 Anybody here, I'm assuming everybody's got a San Francisco connection because you hear, anybody have a Hawaiian connection in the audience? See some hands? Okay, good. Anyone from Hawaii? Oh, okay, three. Very good. So I'm talking about folks who are from Hawaii, who are native Hawaiian, Kanaka Maui, who moved to San Francisco about 150 to 200 years ago. And so your own experiences of coming here from Hawaii to San Francisco. This is a long history, generations after generations, hundreds of years. People from Hawaii, particularly in this talk, talking about native Hawaiians, have been coming to San Francisco. So that's what we're looking at. And Kapalakiko is at that time in the print sources, which I'll show you, the Hawaiian name for San Francisco. It's a transliteration. Kapalakiko, San Francisco. Oh, I got a clicker. And I'm sorry if some of the fonts are a little wonky as I work through it. I was messing around with it just before the talk. So this is in Hawaiian. I have a translation here. One of the fun things about doing this project was that I had a great Hawaiian language teacher in Harlem of all places, a native Hawaiian scholar who was studying at Columbia in New York. He took me on as a student. So this says, Olelo Ho'olaha, it's a notice or advertisement. This is in a newspaper. And I would show you the original, but Kahai Hawaii, this paper, online. You can look at a digital transcription at this point, but not a lot of digital scans. This is an ongoing project with native Hawaiian newspapers, Hawaiian language newspapers from the 19th century trying to digitize these and make them available. Kahai Hawaii is a really important paper that I use the most in my research, but we only have transcriptions, not the full scans at this time. It says the widow and the younger sibling, perhaps, of Jack Hina, who lived in San Francisco within the years 1850 and 1851. If you want to come to one of these two, either Dr. Gullo, or if that doesn't work to Kale, or J.C. Pfluger, at the store of Hackfield and Company, then you can come and hear a blessing for her, Honolulu December 31st, 1856. This was actually the very first language assignment my teacher in Harlem gave me. He said, translate this thing. So this is what we worked on. And in this very first translation, I was early in grad school at the time. It has Kapalakiko in it. And it's talking about this guy, Jack Hina, Hawaiian, who lived in San Francisco in 1850 and 1851. And if you know his widow, you can go to either of these two guys to the store in Honolulu and hear a blessing for her. And I was like, this makes no sense to me. But I translated and I said, I need to know more about this, Hawaiians in San Francisco. Okay, so I started to look for this guy, Jack Hina. I'm giving you a little sense of how I went to the breadcrumbs here to figure this out. So this I found in the Daily Alto, California, one of the early English language newspapers here. And you can see it says, the administration of the estate of Jack Hina was before the court today. Jack Hina was a kanaka. Kanaka is the Hawaiian word for person, often gendered as male at this time in the 19th century. But in English language sources, what I argue in my work is kanaka really referred to a Hawaiian worker. It's a class term as well in the way that English language people used it. Jack Hina was before the court. Jack Hina was a kanaka who died here about eight years ago and was an owner of 100 Vera Lott at the corner of Post and Kearney Streets. And 100 Vera, anybody know the size of a Vera? It's a Spanish measurement that was used in Mexican California. Yeah, what do I have? 32 to 43 inches, it varies. So 100 Vera Lott's about 30 to 35 feet each way. So 30 feet by 30 feet. And this is the way the Mexican government apportioned lots in Urbabuena in downtown San Francisco. And I've never measured it out. But I think if you walk around Portsmouth Square and that part of the very early cross of Urbabuena and walk the blocks, they were laid out at this time in the 1830s, 40s on that Vera system. So you can still walk around that area and get a sense of what a Vera feels like. So Jack Hina owned this land, this Hawaiian owned land at the corner of Post and Kearney, 100 Vera Lott about 30 feet by 30 feet. We'll go back to that corner later in the talk at Post and Kearney. So what else did I find about Jack Hina? He a report of cases determined in the Supreme Court of the state of California in the 1860s. So this this issue about this land keeps going on. Jack Hina died at the city of San Francisco on the third day of October 1850 leaving Mary Hina, his widow, surviving heir. The said Mary Hina and the defendant Henry Blankman were appointed administrators of the estate of Jack Hina and duly qualified as such and took upon themselves the duties of such administrators. Well, what happened here? You have these two people who are fighting over Jack Hina's land, basically his widow, Mary Hina, who's a Kanaka Maui woman, a native Hawaiian woman, and Henry Blankman who is a Anglo American dude. And well, the way it turns out is that Mary Hina loses access to the land and it shouldn't be very surprising. Many of you if you know San Francisco and just California history at this time period after the Mexican American War when the United States took over all the Mexican Americans and everyone who owned land throughout Alta California, there was extremely widespread dispossession and those land titles did not carry over. One of the interesting things though a lot of great Latino scholars have written about the dispossession of Mexican Americans, including these urban lots in San Francisco. But no one yet had written, I had never seen anyone write and say that there were Hawaiian landowners who were also dispossessed. But this is what happens. Here's the court case in the Dalai Lata, California, a vital man versus Hina judgment by default was rendered in favor of said plaintiff entitling him to a lot in the city of San Francisco lot 282. That's at the corner of Post and Kearney. And what it says in another source, which I didn't put up here, we do find Mary Hina, the widow, she's evicted, right? So she's kicked out of this land at the corner of Post and Kearney here. And we find that she shows up in El Dorado County in about six months. And many of you would know El Dorado County in 1851, you're right at the heart of the gold rush. And there's actually quite a large Hawaiian community out there that I won't talk about in this talk, but that I write about elsewhere in my, my book project. At that time, maybe 20 to 50 Hawaiians who are living out in El Dorado County in some of the mining camps. So Mary Hina is evicted from her San Francisco lot and goes up into the Sierras and joins the Native Hawaiian community in the mountains. And here's the last one, just to show that this story keeps going. Kanupepa Kua Kua. This is literally the independent newspaper. This was the first independently owned and operated and, and run Native Hawaiian paper, free of missionary control, free of government control, just run by Native Hawaiians themselves. And this paper in 1873, the, the middle article here, Ina Makamaka, it says, if friends with the blood relatives of Jack Hina, Pika Payele, Kale Pua Anui, Kaupa Levai, Keoni Kavini, Keoni Parani, Keoni Panana, you should come to my office and talk with me then to hear some benefits belonging to you. And I haven't been able to track down what benefits they got. Assuming, well, we can assume that these people like Jack Hina were also landowners. And in fact, they were, I'll get to that in a second. They were all landowners. And we talked about that in just a second. But by 1873, they were getting some kind of redress for having their land taken from them. And unfortunately, I haven't been able to track down what kind of redress. Question back there. You know, from what I've read, I'm showing you basically all the sources that I've been able to find about Jack and Mary Hina. And it's kind of opaque. But no question that gender has something to do with it. You know, that Mary Hina as a woman and as a widow was seen as unfit to carry forth the title to the land. But race has something to do with it as well, just in the intersection that, that Mexican Americans are experiencing the exact same dispossession as native ones. That's my interpretation, is to try to put it within that context. