an excruciating loss against the weaker but united Lamo on the sand dunes uh of the village of Shela which is uh occasionally celebrated by Lamo painting festivals uh Donald sorry to interrupt you are you have literally one minute left okay yeah by questioning how the majestic uh silence of this old monuments or ruins are projected by Swahili memory and identity and artists um I I'm kind of persuaded to look at art as a problematization of its uh etymology etymological uh of its meaning asana uh or in terms of of its uh based on tradition of Tamaduni a name that stems from the Arabic root Medina dating back to 8th to 15th century muslim rule of under loose um in in the sense that it it projects the idea of guaranteed permanence that James Devere has problematized and also that uh Sanaa projects the idea of a sacred geography of Sanaa city in Yemen and its meta historical and mythical time um uh the case that I place forward is looking at the um the the the the the kind of the evolution of the um re-intention of the Matatu object especially in Mombasa in Muntwapa and Mekindani Muntwapa being uh at the north of Mombasa and the rural Mekindani producing this Mekindani beast is specifically interesting in terms of redefinition of what I call the Swahid Gofu or the post emancipation ruin um especially looking at the current exhibition that is ongoing at the National Museums of Kenya um Kesho Kutwa um where artists are still reinventing the past um as uh poll on it is work uh 2020 painting uh enveloped uh here suggests um and so this all uh presents the Swahili metallic Kanga, Hazai, Ujani or the guinea fowl breeds not in captivity um asante Nisan. Thank you thank you very much uh Donald um excellent presentation and as you know I have a special interest in the art so I was very very interested to hear um now uh in the interest of time let's move on to our next speaker uh Christina Niccolini from SWAS uh welcome back Christina Donald I think you left yeah there you go thank you thanks a lot uh so Christina I think you're there yes welcome uh so uh Christina is a PhD student just finished a PhD at SWAS and she's going to talk about the novel Kua Kua Maua thank you Christina the floor is yours. Thank you and I'm going to speak in Swahili for my presentation trying to share the screen at first um um Mawuha kupendese yakichanua hatimaie unyawuka nakupotea. Lakinipia istiariya Mawuha ina enzi kuapu kawatu wae maduunani, watu apendasau. Kuei maise wa limuenguatu nisawa sawa na maisea Mawuha. Uwa la mwali muenguatu nipundendogutu. Anbapu waatu kama Mawuha wa napoishi naku cianua. Uwa la paraja. Lina manishe shadda litumikalo katika mazishi kuekua juya sanduko alimola suamaiti. Lakinipia niltu kama doktahans. A menzi wa kukwitu wa uwa auntumuema. Uwa la jamikku tukana na matendu yake na usika waake kwa ngeriwaia. Rewaia ini tuzola wa lisiya na niramsa pia. Kwa bile ina ishiana ushini wa maisha. Mibukoro yote mi tatuliwa na doktahans. A mi faulu kua kwa faraja. Watu wote wa liufiwa nandugu kutukana na yukin. Kua kwa maua kuna mainisha kuekua wa tuwema. Wazuri kama maua. Tini rewaia kifalsafa na pia nitanzia ina ishiana maisha kibulini mua kifo. Niriwaya ina yotukumbusha udaifu na ufupiwa maisha yawarimua nguwatu wa wapu zinani. Malengu makui etrologia yama uwa nitatu. Kueshinda ufui a kifo kueshinda tabiaya grifanya ngonu yone kane kama uwobu. Kueshinda na namitazamoasi a kidini kuso kifun ngonu katika muktada wa tatiso la bi yukini. Ambalo rime kua kama mainili ina unganisha yawarte kifo buonunadini. Kua kutazama mundua trilogia na ona kwa mbengawa isi niriwaya minaseona zimeundua na kujengua kwantindo wa tanfilia. Kusama kua nirewaya isi zimeundua kwa sura na semu kusa adisi. Ambalo wesa kutazama kama maunyesho namatu kyoia tanfilia. Shambilechum kufyamo niewe adisi a kiafri kersherte kua namatu kyoia kijuwa. Rwai yakuwa kama uwa inanzi apale hadisi yawala faragia niposhia. Jina la kitabu inawesa kufafanuliwa kama maua nmbayu ni sitiari na yawakilisha namatu ambawa wadumu. Nakua kuna mana yakuwe modugnani. Yanikueko. Kuna tafsire si tazakulita fakari njina la kitabu. Yanikua kama uwa inawesa kama wadu ema. Chanzo ca mashindano yakitikadi baina yawakilifu. Uki wakilisha namakusikawa dokto hanz. Na itikadi yawudana ifu yuki wakilisha namakusikawa bibi kristina jumbe. Nakua kwa nyusulio si okudumu yani maisha. Kua kwa wadu enyu ema kama dokta hanz. Kudiririka kwa uto ambusi waki umbe kwa ke na kwa ui mwengu. Nakudirika kwa wali siya wamaisha bada yakuza liwa na kabla yakufa. Yanikusi furi kabla na ui usi furi bada yamaisha. Masimulisi yakuwa kama uwa yame ga wanywa katika se musita. Uchuru aumikoshi nmbayu me saweriwa kwa sitiari za kijumba. Kibanda chawatoto kijeba moan ambusi na kibunsi. Nchesu wawatoto wa sili. Wanda wa yani wa sichane wa babbe. Kundilatato mikudra autaktiri. Piatunayo maisha yai shayo. Katika se muhi dokta hanzanato anadari yake kusungo. Hofu ambayu me saweriwa katika musi kabadija. Nawa lifu ambao me saweriwa kwa ni musi kabadza oro. Tanzia ambayu me saweriwa kwa ni msuru wawifu. Yawmolo ashaka beya tumana hadija. Maomboleso ambayu kwa yo furse yapunde yawai in agitambulisha. Naudairi