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. And up here, we heard that maybe she is illiterate. It's very likely based on what we know about Hawaiian literacy that she was literate in Hawaiian, but not in English. And of course, the court system at the time would not have been very flexible about that. Other chapters of my work that I'll, which I'll briefly mention that look at other industries like the whaling industry, which was a major employer of Hawaiians, Hawaiian migrants at this time. For a very long time, they made Hawaiian workers sign English only contracts, eventually the Kingdom of Hawaii, the government passed a law saying you need to have bilingual contracts. But even then, the, the bosses would change the wording in pencil, scratch out add things in the English site and not amend the Hawaiian one. So we can very much imagine Mary Hina does not have access to legal counsel, certainly not in Hawaiian language, doesn't have financial resources to deal with this stuff. Okay. Yeah. Yeah. You'll see, like in this one, it says 100 vera. There was one where it is a vera is a yard, right? Yeah. So my math is off. So, so a 50 vera, we're assuming it's square. Right. So 50 yard by 50 yard. Well, that makes sense. Because 30 by 30 feet is not see, you know, I'm a historian, not a mathematician. Yeah, I'm not going to get into that here. But they were, I will maybe at the very end, I'll show you some graphs of the geographic distribution of Hawaiians in California over time. And you'll see that the, the Gold Rush counties, like El Dorado, around 1850, early 1850s, that is where the native Hawaiian community was. Um, okay. Where was I? So, so I gave you this introduction about jaquina. It's just a case study that's tantalizing. And very much it's, there's so much missing information that it's intriguing, but it's hard to make big, big conclusions about it. So this is the book I'm working on beyond Hawaii, native labor in the Pacific world. And the picture here, I don't know if anyone recognize it, it's from an early 20th century edition of Richard Henry Dana Jr.'s Two Years Before the Masked. Great book if you want to understand the Hawaiian experience in California. This is more down in the southern Alta, California. But Dana writes many, many pages about the native Hawaiian friends and coworkers that he met and befriended around San Diego and Santa Barbara and places like that. That's what the image is from. And the reason I'm hoping to use it for a book cover, even though they don't really look noticeably Hawaiian in any sense, although if you read the book, these are Hawaiian workers doing these tasks, carrying the cow hides, is because this is one of the very few images that I've been able to find in six years of research that show native Hawaiian workers in 19th century California. We know that thousands of them are there. And I'll talk about that. But very, very few images that document the Hawaiian experience. And I'll show you what we've got. But this is the coolest image. And these are some of the chapters that I'm working with for the project. So these might change, but these are the chapters in the dissertation project. Chapters one and seven, you can see our bookends here that I'm looking at the relationship between Hawaiian China and these chapters. And in a large sense, to try to push back against what we historians would call a teleological view of history, that is that what is what we have today was destined to always happen. And so a lot of people look at Hawaii today and they see it's a US colony, it's controlled by the United States. If we go back in time, we'll see that it was destined, the US was definitely going to take over. I challenged that at the time period I'm looking at here from the 1780s, even all the way up to the 1870s. Many of you know, 1893 is when the coup took place in Hawaii and 1898 is when the US annexed Hawaii. But even up until the 1870s, I argue that the access between Hawaii and China was was quite strong. It's not the same kind of access. There's not a kind of colonial or settler colonial access like the one you see with US missionaries and other Americans coming there. But there's tons of trade and migration throughout this period between China and Hawaii. So each chapter, I'm looking at different industries and commodities that Hawaiian workers were key. And the first one, I look at those sandalwood trades, the Hawaiian sandalwood, which was a huge part of the trade with China. And Hawaiian workers were crucial to cutting down sandalwood that was burned as incense in South China. Chapter two, the Kanaka body is more theoretical, where I'm just looking at the issue of how employers viewed Kanaka men, Hawaiian men viewed their bodies and had ideas about what kind of work they were fit for and what kind of work they weren't fit for. And I'm not going to talk about that in this talk, but we can talk at the end if you want about that. A lot of racialized coded language about Hawaiian workers are fit for this kind of work environment their bodies are unique to that. If you're familiar with the history of the U.S. South and history of African American slavery, it's a similar kind of discourse about biological fitness and race and applicability to certain kind of work, tropical environments, manual labor, this kind of thing. So there is this whole discourse about Hawaiian men's bodies and their fitness for work. And that's what I look at. Whale riders is all about Hawaiians in the whaling industry. As many as maybe 20,000 in the 19th century serving on American whaling ships into the Arctic is the whaling industry, but above 70 degrees north latitude, at least many thousands, one, two, three thousand Hawaiians worked up in the Arctic, which went against all these racial ideas about tropical bodies. The employer said they don't belong in the Arctic, they'll die in a second up there. And in fact, Hawaiians turned out to be some of the most reliable and best workers in the Arctic. Life Among Birds is about Hawaiians on the Guano Mining Islands in the middle of the Pacific. At least a thousand Hawaiians were dropped off on these isolated outposts all throughout the middle of the Pacific Ocean to mine bird guano, a major industry of the 1850s and 60s. Aloha with Tears is what we're talking about. That's a quote from a Hawaiian that I look at throughout this chapter about California, who writes home and says, Aloha Meka Vayimaka, many times in his letters, Aloha with Tears, as he's writing to family back home. So that's the California chapter. And then we end with sugar, because many of you, when you think of Hawaii, you think of the sugar plantations. And my whole work, I'm trying to argue, for about a century before the rise of plantations, you had all of these extractive industries that tens of thousands of Hawaiians were crucial to. And that's the forgotten story here. Hawaiians traveled all over the world to work in these industries before the rise of sugar, pineapple and those things. And when sugar and pineapple became major industries, that's when they started to import workers from China, from Japan, from the Philippines, from other places. Up until that time, native Hawaiians are the key labor force, but they're quickly replaced on the sugar plantations. So I'm telling the back story before plantations and before Asian migration in large numbers to Hawaii. And here's my spatial table of content, same thing, just to give you a sense of all the different directions. If the middle is Hawaii, that these workers are going in. California is the furs and the hides and the gold. And that's what we'll be talking about today, why Hawaiians ended up in San Francisco. And here's my map, this would be about 1870. What I imagine with the map here is that by 1870, this is a Hawaiian Pacific world. This is a, all of these places are known to native Hawaiians. They're known in Hawaii, but they're also known in all these diasporic locations. Hawaiians in California know about the experiences of Hawaiians in the Arctic who know about the experiences of Hawaiians in Mexico and down at Jarvis in the Guano Islands, because they're writing into the Hawaiian language newspapers and telling their stories in the newspapers, which are then being subscribed to and read all over the Pacific Ocean. So it's a very cosmopolitan, very interconnected diaspora in the 19th century, where native Hawaiians are aware of all these places. They're working in these places and they're communicating, and not just through newspapers, but through songs and stories that are also passed down. Some of the best sources I have, not for California, but for the Guano Islands and whaling are in songs that were passed down all the way into the 20th and 21st century oral traditions that remember these locations where Hawaiians worked. So this is the large, this gives you a sense of the larger picture of what I'm looking at and in our talk today focusing in on Alta California in San Francisco as one node of this larger world that Hawaiians made and knew and lived in at a time, at a time when I think a lot of people probably thought, oh, Hawaii, that's some island down the middle of nowhere, not connected with the world. And I'm arguing it's very, very connected with the world. So we can start here. I'm going to the Oklahoma Museum tomorrow to see their Pacific Worlds exhibit. I don't know if any of you have seen that, but that would be really related to this. So I went there two years ago, Comercio con al Mundo, commerce with the world, and this is a little exhibit part of their permanent history thing about Mexican California's relationships with China and with the world. It's as David Eagler wrote in his recent book, Pacific, what was it called? The Great Ocean, which is about this time period in the Pacific. He says California was even more international, it's more cosmopolitan before the Gold Rush than afterwards. And we have this sense that we like to think during the Gold Rush is when everybody from all over the world came in. But the 50 years from 1800 to 1848, that first half of the century, it's a very interconnected, very cosmopolitan world. All these Chinese porcelain stuff are coming in to Mexican California. And up on the wall there, I love this map. I took a picture of a map of Mexico and Las Islas de Sandwich, the Sandwich Islands or Hawaii. And isn't it interesting that on a map of Mexico in the 1820s that they thought to extend the map out that far west, to include Hawaii as part of the sense of where Mexico is in the world. It changes the way we think about Mexico, right? That Hawaii is a crucial part of the geography around Mexico. And there's huge amounts of relations here. So here are a few stories that I have in my notes here. The very first cows to come to Hawaii came from Mexico. Here's some of the natural history stuff. So that was in the 1790s. George Vancouver picked up the cows in Alto California and brought them to Hawaii. And those of you who have been to Hawaii or from Hawaii, you know that cattle ranching is a huge part of the history and culture there. And even the panellos, the Hawaiian cowboys, they were initially trained in the 1830s by vaqueros, Mexican American vaqueros. So the cowboy culture even traveled across the ocean between these places. And there's a great new book out by my friend and colleague John Ryan Fisher called Cattle Colonialism, North Carolina Press, if you want to check that, which is all about the history of cows and cowboys moving between Mexico and Hawaii during this time period. So that's one mosquito, the very first mosquito in Hawaii, 1826, we know, came from San Blas, Mexico, where a ship picked up water in San Blas because they needed drinking water as these ships are going around Cape Horn and traveling around. And then went to Hawaii, they unloaded some of the water mosquitoes caught out. And measles, we know, we can date measles to 1848, Mexican American War, a U.S. man of war, picked up the measles in Mazatlán in Mexico and then brought them to Hawaii. So these long-term relationships even before the gold rush between Mexican California and Hawaii go on and on. So that's a lot of what moved from Mexico to Hawaii, but I'm looking at people and things that went from Hawaii the other direction. So here's one of the very first ones before we get to San Francisco. When I was doing research down at the Huntington Library near LA, I took the train up to to Ventura one day to go to the old mission because I had found records that Native Hawaiians in the first decade of the 1800s, 1806, that Hawaiians had showed up at the mission, at San Buena Ventura mission there. It's like 1806, Hawaiians there. And I took a photo of these hills because the story I found in the records, this was in a ship's log, this was an American ship with 12 Hawaiian sailors and one Hawaiian woman on it. And the captain wrote when they stopped in Ventura, or maybe they were in Santa Barbara around there, but they stopped at the mission here and a bunch of the Hawaiians deserted ship and they ran up into the hills here to hide from the captain. This is super common. I write about desertion in all of these industries. Hawaiians were looking for wages and opportunity and work, but suffered a ton of exploitation under American employers too. So when they could desert from ship and run for the hills, they did. So these are the very hills were standing there in 2013 thinking about that 200 years earlier about the Hawaiians. They were caught and they were brought back and put in irons and put back on the ship. And the Hawaiian woman too, Punahoa, her name, the captain, the captain has many remarks in his log about how Punahoa is his girl and he makes her do, you know, stick by him all the time and you get a sense of sexual exploitation, which is another common experience, especially for Native Hawaiian women on these ships. So this was one of the earliest points of contact for Hawaiians in in Alta California right there. Then moving forward, as I mentioned, Dana has all of this great stuff about Hawaiians, mostly down around Santa Barbara, San Diego. He writes about Santa Barbara. He says it's a pretty empty town. There's nothing but hides, tallow, and dark- looking sandwich islanders, racialized language there, right? But the hide and tallow trade is a huge reason why Hawaiians came to California before the gold rush. This was the slaughtering and skinning of cows in Alta California. The hides were then turned into leather. Dana writes about how the leathers sent all the way around Cape Horn to New England in the Industrial Revolution and turned into belts and shoes and that kind of thing. And then that people would come back on the ships wearing those shoes back to California to keep working. It was kind of an interesting image. And tallow was turned into candles and soaps and things like that. This was the huge industry of California before the gold rush to hide and tallow trade. And I've been able to find probably 20 to 30 Hawaiians that we can actually say yes, they were there at the time. The numbers are probably larger. So here's one of Dana's conversations with the Hawaiians. What do you do here, Mr. Manini? Oh, we play cards, get drunk, smoke, do anything we're mined to. Don't you want to come aboard and work? A'ole, a'ole, maki, maki, mako, ika hana. Now I've got plenty money, no good work. Mamule, mani pao, all gone. Very good work. Maika'i, hana, hana nui. But you'll spend all your money in this way. I love the way that they're having this polyglot conversation. That's what California was like at the time. Lots of languages. I know that buy and buy mani pao, all gone. Then kanaka worked plenty. Mr. Manini is kind of like a leader of the Hawaiian community here. This was a community that was living in an abandoned brick bread oven on the beach in San Diego. Dana writes this very detailed story about these men. They had deserted ship at some point. Not sure where they'd come from and when. They're from Hawaii. But about 15 to 20 Hawaiians were living in an old oven that Russian traders had built on the beach in San Diego. And they're living in this big old bread oven. And Dana calls it the kanaka coffee house and other crazy names like that. But as Mr. Manini says, he says, well, we're doing fine now. You know, when we run out of money then we'll work for you but we're not going to work for you today. It gives you a little sense of the very little bit of power. And this is something I try to tease out in my writing. Overall, these workers are exploited and they don't have a lot of power. They don't have a lot of what we would call agency. But in moments like this, and I was able to track down these guys and find that they made purchases. I found a shop in San Diego where some of them are coming in and buying alcohol and buying things like that. Plain cards, buying alcohol. They're trying to really live as well as they can in this makeshift community on the beach in San Diego and not totally giving over all of their work and all of their labor to the Americans. So an interesting sense. And here's a little picture of not of their bread oven. Unfortunately, I don't know if there's any illustration but of San Diego at the time. And all of the structures ramshackle things on the beach at the time that Hawaiians and other workers, we know of Tahitians. We know of workers from all over the Pacific who are showing up on these beaches to cure cattle hides and process tallow. And like I showed you in that first image, carry the hides over their head out to the ships and that kind of thing. Big, big industry. Now another place of industry before we get to Urbabuena to San Francisco was in the Channel Islands. So I said I got to go out there too. So I went out on the boat trip two years ago to check out there. And that was sea otter hunting. Sea otter furs were a huge, huge commodity in China at this time. And this was another big California trade. The sea otters had been all extirpated from Russian Alaska, the North Pacific, and the trade was slowly moving down and Mexican California was the last frontier of this trade. I don't know if any of you have seen sea otters off the California coast. The population is very thin. But at this time, it was a huge market. And Hawaiians were used, Hawaiians were hired to swim out among the otter. Well, this is a very weird system. So when the Russians hunted sea otters in California, they brought down Native Alaskans, alute and Kodiak workers who'd come down in kayaks and swim out and spear the sea otters. That kind of thing. Hawaiians were not familiar with sea otters. That's not part of their ecology in Hawaii. They didn't have kayaks and that kind of thing. They had canoes. But so when American traders were here and they're competing against the Russians with their Kodiak and alute labors, you get a sense