wawai un agitambulisha. Kwa yami jadara yaji na dokta hanzi. Naitimishu tunawu zasi nama sumbuko yani kuzariwa kwam toto. Nama tesoya greis nati maia kippo cake. Muannishi ametumia sanawatoto kusimulia tanzia yaku tisha. Kuringana namse musemawu kitaka kumpata musi kamatam toto wake. Osika wakuni wawenga. Yani watu wanyi kimana busara. Awatu ambao me saweri na fasia falsafa kwanyiwaya. Yani dokta hanzi ashaka beya na kristina. Nyare ni namse ibraimu wana saweri korasi. Sauti yajumuia ambao jitokesa kila pakitokea amigo goro. Wakitumia na fasiawu kamawana jami. Kusulwisha na kuletamani. Nyara amesawiriwa kamantani halisi. Kutba zamusika shuja moja zna pambanisha na sauti yaku rasia jami. Kwam fano upinzanin kuhu tokea bada yotuba yamu isho yadokta hanzi. Upinzanihu una jisawiri kama kinza korasi kwamusika shuja. Upinzanimungine kwama obiria hanzi natukea kwanyi kikundi cawauni wali olewa. Kawa pia ni aina yawusika bawa nadaria yankufia inawa itua korasi yaki korofi. Aina iya korasi ni kauliza gubesa au vigembe. Yani a confrontative commentary zigito kezaso kwanyi masimulisi ambaso zu shangasi nindine. Katika daya logia iliyomu kwanyi wali. Msimulia jundia musika wangewa masimulisi anayi chukwana na fasiawu famu. Wakiyungu au ujuwau ujuwaviote. Ambai anawakilisha saudi amandisha. Buu yawon kwesi di yawu yobeba kaulia otabiri wati logia yote. Nasemu yakwanza yariwaya ujuwau inau suwapu amambu yaki niu jiza. Ni anayi otabiri maafa kwanyi tanzia yariwaya. Yani ki jumba, ki leki bandachi amiceso, kaburi laki jeba, alama yamon ambusi alia yekufa. Namceso waki bunzi, namiote binawanganisha, kwanyi sitiari yam duwara wawai na tifo. Wandawa yanyu asiciana wakorofi amba o mojawapu amba yinimu afilika wawiyu, alpigana natuma natima yi kumu ambu kisa birusi. Niun bantoba kia inau su parambapu ashana kristina wali enda kun salimu greis, kwaku pungesa ujau zito waki. Namajirani wali onashirei ni imbaya, kwasaburi kwa ujuwau kotokana na imani kwamba. Sivizuri kushere kiamimba amba yai jazaliwa. Usemi waki su aili yuna sema usinu embeleko kabla yamwana jazaliwa. Na kudra atimae ni le kudra yama yisha usie pukika nainai wanda manawasi kawote. Wototo awapatina fasi ya kutambuato fauti za ujensia wawau, na kuzi dalisi na kuzi tsungusa kwa uru kamatu manaji wali yufanya, imkufiana sema. Tuki ula kuegne kijumba lina kisi ukosu ajiwa maisha e asipuisi. Ambapo mafunzu yama jandono nyago yamehachua, pamoja naiya unasiri yawazasi. Kwa vijana kusungono kukungua. Kueyo watotu naijana ugundu awremuengu awjensia wawau, natendo langono ugnewe, awkokupiti avianzu evipi aviabari. Vinawe wailekesa kuegne matende yanai watarisha. Kueyo asakabeya naniyara wana taniyana, na koneisha hatari na hasara zaku kosekana kuelimu yamajando. Pia, imkufiana bumuama tazamu finyu kusu wana wake ke piste morgia, kwa kujenga uosika waki ke ua yem si nama isio yombisha. Tumeini James anasawiri wakamantotu moegne visirani wakuzari yanavio, kwa sababu haku bali konewa, nana poissi zuruma awkukanda miswa natu yoyote atatoa pinga misikuwa. Asakabeya nimtutosya, ni monam ke kamili asiatagiku kamilisha na wanaume. Kusema kueili upana wawu famu wake na uesu wake ke chumi, unalingana naule wawanaume. Anameji elimisha ke kamilifu kutukana kwa bibiake, napia ali efondisha na doktans, kutafakari na kujenga ufama waki seyansi na kifalsaka. Monam ke miyongi kulikuote ni hadija anbaya mesawiriwa kua kilisha ojinga. Hanei limu wawu asu wakiu chumi kwa iyo kwa usalama wake anakimbiliya kuei ngei mani. Nakui subiri kudra yamuni. Kukisomekka kamatasnifu yaki falsafa kua kwa maua i na zungukia kuei nge hojya yama zungumsoya asakabeya doktans na kristina. Asakabeya na watileisha fitre zaki danaishi na kusema kwa amba kuei puku kiko, kuna yafa nya maisha yako semana. Nakini anase ma niwema kilantuni lasima aitunie furse yaku wa hai. Kujifu rahisha na razote zadunia, awesazo kuzipata. Usawiriwa msi mama washa ni kuei ni furai yangono yakinifu na kuzishukui mani. Katikariwaya. Musika wa doktahansen die musika waku. Napia ndie sauti yamuku fia katikariwaya. Hans amini wa buamungu wa lawa buamaisha bada yakifu. Na wesa kudi rika kusema kwa amba kila mujadala kwa ngeriwaya hi hau shihu kwa angasa ma wasa yakifu falsafa peke. Bali hujaribu pujuwa ndani wa mujiza ma oamaisha. Hojya puza doktahansen katikama uberi yake ni kama zifuatazo. Katikama zungumsoya ake na asha. Hans ano oji mujiza wa muda na otukutupu wa maisha. Nadaria yans kusungono ymaisima mia kwa nge muere keo chanya wa epistemologia zaki sa yansi na kijami. Nakwamoni yans gono mujiza wa kiba yologia. Hojya yatatu ni hojya yaku zishukui mani zadini wa agnostiki na uyakinifu. Ambapo dana yawepu wa maisha bada yaku yaki fu ime bumolewa. Yani ni mujiza wa kua na otukua. Hojya zannene ni mujiza wa omana wa maisha. Katika daya uji a yaki apili na haji hans aneleza kua omana au sababu wa maisha ni dana linganisha. Maisha yamtu ni mdwara wa kiba yologia kama wawa. Muji zawa kifu unaelezu anahans kama seemu tu yaku kamilisha mdwara wa maisha yamtu. Hojya yamuisha ni kue ni karamu yasha kushu kuki sherekea kifu. Ambako hans anaitaji mii mili mi kumitatu yana daria yake. Ambaio ni kutukua kua kifu udairi