of how cosmopolitan this place is, Americans were bringing in Hawaiian workers to help with the trade. And the Americans would stand on shore on the edge of the island with rifles and shoot at the otters. It's such an American way to hunt, right? They were just shooting at the otters and then they would send the Hawaiian to swim out and find the dead ones and carry the dead ones back. That is how the trade took place. And decimating the otters, the Hawaiians were paid. I've only been able to find one record of what they're paid. It was $16 a month. Pretty average of about what's going on at that time period. But it was a weird life, too. Here's one of the guys who hired Hawaiians, found a picture of him at San Diego Old Town, Alan Light, an African-American. Again, we get a sense of just how diverse this community is, right? Alan Light, he was also known as Black Steward. He was actually the steward, the guy who takes care of the kitchen and food supplies on the ship of the ship that Dana was sailing on. So Richard Henry Dana is writing his novel, his book about this area. Alan Light deserts ship. He's the steward of that ship. And he ends up living in Mexico and he's a very prominent African-American citizen in Mexico at the time. And he works out in the Channel Islands here and hires Kanaka workers, hires Hawaiian workers. And there's actually a crazy story of Alan Light, the African-American employer and five Hawaiians who get into a gun battle with a Russian trader and his alutes and Kodiak workers. So if you can imagine California this time on one of these islands off of the coast, you have African-Americans, Euro-Americans, Hawaiians, Native Alaskans, Russians all shooting rifles at each other and fighting over sea otters. That's part of what California was like in the 1830s and 40s. And that's why this period fascinates me so much. So here's a little overview of up to 1846. The red dots are Hawaiians at the missions, the Catholic missions. And I'll show you this date on the next slide. I've been able to find at least 20 Native Hawaiians who were either baptized, married, or deceased at the Catholic missions. And this is very interesting too. Catholicism, there were some inroads of Catholicism at the time in Hawaii, but if you know Hawaiian history, the Protestant missionaries ruled everything there. And they even passed laws against Catholicism. There was a real push to not let the Hawaiians become Catholics, but we find at least 20 Hawaiians who end up in Mexico and become Catholics. And the blue dots are the worksites I've been talking about. San Diego, Santa Rosa Island, and the Channel Islands. We've got Urbabuena at the peninsula there, which we're going to get to, San Francisco. And you can see at the mission here in San Francisco, at least two Hawaiians I found. And then we have Sutter's Fort out by Sacramento. And then we have Fort Ross, the Russian Fort. And they had Hawaiians there. Most Hawaiians worked for Americans, but the Russians picked some up too. Total numbers, not clear, but at this point in my chapter of looking up, all Hawaiians up to 1846, I estimate at least 100. It's not a lot yet at that point, but at least 100 Hawaiians that I've found. And here's just the mission data, which I found at the Huntington Library. Really hard to find these guys too. You can see the data on the bottom right this is the... These are the terms that I had to find in the digital database that they made there of all the census record. Ease lost of sandweeds. See, they didn't know how to spell sandwich, the Sandwich Islands, which is the name for Hawai'i. So San Ludovitch, San Ludovitch, they came up with all these things. So if you're searching on the database and you type in sandwich, you get nothing. So I had to, I was doing this for days, thinking about different permutations and so on. And I was able to find 12 versions of Sandwich Islands, three versions of O'ahu, I think, one version of what I think is Maui, and then others that it really wasn't clear with their location. But as you can see on the bottom left, many of those were labeled Kanaka with a C. It's a Hispanicized term now, which is also interesting because usually it's a K. And there was here you get a sense, okay, we know they're native Hawaiians, that's what the term Kanaka is referring to. But another one is labeled Indio, Indian. And I can talk more about this at the end of the talk when you get to the United States period in California, the census, the U.S. census, is even more confused than this. If you think the Mexican Catholics got it messed up, the U.S. Census lists Hawaiians as African-Americans, as Native Americans, as all every race and ethnicity you can imagine, Hawaiians got mislabeled in the census as. So these are the 20 Hawaiians I found at the Catholic missions. And lastly, just to show you Sutter's Fort. I don't know how many of you have been out to that site out in Sacramento. This is certainly a founding site in the history of California. Right, John Sutter comes from Switzerland. And he shows up with eight Hawaiian men and two Hawaiian women. His labor force, his very first labor force when he comes to pioneer and found Sacramento are 10 Hawaiians. And historians who have looked at that period, they show that before they built the fort, his Hawaiian workers built Thatched Halle. You know, Hawaiian huts, Hawaiian homes that they lived in as they were working to build up the fort. So literally the founding of Sacramento is a Hawaiian town. They build Hawaiian style homes. They live as a community of mostly Hawaiians. And many of you know the story of Sutter that he employed is not the word, but used thousands of Native Hawaiian workers, quite a bit of exploitation to his treatment of Native Hawaiians. Native Americans, Native American workers. He used the Hawaiians as gang leaders and foremen to control the Native American workers. So if you look at Sutter's writings, he talks about how he used this Hawaiian and that Hawaiian to requisition Native American labor as soldiers and as gang laborers and that kind of thing. Really interesting cross indigenous stuff going on there, right? Where Native Hawaiians are in a position of power over Native Americans. And I can talk a lot more about those relationships too because there's a lot of intermarriage. Many Native American communities in California today have Native Hawaiian ancestry. There's a ton of intermarriage going on between Native Americans and Native Hawaiians. But that brings us to here. Here's the mission in November 1848. Mission Bay. The Mission Bay is not really there anymore, but here's a little bit of San Francisco. So compared to some of these other sites, this is a sleepy place. And I'll show you some of the census data on the next slide here. But this is what we have. I've got a little data here just to step back for a second. So in 1840, it's estimated there's about 380 foreigners in all of Alta California. That's really low, right? That means everyone else is Native American or Mexican. We're including Mexican American as well. Foreigners remaining Anglos, but also Hawaiians and Russians and others. 380 total in 1840. And it's estimated about one in 10 of those are Hawaiian. And one in 10 of every foreigner in all of California is Hawaiian. But in Urba Buena in 1847, and I'll show you the census here in just a second. In Urba Buena, one in 10 of all people, 10% of the entire population of the town of Urba Buena is Hawaiian in 1847. Now the Hawaiian population in San Francisco today is not 10%. It's not even 1%. There is a very significant Hawaiian and Pacific Islander community here. But think about what it would be like today if 10% of San Francisco's population was Native Hawaiian. That's what it was on the cusp of the gold rush. So here's the census. And this is just a reprint from the newspaper. But at the Bancroft Library, you can go and see some of the original notes that the census enumerators used in June 1847. You see the white population in the categories too are interesting. These were the four main racial categories that were being used at the census. This is at a time when the United States is occupying Urba Buena during the Mexican American War. So they show up. They've taken over Urba Buena. They're occupying forests in Mexican California and they do a census. And 40 of 459, about close to 10%, really like eight point something, are Hawaiian. But if you do just the male population, it's like 12%. 