wa maisha na uendereu on tu kwa gya yawzasi. Semu yamuisha yariwaya ina eleza kusu nadaria yawdairi. Ise maio kwa mbam tu wa kijuwacho ni maisha yana yom di hirikiya anapu zaliwa. Muji kawa kristina anawakilisha itigadi yawda nifu yana yokabili ana na uyakinifu wa dokta hans. Wakati kristina anapu muambia wa sali hans anantani kua kusema. We wa sali mimina ta fagari. Kue ni moberi yake katika msi bawa umorona tuma. Kristina anapende kese epistemologia jumuhishi ina yofanana nazi ni olamedina. Litualo vivir bien. Ntazamo jumuhishi wa kuishi kua maridiano duniani. Kua wiano no shirikiyano usuri nasi. Katika riwaya ii mashu jawa kitanzi yawoteni wa kike. Nani mawana ma pindusi yawo kumea adabu yake fuku okin. Nakua mua kujito wa wai wa wainewa. Asha kabeya ni manga. Anajuta na kujio na mesa babbisha yifu yawato wendine. Kua yo anajiwa kama kujito wa moanga kua jili yaustawi moema wajami. Kujio wa kuatuma pieni kujito wa moanga kua jili yajami. Kwa sababu tango moanzo ariku wa empigani yake. Aki wa wakilisha wanga wote wa wabusi. Wonewu na zoluma wana ustai lipia. Kusiki risu ashi dazawa. Kadija ananeishi kue ni wonewo e mani zaikidini majuto na kujio na moegi hatia. Zina rusu ubilashi no kajibu re wamaisha wanga mese. Sorry, Christina, you got two minutes left. Okay, so... Kua kuma nisiya na zaku seima kua ma kuambino yam tindu. Wama ngiliano matini na kunjika kuotanzu wa matini. Wimbo na wimbo kwa sautia kungo na mataori yambuyu. Una wasilisha kawari za epistemologia junisha. Isi weza kua kikisha. Ina yon ganisha uli wengu wa waliwai na uli wengu wa misi. Wapigarame li waliwesa kufumbua lana aun kose wa kale uli o rifiwa. Waliwita kindala mlapeke. Aun toto anaiya jipenda peke. Kini lana aun kose wa sili kwa ni rewaiya na manisha kwa mba kuzaliwa kwa musika. Kusababisha mungine alie koe pokufa. Kwanfana omora li kua yatima na masumbuko anbai yajinalake li na manisha mateso anamua mamayake wa katiana kuzaliwa. Goma yama do gori inapigwa kwa wangkose uo na waganga. Koe omba mizimu yatambikulu u suwa toto masumbuko azzariwa. Katayidio grei sana fariki kiki tam cekatu wa usasa. Tasnifu yama inazungukia kwa yodadizi wa epistemologia kua kua anbai on kufya anaiypa jibola mwisho katika nadaria yake yaudairi. Kudairi nikilem tua kitumbu acio pale anzapu koe poli manbuni au kudiririka kwa maisha katia kuzaliwa na kufa. In kufya anatoa taswira yangongano bainai o yakinifu na udanaifu napiakati ke epistemologia ngingi nebadawa. Ka epistemologia yaku shuku na ulinganishi ikile mea kwanyo yakinifu au famo. Epistemologia koto tabirikia na koto pamba nuka. Epistemologia jumbu ishi inai yondua namambu yau cawi. Niu jiza namambu yashangazao aori asiyore seka. Epistemologia yai mani zadini. Na epistemologia jumbu ishi yau yano wa maisha yaku terimerana. In kufya anika fanyiki wa kua nisha mijadara yaki falsafa nadizi anbazu ontu yaiyota na uesa kuzi soma na kuzifu yaiya. Rewa yai ninfano wa epistemologia yaku pingau bagusi au kanda misaji wa ke epistemologia wa ke jinsia na ata wa ke jadi. Asante ni sana kua koi shiki lisa. Thank you very much, Christina. Thank you so much for your presentation, very in-depth. And yeah, my Swedish is not as good, so I was probably struggling to follow, but I'm sure everyone else followed very well. Thank you. And we're now going into our last presentation by Antonia Fent. Thank you for being here. And Antonia, the floor is yours, and then we'll come back with everybody for some Q&A with all the panelists. So Antonia, if you're ready, yes, brilliant. Thank you so much. Thank you very much. So yeah, good afternoon, everyone, and welcome to my talk, New Perspectives on the Swahili-based Youth Language Practice Yabba Khan. My presentation is structured as follows. I will start with a brief introduction into the youth language Yabba Khan and an insight into the current state of research. And after that, I will discuss selected salient features of the nominal and verb homophology. And finally, I'll end my talk with concluding thoughts and an outlook. So Yabba Khan is used by adolescents in Goma, the capital city of the North Kivo province, which is today home to more than 1 million people. And as you can see on the map, Goma is located in the Swahili-speaking eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo on the border with Rwanda. And the area marked green shows where its base language, the Rijoleku Swahili, is spoken. It must be noted that there is no common designation that is accepted by all speakers, since the language practice is sometimes also known by other labels. But Yabba Khan, however, appears to be the most widespread across youth communities in Goma. And the name itself is composed of the Swahili-connective yaw, the plural makaba, and the French lexical on Khan. And can be translated as language of the clever guys. And according to Nassenstein 2016, the community of practice of Yabba Khan speakers, who are often known as Bakran or Bakankala, consists of 12 to 13 youth gangs in Goma. So the language is used among street youth, artists, and hip hop musicians. Goma is a multi-ethnic border town which is marked by armed conflict and political instability. And as a consequence, the linguistic influences on Yabba Khan are extremely diverse, since French and Kiwis-Wahili are spoken. Dengala is increasingly used not only by soldiers and policemen, but also by young people, then Kinya Rwanda, and English, as well as more than 10 local languages, like Kinande, Kihau, Kinya Puisha, Kihunde, and so forth, are spoken. So up until now, three recent papers are available for the Goma-based youth language, namely Nassenstein 2016, both 2018 and both in Nassenstein 2020. And while the first two studies looked at Yabba Khan from a sociolinguistic perspective that emphasized the stylistic practice both in Nassenstein 2020 laid the foundation for more profound typological analysis of Swahili-based youth language practices like Yabba Khan. And yeah, based on this morphological brief sketch, I extended the description of the line features of Yabba Khan comparing them to its base language Kiwis-Wahili. And in contrast to Sheng, the most well-known youth language from which we have already heard of today, only very little comparative data from Yabba Khan is available. So therefore the purpose of my talk is to investigate commonalities and differences between Kiwis-Wahili and Yabba Khan. So let's start. When taking a look at the non-class systems of Kiwis-Wahili and Yabba Khan, one can see that they reveal the same semantic distinctions as in standard Swahili. Kiwis-Wahili reveals 50 non-classes plus an additional class 19, which is unique in Kiwis-Wahili as it does not exist in any other Kongu-Swahili-regulate. And most non-classes have been retained from Swahili in its standardized form. However, there are specific additional classes that can be considered as structural borrowing from local languages. And I could account all the non-classes found in the base language also for the youth language. And in Kiwis-Wahili, diminatives are formed in non-class 12, from which we have already heard of today from non-class 12, with their plural form in class 13 for the diminutive with a pejorative connotation and in class 14 for small concepts with a neutral connotation. And there are also double non-class prefixes and the evaluative non-class prefixes rather serves as clitics because they can proceed other non-class prefixes. And I could attest these non-classes to express evaluative morphology also in my data on Yabba Khan. And interestingly, all four Swahili-based youth languages share this feature that is absent in ECS and of course that morphological manipulation and creative semantic strategies play a saline role in youth languages. So in Kiwis-Wahili, syntactic agreement has to be maintained between all modifiers of the noun phrase but there are agreement breaks with non-class 10 mostly substituted with non-class six forms. And the fact that concordant patterns in Yabba Khan are largely maintained becomes evident in the given example, Kale, Kademo, Bali, Kadube, that small bad-looking girl they rate term. So the head preceding demonstrative Kale, the head noun Kademo and the object marker on the verb show agreement with noun class 12. When comparing the base language and the youth language, however, it turns out that Yabba Khan follows the concordant patterns less stringent. So speakers of Kiwis-Wahili make a distinction whether the head is a mess noun. This is example two A. And then we cry out the concordant patterns of class six or it's a plural of a countable noun which would be example two B. And then we cry out the concordant patterns of class 10. And as you can see in example three, the youth language, there's no such distinction. And what I find is another interesting aspect is that the unspecified quantifier one from Lingala, which always precedes the head noun, is increasingly used by Yabba Khan speakers. As shown in the example ended, sorry, replaces the quantifier Moia Eevee, which always has to follow the head noun in the base language. And this is yet only one example which should exemplify the saline blow that Lingala plays. The large majority of Goma residents do not routinely use Lingala in their daily interactions, but it plays an increasingly important role, which is why Fusha Daunt in May was 2013 state that Lingala possesses a high symbolic value, the use of Lingala indexes being a true Congolese, toughness based on Lingala's association with the military and urban sophistication based on its association with the capital Kinshasa and modern Congolese music. In Kivu Swahili in class six, not only the plural to class five is formed, but also generally the plural forms to nouns from class nine, 11 and liquids and mass nouns as well as in combinations of double plural prefixes. And maybe this could favor the following point that in Yabakran, the plural makama of noun class six is often used as a general plural marker, especially when it comes to long words from French, like example for A, Lingala example for B or English example for C. And this seems to be a common practice, not only in Yabakran, but also in others Swahili based youth languages, which it can be argued that it is leading towards its development into a general plural marker. And