12% of the male, you know, for traditionally male laborers, which we'll be talking about mostly with these workers, although the Hawaiian women did laborers as well, which we can talk about, but different. About 12% of the male population is Hawaiian. Great question. I don't know. I don't know if they're counted as white, or Indio, or Negro, or Sandwich Islander. Or if they're discounted, I don't know. That would be a great question for someone who studies Mexican American history, and I don't. So I'm getting at it from the other way around here. I never really asked that question. But it's a good one, right? Because the U.S. occupying forests in the Mexican American War is showing up to a town that's there. It's already there. And I have a, I actually got some great quotes from, I'll see if I can get to them, quotes from U.S. soldiers who show up, and they hear Hawaiian language on the street. And it's interesting, this U.S. soldier from the East Coast, he's here occupying Urba Buena for the U.S. Army, and he's writing in a letter home. He says, there's tons of Hawaiians here, talking Hawaiian on the street, that kind of thing. He thinks it's an odd place. And it is odd, because that's not the San Francisco we have today either, right? Well, you hear Hawaiian everywhere you walk on the street. So, but the Spanish-speaking population, I have no idea. I really doubt that the whole, that 375 whites are Anglo-Americans. But a large number of the Californios, the whites, even though positioning is at different times, but in official census documents, usually the Californios, which were mostly Mexican mix. Mestizo, yeah. Mestizo, yeah, the mix of the Spanish conquerors and the arrivals from the south. Yeah. Pretty unbelievable, they go fashion. Well, there's a lot of power in claiming whiteness too. I mean, and that's something a lot of historians have looked at, and Native Hawaiians tried to do it too. And some Native Hawaiians were listed as white in the census. And the odd thing is their neighbor right next door might be listed as black. And I haven't, I have interpretations about that, but trying to really understand how that works is hard to understand. Let me just see what else do I have here. Okay, so just before movement, the Kingdom of Hawaii here was getting very concerned about the number of Hawaiians going to California. And this is a whole other thing. If you look at this from the other perspective, this really heats up with the gold rush. And the Kingdom of Hawaii starts to pass laws to limit Native Hawaiian emigration to California. The law is literally titled something like to prevent Hawaiian emigration to California so that they don't all die there. And as many of you know, the Hawaiian, Native Hawaiian population is crashing at this time. It's now estimated that the Hawaiian population at the time of Captain Cook, so first contact, was about 500,000. That's the most accepted estimate now. And by this time, by the late 1840s, the Native populations maybe 70,000 to 80,000. So from half a million down to 70,000 to 80,000. So same story as the Native American experience, right? Huge amount of depopulation from disease. So as Hawaiians are leaving on ships and going to California and not coming back as well, this becomes a major concern of the Hawaiian government. So the Hawaiian government starts tracking these guys as early as 1844. I've got a note here from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, a Scottish guy, Robert Wiley, if you know Hawaiian history. He was a very powerful guy in Hawaiian government at the time. He wrote in 1844, at least 63 Hawaiians were in Alto, California that he knew of at the time. And he said that they mostly worked in the hide and tallow trade, the cattle hide and that kind of thing. But quote, some are taken as domestic servants, which gives you maybe a sense of what some of the urban work that they did, not to say that Urbabuena is urban with 400 some people, but some of the work they might have done working in people's homes, doing cooking, cleaning, nanning, also that is a very gendered labor most of the time. So maybe what some of the Hawaiian women were doing was that domestic work. And here's some more information from the census. Here's the quantitative, but I have some of the qualitative stuff. The census report had a narrative too, and they said quote, the Indian sandwich islanders and Negroes who composed nearly one-fifth of the whole population are mostly employed as servants and porters. The sandwich islanders are usually employed as boatmen in navigating the bay, and they're said to be very serviceable in that business. Some few of the sandwich islanders read, and two or three can both read and write their own language, and I would bet very much that it was actually higher than that. Historians of Hawaiian language have argued that Native Hawaiians are the most literate people in the world around the middle of the 19th century, with a literacy rate well above 90%. So these workers, these common migrant workers, most of them could read and write in Hawaiian. Here's the quote from the soldier I was talking about. Okay, here's a U.S. soldier who's occupying Urba Buena, and he says quote, there's a people here from the sandwich islanders called Kanakas, which I do not trouble myself to learn their alphabet. They are a puny and less intelligible race than the Negroes, and of dirty, filthy beings, I must say all the inhabitants are about alike. Even dogs and animals killed in the streets lay in front of their dwellings and putrify, and not without ever being removed. So a customer, they had a filth that they deem it not offensive, end quote. So take that with a grain of salt, this U.S. soldier who has a lot of not nice things to say about the Native Hawaiian population, who are 10% of the population. But then at the very same time, we have this data from Hubert Howe Bancroft, seven-volume history of California. He collected this stuff about Hawaiians, which is great. And he found at the very same time that the Hawaiians had set up a Sabbath school, a Sunday school, a Protestant Sunday school, where they were doing classes, Christianity, language, learning, this music, that kind of thing. So the U.S. soldier's perspective of, you know, they're filthy and dirty and uncivilized, that kind of thing. We also have data that Hawaiians in Urba Buena in San Francisco at the time, they have a school, they're Christians, they read, they write, they're a very much contributing part of the population. And it says they met every Sunday, forenoon at the Alcalde's office, the Alcalde being the mayor. That's the Spanish mayor of Urba Buena. This is what I found at the California Historical Society. The Alcalde, the mayor, actually hired Hawaiian workers. So we have a sense that Hawaiians are even working for the government, the Mexican city government in Urba Buena. So here's the Alcalde hiring these workers in early 1847, a dollar for the laborer, one Kanaka, mostly this, a dollar a day, I guess, for the workers, Kanaka, Kanaka, Kanaka. And many of you might know the name Leaders Dorf, very important, Afro-Caribbean person in early San Francisco history. Again, that's a whole other interesting part, the very prominent powerful place of African Americans in early San Francisco. He was the major labor contractor of Hawaiians. So, again, this kind of interesting power play of different peoples. Leaders Dorf was the guy that the government, the Urba Buena government, went to Leaders Dorf, the Afro-Caribbean labor contractor, to say, give us some Kanakas. We want to hire your Kanakas. And here's a list of all of Leaders Dorf's Kanakas. This is the most exciting part of my research. I was able to find the names of over 20 actual Hawaiian workers. It's really hard to find Hawaiian, to find migrant workers' names and stories at this time period. They're usually just listed Kanaka, like we saw there. This is what I found almost all the time in archives, Kanaka, Kanaka, Kanaka. It's a degrading language, but it's basically saying, this Hawaiian, that Hawaiian, this Hawaiian, and not naming them and humanizing them. But in Leaders Dorf's records, he's the Afro-Caribbean labor contractor. He knows these people because he's contracting them out to other employees. He's got a book at the California Historical Society. You can go there and look at his records. It's called Indian and Kanaka Labor, so Native American and Native Hawaiian. And he lists everyone by name and how much he paid them and also all the trouble that they got into, too. So I'll tell you some of those stories that I've collected here. But this is great. I've found the dates that we, the dates that we know that they're in Urbabuena. On the left are all the workers. And on the right again, those are those landowners that I mentioned at the very beginning of the talk. So this total is about, I think, 26 of the 40 Hawaiians in the census. So that's kind of remarkable that we've been able to track down the names of the majority of these Hawaiians who live in San Francisco at the time. So Captain Johnny, here's a story about Captain Johnny. He was docked pay for skipping work, as well as burying one of his Hawaiian friends. He's actually the leader's dwarf, did not pay him for the day when his friend died and he had to bury him, kind of sad. He got docked pay for showing up drunk. This was something many of them got docked pay for. And Johnny Wahine, which is what I think, this was spelled so many different ways, but Wina I think is Wahine, which is the Hawaiian word for wife or woman. So we can get a sense that the top two there are a couple. Johnny Wahine and Joe Ham were docked pay for playing hooky. This is a great