furthermore, this is also a feature of the Lingala based youth language Yankee and has already been reported as a tendency of standard Kinshasa Lingala. Okay, the expression of locatives shows the commonality between base and youth language, whereas in standards for Hili, we have a tripartite set of Paa, Ku and Mu noun classes, the locative classes, 17 Ku and 18 Mu are only existent as locative markers in Kiwis for Hili, but they do not function as full noun classes. And this is also the case in Yabakran as you can see in the given examples. Okay, so the common threefold distinction of demonstratives in standards for Hili is in Kiwis for Hili as well as in Yabakran reduced to a twofold distinction and as indicated in the examples. And another difference is that the demonstratives always precede the head of the noun phrase, which is a feature found in most of the speaker's first languages. And interestingly, in my data, Yabakran speakers also use the term Mokili Oyon, which is borrowed from Lingala. And I could show that demonstratives of noun class nine are frequently used without referring to a noun belonging to a specific class, especially again when it comes to long words like I, je du corps, which is obviously a long word from French. And now I would like to move on to discussing Salah and features of the verbal morphology. So the fundamental structure of the Yabakran verb basically follows that of Kiwis for Hili where subject, object, and reflexive concords are fixed to their webstem as a term and derivational markers. And in Kiwis for Hili, the tendency towards loss of agreement can be observed yet not to the same extent that I found in Yabakran. And in Kiwis for Hili, the subject markers of noun classes, three, five, six for mass nouns, 11 and 19 share the morphology of noun class nine. However, Kiwis for Hili has, again, less simplified concordance than the youth language. And according to Shina Gawa, 2007, simplification and grammatical agreement is said to be one of the remarkable syntactic features of the mixed languages in general. And he accounts simplification process found in Xing and reports that the reduced system of subject concords could develop into a general animate in animator position. So my findings on Yabakran correspond with his findings. And the following example shows that the youth language diverges from its base language. And in this respect reveals more similarity with other Swahili based youth languages like Xing where agreement marking on the verb is almost entirely done by class nine, 10, which is why Shina Gawa calls it a cover class. And hypothetically, it could be claimed that this could also be further favored through speakers' orientation towards the Lingala speaking kinshasa because Lingala possesses morphological reduced concord patterns and has no class agreement. So it distinguishes between subject markers for singular animate, plural animate, and singular or plural in animate references. Reference. Okay, so the tense and aspect forms of Kibus-Wahili are in terms of their remoteness considered as the most aligned features in the verbal morphology. Kongus-Wahili varieties like Kibus-Wahili diverged from standard Swahili in so far as they have a special suffix ak, which we already have talked about today. And this can be combined with several prefix tense markers like Na, Li, and Ta as a circumfix morpheme which are sketched in the given table and again exemplified with evidence from Yabakran on the next slide. And this change in remoteness of tenses can also be a certain from others for Hili-based use languages as the imperfective suffix occurs in different use languages like Shen, Luhayamitani, and Kendiville as well. And according to Nasenstein and both 2020, the imperfective suffix in the prefinal position is explained as a contact phenomenon and with other local bento languages and can be considered as a rather recent innovation in Swahili use languages. So the verbal derivation patterns show a high number of commonalities in base and use language that are illustrated in the given table. And I was able to assert in almost all the verbal derivations that constitute productive patterns in Kivu Swahili also in Yabakran with one exception actually, whereas passive is a highly productive verbal derivation in the base language. My data shows that the use of morphologically marked passive voice seems to be obsolete in Yabakran and instead the substitute structure of the impersonal periphrastic construction with the third plural concordant bar which does not mention the agent of the action is used by speakers. This is example 14. And so the given example shows the unspecified subject construction where the subject bar could be paraphrased by someone or a day, but we don't know them. So this way of avoiding passive morphology is also common for the Lingala based use language Yankee. And of course, the fact that my data does not show morphological passive could also possibly be because of the little data but it still gives what I think the first insight into the direction of development of the loss of morphologically marked derivations in Yabakran. Okay, so thank you. To conclude the presented results reveal that Yabakran shares some specific morphosyntactic features with its base language, kibus wahili. Like we saw features like the noun class systems, the tens and aspects forms in terms of their remoteness or the verbal derivations that are retained in the youth language, clarify the high number of commonalities and furthermore the general tendencies of simplification like the non-referring agreement already described for others wahili based youth languages could also be accounted for the Goma based youth language and clearly show divergences from its base language. And yeah, more over the saline role that Lingala plays for Yabakran speakers was emphasized and speakers orientation to the Congolese capital Kinshasa reflects the morphological divergences of the youth language from its base language. And I think further studies with a micro typological approach should equally include phonological and syntactic features as my study has only shed light on some morphological properties and general tendencies of linguistic change that are found within all four youth language practices should be, I think, subject to more in-depth analysis with of course, bearing in mind that youth languages of course in a constant state of flux. Thank you all for listening, Asantini Sana. Thank you. Thank you very much, Antonia. Very interesting presentation and I'm sure some of our linguists here will come in with some questions. So yeah, so we can now call everyone back and open the Q&A. If anybody has any questions, you can either put them in the Q&A chat and I can read them out or if you raise your hand as an attendee, we will be able, we can allow you to actually say your questions. So yeah, so anybody who has any question, we have now about 20 minutes left and to conclude our day of Baraza, Kaki and Hibi too. Also, what did base language refer to? Thank you, Shaggy. Okay, so class 12 is actually the diminutive and class 19 refers to a specific amount or specific quantity of things. So that's the difference. And I referred to base language as like the language that Yabba Khan realized on as a matrix structure, let's say that's how I understood or used the term base language. Thank you, Shaggy. Thank you. Okay. Maybe I can ask something to Christina. I was really impressed by this sentence, which was, Ogedagakum patambuzi kamatam totoake. What was that? So it's like, if you want to, I mean, get the goat, you should always get the kid, always get the child. And then, So, a proverb that Kufia told me when we're speaking about why he used as the main characters about this history, that is speaking about people suffering from HIV-AIDS and why the two people HIV positive are two young children because actually the character of Tuma, she's 16 and the young Haji is only 18. So he said because he would like to make this tanzia, this tragedy as much catastrophic as possible. And so he chose those children and he told me, in fact, think about the wanga when I say kamatam muzi kamatam totoake. Okay. I really liked that very much. I never heard it before. And I think I will now use it. It makes absolute sense. Yeah. Okay. And when was this, when was the novel published? Christina? In 2019. Aha. Lutz Martin has a question. We're going to allow him to talk. If I could. Just to talk kind of you, thank you. I will let you speak, Lutz. Also, Lutz will say the final words. So he might as well get ready since I don't think we're... That's right, yes. I know I'm warming myself up, but I have, first of all, just a small question for Antonia. And that was, I think that was like, I was interested in the class six, class 10 distinction and the countable, non-countable because I think the examples you had was the, for the countable one was cows maybe. And I think that's probably right, but I was curious because cows of course are animate. So there's two semantic parameters involved. One is the countable, non-countable, but one is the animacy, non-animacy. And I was wondering whether the animacy may play a role in the agreement choice as well. So the question would be really what would happen if you have a countable, non-animate noun and whether that would behave differently. Does that make sense? So thank you. As far as I know, animacy does not play a role in Kibu Swahili, but maybe Nico Nassenstein as an expert for Kibu Swahili has a different view on that as I'm still the student. Yeah, Nico, perhaps you want to say something if you're there. Well, I don't know if you can hear me. Yes. Oh, you can. Okay, I was also allowed to speak, so. Yes, yeah, we let you see. Yeah, practically a bit different from standard Swahili animacy in Kibu Swahili, if I remember correctly right now, for example, and most animals are also grouped in, well, would be grouped in nine, 10, right? And would in some Swahili varieties then have agreement with class one or two maybe or with nine and 10. And interestingly in Kibu Swahili, it's the case that they, as in neighboring Bantu languages like Kinyaranda and so on, they would have agreement of nine in the singular and then practically 10 in the plural, but