story. Leader's dwarf says, they're playing hooky. They were supposed to come to work. They didn't. They came back later and they said, actually we took one of your ships. We took one of your boats out into San Francisco Bay. And they lost the anchor in the bay. So they were docked pay for missing work, but they also had to pay back leader's dwarf for losing his anchor. Oh, that's great. If somebody wants to scuba down in the bay and try to find leaders of anchor, the Hawaiians lost that anchor. So I think it's cool. Then we've got Harry, Oahu, Joe Ham and Ben. I actually found their contract, which was in San Marino at the Huntington Library. So these guys, they have records all over California. I found their contract that they signed their X's to. They usually just signed the X at the bottom of the contract. And the question about English versus Hawaiian gives you a sense. They've often probably signed the English contracts without knowing what they were signing. Their contract with leaders dwarf said, this is to certify that we, the undersigned, hereby agree to serve Captain leaders dwarf in launches or on shore in consideration of the sum of $15 per month. As follows, Joe Ham for two months, Ben for one month, Harry Oahu for one month, and agreeing to do this, we make our marks herewith and three X's. And then we see that Harry, Harry Oahu, he spent his advance, so leaders dwarf gave them some money when he first signed them up as a bonus. It's actually not a bonus. They were indebted and they had to pay that back, which is how he got them to keep working and working. Very common labor technique. Harry spent his advance on tobacco, wine and grog is what we saw. And Johnny Lewis spent his advance on aguardiente, which was brandy. So learning some Spanish terms for alcohol there. Thomas Edwards here, he got a bonus of a bottle of champagne from leaders dwarf on New Year's Day as a New Year's Day gift. But then two days later, he was sick and, quote, remained sick two days and two weeks in the Calabesa or in the jail. So you get a sense of humanizing these workers getting drunk, playing hooky, going to jail, that kind of thing. We've got the worker Jim Crow. I don't know if he's... Well, I put Jim up there. He was sometimes listed as Jim Crow, interesting name, right? Kimo Kolo or Kimo Kolo, but in English, Jim Crow, he signed up, quote, to serve leaders dwarf in a steamboat or in launches on shore for the term of four months from this date for $12 per month. And the last ones I have here, the Kanaka boy down near the bottom, get a sense, he's a young man. He was charged $3 for losing three days, being sick from drunkenness. So there you get a sense of a young boy, I don't know how young, but he's drunk for three days and missed work. And John Russell, this is the worst one, three up from the bottom. John Russell was charged $4 for, quote, damage done to the dark-eyed maid, and, quote, I'm assuming he beat this woman. Well, there was some kind of damage done that could have been a sexual attack or whatever, but he was charged, leaders dwarf charged him for that. So amazing, tantalizing did little tidbits of stories humanizing these workers, getting a sense of them as real people. So I think it's really cool. And then to close it out here, think about these landowners, right? Jackina, Pika Pile, Kale Puaanui, there's six or seven landowners there. What happened to their land? Well, as I told you, they all lost the title to their land. The U.S. came in and very quickly, they all lost. If they went to court, they lost. But of course, I had to go around and find these 50 vera and 100 vera lots because I was thinking in my mind, if the Hawaiian landowners, if their title had been honored by the U.S. government and their ancestors still own this land today, what kind of rents would they be collecting, right? This would be a lucrative thing for these Hawaiians. So here's the northwest corner of Kearney and Pine Street. I photographed construction going on two years ago there. This was Kearney Panana's 50 vera lot. So he'd make a lot of money. His descendants would make a lot of money today. Southwest corner of DuPont Street, it's now Grant in California. So we're kind of in the Chinatown region. This was Kearney Palani's 50 vera lot. Right here, the YMCA in Chinatown. This was Kearney Kaveni's 50 vera lot. So his ancestors or his descendants would get a lot of good rent from the Y. Kale Pua'anui's 50 vera lot. Here, this is looking like I'm standing right in front of city lights and looking across the intersection there. So to give you a sense of where we are in the city, Pika Pa'ele's 50 vera lots, a big apartment building. And then Jackina, the guy we started with here, corner of Kearney. You've got a city bank. It's right in the financial district. Think about how lucrative that would have been. So I like to think about that. I think it's still problematic. These native Hawaiians are also settlers. They're colonizers. This is Native American land. And it's also Mexican Americans here. Hawaiians were late in the game. But the interesting thing is that Hawaiians are showing up same time as Anglo Americans, you're Americans. You're Americans win title to everything. They take over the land, get title to the land, call themselves the pioneers of California. And I'm trying to argue a little bit. Well, there were a lot of Hawaiians there too, 10% of San Francisco's population. And they owned land, and they were workers, and stevedores, and boatmen, and porters, and domestic servants. They are a crucial part of the city. The US came in and did not honor that, much as the same way they treated the Latino population. So here's Dakota, which is okay. That's fine that there's so many Hawaiians here before the gold rush, but then what happens? So this is the first official US census for the whole state. It becomes a state in 1850. And I've tracked here the number of Hawaiians. I went through the entire census, and I found about 230 Native Hawaiians in California time. The number really should be higher, but the census only counted these folks. I'm sure in some of the gold mining areas that they were just passed over. And those of you who know your 1850 San Francisco history know that the San Francisco data from that census was destroyed in a fire, so it's gone. So that's why the peninsula is so gray and blank there. How many Native Hawaiians were in San Francisco at the height of the gold rush, right? These scenes that you've seen, this famous daguerreotype probably a million times. Right, this is the city at that time. And tens of thousands of people showing up every year. How many Hawaiians were there? We really don't know. And that's one of the sad things about losing the data for San Francisco. But you'll see that Sutter County, half the population for the whole state I found, Hawaiian population was in Sutter County. And that's because the gold's found there, right? And Sutter's Fort that the Hawaiians had founded Sacramento there, so that was a big part. And then Calaveras and El Dorado is where the mining's taking place. By 1860, El Dorado is still, even the gold rush is waning already, but El Dorado is still where the heart of the Hawaiian population is. You see the peninsula, it's very small. What do I have? Eight, I found eight Native Hawaiians. That's less than before the gold rush. For me, that raises a lot of red flags. I think there must be data missing. They must have overlooked the Hawaiians, mislabeled them, that kind of thing. 1870 census, only about 130 Hawaiians in the whole state I found. Again, they're slipped. I'm sure they're slipping through the cracks. And San Francisco is 21 Hawaiians. That's still less than the 40 that we've been able to find in 1847. This is interesting. This is without kids. This is if you add kids. You can see a little bit of difference. And what do I mean by kids? These are California-born Native Hawaiians. They become a huge part of the story here by this time. These are Native Hawaiians who now have settled here. I will say by 1870, this population, 36% women. That's a big change. When we go back to the gold rush, it's like 90-some percent men. Many of you know the gold rush was just a very male, homosocial, male-dominated bachelor society. There's been a lot of people have written about all the men. And there were women. And I have records of many Native Hawaiian women who worked in brothels and that kind of thing, a familiar story from that time period that I can talk more about if you're interested. But what you start to get by this time, Native Hawaiian women are coming over and joining the miners who have left the mines. And they are leaving the mines. They're moving into Sacramento. They're moving into San Francisco. They're moving into Alameda, to Oakland, becoming a more urban population, working in factories, these kinds of things. That's interesting, too. Think about Native Hawaiians in factories at the time. And Native Hawaiian women are coming in and they're starting families. So if you add the kids here, this includes full Hawaiian kids, but also kids of all these interracial marriages. And you can see now that San Francisco is really booming here with 38 Hawaiians. Half of that population is under the age of 10, a Native Hawaiian children population. So this is some interesting stuff. And, oh, of the kids, of the 63 Hawaiian-American kids, these are the first generation of American-born Native Hawaiians, because Hawaiians are not part of America at this time. These are your first Hawaiian-Americans. 40 are mixed-race. At least 11 have Euro-American parents. Three have Native-American parents. There's a Chilean Hawaiian marriage, a Prussian Hawaiian marriage, a German Hawaiian marriage. A lot of interesting intermarriage going on. And this very mixed Hawaiian population is going up here. And here's my last census. I stopped at 1880. Just a lot of data to go through. But here's 1880 with the kids. And you can see, again, San Francisco now, it's becoming a more urban population. And a lot of kids. This is 87 adults plus 130 kids under the age of 10. So the Native Hawaiian population settling and having children. So that's where I'm going to leave it off and return to my slide here. You guys stopped interrupting me after a while, so we can now talk about some of this stuff. Ask me questions. That would be fascinating. And I'll admit that I haven't done the groundwork there, too. I haven't published any of this stuff. So it's not out there. Hopefully I can publish some of this. So that it's interesting folks can find me. It's something to look into. You know, the names. The issue of naming is really hard. So as you saw on my list of names, let's go back through all the veralots. 50 vera, 100 vera. It can be hard to find the descendants of these folks because so many of these names are a hodgepodge of Englishization and so on. The workers particularly, right? I tried to put quotes a lot around them because these are Hawaiians who are taking on English names sometimes voluntarily, but often the captain of the ship or employer is giving it to them. This has been frustrating because it's really hard to, even if I want at that time period, to find out, well, let's go back to the Hawaiian records. Where were they from? Well, where's their family? It's really hard. The names on the right, the landowners, now Kale, Keoni, Keoni, Keoni, these are English names. Kale is Charlie or Charles, Keoni as you see is George. Pika, I don't know off the top of my head, but it could be as well. So this was very common also. The names are anglicized and then they're re-Hawaiianized. So this is Charles Pua'anui, George, Panana. I don't know if that makes it more difficult. We can certainly look up those other names, Pua'anui, Panana, Pallani, Kavini, and see what we can find, but some of those are very common names. So it'll be hard. But yeah, that's a great question because it's something that, what's that? Yeah, the question is how to define Native Hawaiian. So when I started to talk, I said I'm talking about Native Hawaiian or Kanaka Maui. Kanaka Maui is, for many Native Hawaiians today, the preferred term for an indigenous Hawaiian. That is your of Hawaiian ancestry or genealogies Hawaiian. Now in a Kanaka Maui sense of indigeneity, and there's a great book about this by Kehalaoni Kawanui called Hawaiian Blood. And she argues that Native Hawaiian sense of indigeneity is that blood quantum is not a part of a Native Hawaiian sense. That is 50%, 25%. That sense of family tree, how Hawaiian are you? That's not a valid question in terms of indigeneity. It's a genealogical connection. If you have an ancestry, if you have a genealogical connection to a Native Hawaiian, an indigenous Hawaiian, then you're considered Kanaka Maui. I will say that the state of Hawaii has a different definition and the federal government has a different definition. This is one of the big issues. If you follow the Hawaiian sovereignty movement, this pro-independence movement in Hawaii, this is a huge issue. The federal government has a law from the 1920s saying, a Native Hawaiian is someone who's 50% or more in terms of blood quantum Hawaiian. And many of you know that the federal government has similar laws for Native American claims. This is very controversial because very few Native Hawaiians today are 50% or more. But there's a huge population of people of Native ancestry who are less than 50%. And even these folks, I mean I was talking about the kids, all the mixed race kids. Those are Native Hawaiian kids, but there are some forces in government that would claim that they're not Hawaiian anymore. My definition as a scholar and working on this project is if you have indigenous ancestry, you're Native Hawaiian. So those are the people I'm talking about. If you're born in Hawaii but you're not of Native ancestry, that's not what I mean by Hawaiian. I'm not looking at those people. Yeah. Yeah, so the government, the Kingdom of Hawaii, you know, Hawaii is a monarchy at the time and a constitutional monarchy from 1840 onwards. And they start to record keep emigration in the 1840s. So after they establish a constitution and they have a minister of foreign affairs and these new kind of offices in the 1840s, they start to keep records on emigration. They start to issue passports in the very late 1840s. So there are records of leaving. I shared one little quote from that. They're trying to track Hawaiians leaving. And by around 1850, in 1850, they passed our Masters and Servants Act, which is modeled on U.S. maritime law, to try to, it's a law to protect sailors and kind of monitor the going and coming of sailors. And they institute things like a Hawaiian who's leaving the islands has to pay a bond that they can get back when they come home because they're worried of Hawaiians going out there and never coming home. So the government apparatus, really between 1840 and 1850, he started to get a record keeping of Hawaiians leaving. But it's pretty poorly done. So many Hawaiians are slipping through the cracks and not being kept in those records. It is. I find, I mean, I'm interested in the experiences of these workers. I've talked quite a bit about the numbers. I think the numbers, you can kind of go around and around and around. And it's hard for me to even make an argument, if there were 40 of them or there are 100 of them, so what? But what I really want to know is, what did they experience? So for me, the employer's records have been most important because the employers say, this was a good worker. This was a bad worker. This worker got sick. This worker died. These workers rioted. They went on strike, mutinies, this kind of thing. So I've often gone to the source of the white, the captains, the bosses, to hear what they say about the Hawaiians because that's the best place to get that data about what was their work experience like. So that's, you know, so I think if I continue to work on this, there's more to find back in the home base in Hawaii. But for most of my chapters, I've looked at the whaling ships, the California bosses, tried to find, what was it like for Hawaiians there? What I know less of, what's really much harder to know are the motivations for why Hawaiians left Hawaii, who they were in their home communities, why they left, did they come back? You can trace that. Other scholars have been trying to do that, but that was not my priority. Did you work on that? Oh, yeah. The Hawaiian, forget how much it is. I think over 100,000 newspaper issues total exist in Hawaiian language from 1834 to 1940 something. So for over a century, there's a Hawaiian language press and it's, there are Christian papers like missionary papers, there's the government has a paper, Kahai Hawaii is the government paper, there are the independent papers run by Native Hawaiians. And during the U.S. takeover, there's incredible stuff in the newspapers where Native Hawaiians are writing this anti-imperial, anti-colonial stuff, saying U.S. go home, get out, you know, this revolutionary language that scholars have just in the last 10, 15 years, mostly Native Hawaiian scholars who really know the language have been able to get this stuff and say, look at this, Hawaiians were really resisting the U.S. takeover and writing these incredible articles. So I've, yeah, from my project, I'm not so great with the language, but I did have a good teacher and I tried my best and I translated about 60 letters written by Hawaiians in Hawaiian, Hawaiian workers in Hawaiian, letters to the editor. Those are incredible sources. Hawaiians are in California subscribing to Honolulu-based papers, takes them about six weeks to get the newspaper. They'll get the paper and then, and they'll read something from some guy working in the Arctic or whatever. Like they're actually telling these stories across the ocean and then they'll scratch off a letter, put it in the mail six weeks later. You know, it shows up in Hawaii. They print it in the paper. Those papers go out. So I found about 50 to 60 letters to the editors, letters to the editor by Hawaiian workers all over the world, saying, hey, I'm in, you know, I'm in El Dorado County. I'm still