all modifiers apart from the actual plural on the noun would be class six, no, differently, would be class six would be the noun ma and all other modifiers would have z or ze, zenye, zilikua, and so on. So practically, and so the intimacy thing, which if I remember, Antonio's talk correctly is similar in both only that the accountability plays a role, right? That it falls together the countable ones and the non-countable ones. So practically maybe if I don't know if that answers your question, Lutz, even let's say other countable things apart from animals like cows, something like let's say manjumba, zile manjumba or something would have the class 10 agreement and in, well, according to the data then in Yabakran most probably no longer. It's an interesting thing, somehow. I don't know if that makes sense now. Yes, I think it does. And it's a really interesting subarea what you do with anima shishumanists, count and non-count, you know, it's really different agreement patterns. So this is really interesting data in a much wider comparative sense as well. Thank you. Thank you, Niko, and Lutz. Thank you very much. There is a question, I think, from Wilkins Keon asking about the speaking of Swahili in the Congo forest, because it is so that in a TV program and I think, yes, we did speak about the spread of Swahili and perhaps if someone wants to comment further on the presence of Swahili in Congo, maybe this question could be addressed to Niko, maybe as you are there now. Yeah, maybe I can ask back, what exactly is asked for? How far it was spread or in which kind of varieties, in which varieties it occurs or? I think, you know, it says it's a generic question. I think it's not very, maybe, knowledgeable about the spread of that. Ah, okay. Just a question in the fact that he's so on a TV program that he was speaking there. Maybe some of the other presentations. Okay, yeah, maybe one could say that the real periphery of Swahili and the boundary between especially Lingala and Swahili as languages of wider communication are in present-day Kisangani and around present-day Kisangani. So the major of biggest city along the Congo River where until we had Tiputip earlier on, right? Where Tiputip was governor and of course it was him and his troops and also some preceding them who brought Swahili up to that point. And the further you come to the non-Swahili speaking areas, of course, so further westwards, the more Swahili doesn't look like the coastal Swahili anymore and concerning the forests where Swahili is spoken. Maybe interestingly, of course, if you are somehow off the urban tracks somewhere really deep in the forest, let's say in Ituri or in the rainforest outside of Kisangani, not in the city. Especially where Swahili has been spoken for a long time, it's very often restructured to an extent that especially for example by hunter-gatherers in the area, the Aka-Baka and so on, Toa and so on, that it cannot even be clearly be categorized into one variety. So practically we don't have those isoplasts that we find for example at the East African coast. So let's say if you're somewhere in deep in the Congo forest where people speak Swahili between Kisangani and Chopo and Ituri or the Kiwus for example, it's very hard to count it to one specific variety. If you're in the urban centers, it's quite easy. So this is kind of a sociolinguistic city hopping model maybe one could say but it's widespread in the Congo in the all of Eastern parts of the Congo up to the North towards the Aru district of Ituri province. So there it's Bangala. So the Northern boundary is Bangala and Swahili. The Western boundary is Lingala and Swahili. Yeah, that's it, perfect. Maybe I don't know if that answers the question. Yes, I think it does. It does, yes, it was about knowing more about the exactly the forest, the people of the Congo and the relation with Swahili language. So yes, thank you very much. And there was one more comment from Chege Gichiora which I think it refers to what we took in earlier. So it might be a little bit, but I just say it anyhow that Chege said the Hezu, Maniumba, Nipua, Sana occurs frequently in Kenyan Swahili. So just so, yeah. OK, I think we don't have any more question. Perhaps we can just a few closing remarks to thank everybody from myself. And I'll pass it on to Ida and then to Luz Martin who's going to say a few words on behalf of Swahili in closing the Baraza of today. We hope you can stay connected as you always do. And we are looking forward to the next Baraza. Time flies, as you know. And then hopefully next year we're definitely going to be able to also don't come first again. And also hopefully with funding to be able to invite more people from East Africa. That will be really, really good. So just from me, thank you very much. It was a very interesting day. As usual, just all day around Swahili studies and Baraz is just so inspiring. And it was a long day, especially when we are sitting on the desk like this. But for me personally, it has been a really fantastic day. So I thank you, everyone. And thank you, Ida, my colleague. And Ida, over to you to say a few words. No, thank