alive. You thought I wouldn't make it, but I did, you know, and Joe's with me and Sam's with me and it's incredible, incredible sources and it's amazing because for, really up until about 10, 15 years ago, all histories, written histories about Hawaii for the last 100 years, if you go back further, they were using the Hawaiian language, but for about 100 years, those sources were completely forgotten and not used. And now people are using the Hawaiian language sources and finding that Hawaiians are talking back and saying what they experienced and that kind of thing. So it's incredible. From these Hawaiians in California, I haven't found anything and it's kind of doubtful. Now we do know that Hawaiian cultures had a huge influence on mainstream American culture. Surfing, right? Yukukulele, right? There's so much and there are historians who have looked at that question about how that transfers and so much of it comes from the age of tourism, right? So 1898 is from the U.S. Annex, Hawaii, and then you get steamship, cruise lines become a huge thing. Waikiki, places like that, become tourist destinations in the early 20th century. That's when a lot of the imagery of hula dancing and the beach, the Waikiki Beach Boys, the whole term, the idea of a beach boy is kind of a Waikiki thing. Surfing, so much of California culture specifically, right? This whole beach culture in California, a lot of it comes from Hawaii, but that's a 20th century story. Now these guys, I have found Hawaiians in the Guano Islands who are surfing. I haven't found any evidence that these guys in San Francisco were surfing. They are trying to make poi here. I found a great letter from a Hawaiian in California who said, you know, there's no taro here, like this sucks. And so he writes this letter about trying to make poi out of wheat flour. And it's a great letter. He says the texture is kind of right, but the taste is horrible. If you've had poi in that kind of gelatinous texture, he tried to make that with wheat gluten. Must have tasted awful. So there are all these kinds of things. And Hawaiians are fishing and eating salmon and other fish here. They're bringing fishing cultures. And if you've been to Hawaii or you're from Hawaii and you've had lomi salmon, so popular dish, you know, salmon is indigenous to North America. There's no salmon in Hawaii. That's a story I have followed in another chapter because Hawaiians, this was mostly Hawaiians in British Columbia and the Pacific Northwest who are working there. They're the ones who discover salmon and bring salmon back to Hawaii. And now you have a traditional dish, lomi salmon in Hawaii. So there are a lot of exchanges like that, but the big ones surfing and beach culture and stuff is 20th century. Yeah, yeah, so there's a great, the question is why did I spend, I don't know, I guess this is like the seventh year I've been working on this project. I have no personal connection with Hawaii. I'm not Hawaiian. I'm not from Hawaii. When I was in college and undergrad, I studied abroad in China and I studied Mandarin. My Mandarin's awful now, but at that time, every big sign of file, as you'd say, Chinese history, Chinese language, Chinese culture. I studied abroad in China. There's a huge thing. When I decided to go get a PhD in history, I wanted to do something in the Pacific that would bridge US, China. When you saw my chapters, you see I do a little bit of work with Chinese language, but I do a lot of trying to bring Chinese history and Hawaiian history together in the book. And so that's where the project came from is literally like looking at a globe. What's between the US and China? And then Hawaii, and when I decided on the project, I said, okay, I need to go out there and decide I'd never been until grad school. So my first year of grad school, I got on a flight and went out and spent a few weeks in Hawaii, just poking around. And it was so evident to me, and those of you who are from there have been there, it's so evident to me that it is the place that brings Asia and North America together, right? People, culture, languages, ideas. People talk about Hawaii as a melting pot, and that's what interested me. The project began, I was going to look at Chinese workers moving through Hawaii in those spaces. But when I discovered the Hawaiian language sources, I said, this native Hawaiian story is so important. I need to focus on that. So that's how the project came about. So that was good because I was able to give up trying to learn Chinese. By that year, I was in my seventh or eighth year of working on learning the characters, and I was so frustrated. Hawaiian is easier to learn. I will say that. Those are my two languages. I had never done French, Spanish, German, anything like that. My mind has always been towards Asia Pacific, and Hawaiian alphabet is not very many letters. The grammar is very logical. So I highly recommend finding a Hawaiian language teacher if you want to learn. It's very fun. It will give you a lot of appreciation too for the hula and songs and everything, the ukulele and all that, when you learn the language. Of course, and so many native Hawaiians who I've met in the course of this project think I'm the crazy. They're like, who are you, some New York Jew, doing this project on learning Hawaiian language? My teacher in Harlem too, he thought I was insane. He almost didn't want to teach. No, I cannot. I would butcher it so badly. Oh, no, no, no. That certainly, no, as a white New Yorker, that's not my place to stand up here and sing Hawaiian songs. That would be, yeah, that would be, I think that would be culturally inappropriate. You know, the songs, no, but seriously, the songs have a lot of important meaning. So I use the songs in my research. I try to find the stories of work and wailing and gold rush, those are in the songs. But I'm not going to do a song and dance routine up here. That would be inappropriate. Yeah, that's a good question. So if you've looked at the history of the ukulele, the ukulele, that's the Portuguese workers who come to Hawaii to work on the sugar plantations. They bring their little Portuguese guitar, and the story is apocryphal to this story is that the Hawaiians saw the Portuguese guys moving their hands so fast, it looked like a flea jumping around. An ukulele means jumping flea. That's where the term ukulele comes from. So that's a Portuguese influence. The Mexican cowboys, I don't know. My friend's book about this issue, about the Mexican Hawaiian cattle cowboy stuff. His book just came out, so I'll have to pick up a copy and see if he says anything about that. I wouldn't be surprised if they brought some guitars. But the main influence on Hawaiian string music is the Portuguese. Yeah. I'm into, in my research on storm and climate history, one of the things I'm curious about maybe propagated by crazy, filled with landscape, were not kept in pens and were so plentiful that it was easy to get a stake any time. And people just used it as a resource, a hunting resource. But then in 1861 through 64, there was a series of extreme weather events that killed essentially 100% of those cattle. And they restocked cattle in California suddenly, all at once, I don't know from where, but in any case, it was a different breed of cattle. And I'm wondering whether that means that the cattle in Hawaii were the original breed that was in this region, or the original breed brought to this region by Juan Bautista de Anza when he brought 1,000 head of cattle in 1775 through 1776. And they were driven up, they were driven north, right? Yeah, west. Into Alta California. From Sonora. Oh. And it was. Early 1790s. So that's 60 years before the extreme weather events that killed all the cattle. That's a great question and I don't know, many of you might know that ranch, you know, the cattle ranching, I don't know what the future of that in Hawaii is, but it's still a significant industry, especially on Hawaii Island, the big island. But the breeds, I don't know. I mean, the cow, we'll have to, we should all pick up, we should get the library here to order a copy of this guy's book on cattle, because it's such an interesting topic. But Kamehameha, the first who unified Hawaii in the early late 18th, early 19th century, he put a capua taboo on the first cattle. So this, what happened in California where the cattle just kind of free ranging and multiplying that kind of thing, same thing in Hawaii. They were let loose on the islands and a capu was put on them so that commoners, the majority of the population, could not kill them, could not touch them, could not work with them. There's a royal, a royal decree. So the cows did go crazy and there are, you know, there's records of Hawaiian commoners and others who work on the land scene. Our taro patches and our gardens and everything is ruined. The cows, there's thousands of cows taken away. So these environmental things, I think he writes about this in the book, there's kind of a parallel story of erosion and cow craziness going on in both places. Other questions, thoughts? Okay. Thank you for having me.