you very, very much, everybody, for coming today to know it's cool. We never intended for you to feel unhappy or anything. We're just really happy that we spend the day together today. Let me just say, although this was online today, and we did not have pilau and biryani and sambusa and all that, I feel we had some excellent presentations today. I had a really lovely, lovely day. I learned so much, and I'm so happy that you all came. Karibuni Sana, Nakamam Takua London, Karibuni Soa, Stupo, Wakatiwa Woteule, Ngati Wefrai Sana, Kwamba Watuengio, Meunga Nasi, Pomo Yena Chege, Ambe Endio Mwanzilisi Mwanzetu, Natuna Onapia, Kuna Watuengio, Asahili Wengio, Mekuja, Asanteni Sana. So, I would like to ask Professor Lutz Martin to come to the Africa section of Soa, Sasa Hivi, and Karibu Sana Lutz. All right, thank you very much, everyone. I mean, I want to stay long, but I just wanted to say thank you to the organizers, in particular Angelika and Ida and everybody who's been working behind the scenes. Thank you to the presenters. Thank you to people who came. It's really nice to keep this tradition going, and many of you have been here for past Barazas. I think some of us have been for all of them. So it's really nice to build up that community and people meeting together. It's really nice to see new faces as well, of course. We want to grow. I think, for me, what is really important is this focus on a particular language in the particular region, which cross-cuts disciplines. It's so important that this is important, of course, to continue with our own disciplines in history, sociology, legal studies. But to bring it together on a day like this and to have this trajectory, almost like a journey. Many people spoke about boats and seafaring culture, which is very appropriate. And in a sense, it's a little bit like this. If you look at the day how it went by, we talked about language, of course, in many ways, but very technically on morphology. We talked about lexical relationships and the syntax. A lot about discourse, about pragmatics and how language is used. But we also talked about literature, of course, our language is used in literature. And then that links you to culture, to sociology, to the societies in which language has spoken to history, to even legal studies. So we talked about religion, about law, and all that focusing on a particular area. So I think that was really important. And the other thing, I think the final thing, I guess, is what is really nice is to see how language relates to meaning in so many different ways. So language, it's an opening to meaning of the semantics of it by learning a foreign language, by reflecting on our own language. It allows us to reflect on the semantics and semantic links between different forms, different speakers, different times. But also, as we've seen, the art of language to be more subtle. So we talked about metaphors and how some language use is used more to indicate and almost to hide something. But again, in a very subtle and meaningful way. And I think that was really fascinating to see how that is brought out as well. And then the other final thing is language, language contact, of course. We looked at translation, we looked at loan words, we looked at how words travel. I think Martin, I always, sorry, I didn't get to ask a question, but I always like Martin's talk because they are so detailed. And they really link the study of the words with the speaker communities behind them. So it's really fascinating to see that. But of course, then there's also translation of political terms, of literary terms. And again, it's really enriching to see that. I think that was the final thing. I'm really happy about the transition. I think lots of future plans have come out. And we saw that in the discussion, I already think, oh, this would be a really exciting thing so this would be a nice area to follow. More than we all have time for because that's always the problem. There's more ideas than time. But I think that's one of the good things about these days that they bring out new ideas and change your thinking and inspire for new projects. So I hope you can follow it. Some of them have continued the conversation. We're all networks. And if you can speak on the email, have Zoom conversations. And I think it would be very nice to follow it up like that. With that, thank you again very much. Asante Niqua Bote. And we are looking forward to Tanana. Waka Oja, we're looking forward again to seeing you at the next Parazza. And I hope you can keep the condition, the series going. Thanks so much, everyone. Thank you. Have a good evening, morning, day, wherever we are. Asante Niqua Bote, Asante Niqua Bote. Yes, I just wanted to say a big open thank you I put in the chat, but also to Aki Alborzi, who has been really, really, without him, actually, we would have not been able to have these online. So sorry, Aki, I should have said earlier. And yes, just thank you to Aki and to my other colleagues in my team as well for the promotion of this conference and to supporting us with the conference from SOAS. Thank you again, everybody. Asante Niqua Bote. Asante.