 Good morning, everyone. Thank you for coming. This is a real honor for me. Well, first of all, I'm Andrew Schwartz. I'm Senior Vice President here at CSIS. And it's an honor for me to introduce the Under Secretary, Tara Sonnenschein. She's had such a distinguished career. And she's basically done all the things that I've wanted to do and aspired to do. She's been a journalist. She's been run a major think tank. And I'll go through all that. But it's such an honor for me to be here with Tara because I've looked up to her for many years. And of course, she was the deputy spokesperson at the NSC during the Clinton administration. And so I kind of worshiped her from afar and things like that. But we're very excited because this is a great opportunity to hear about what she's been doing at the State Department over the past year. Tara, of course, has had a distinguished career in and out of government, serving, as I said, as the Clinton administration's Deputy Director of Communication on the National Security Council. In 2012, she was appointed to serve as the Under Secretary of State for Public Affairs and Public Diplomacy, where she's worked tirelessly to improve America's image abroad and really promote values of press freedom, diplomacy, democracy, and global women's empowerment. Prior to her service in the Obama administration, she was the executive vice president at the US Institute of Peace, as well as a senior advisor at USIP, and to the International Crisis Group, Internews, CARE, the American Academy of Diplomacy, and the International Women's Media Foundation. Secretary Sonnenstein's background is in broadcast journalism, as I mentioned. She was with ABC Nightly News for more than a decade and received 10 News Emmy Awards for her coverage of international affairs. She's just returned from Doha, where she participated in the 10th Annual US Islamic Forum, and her travel this year has included Russia, India, and Ethiopia, just to name a few. We're gonna have time to answer questions, and as you can see, it's a terrific turnout here, so let's be brief when we ask questions so we can get the most out of the answers. Thanks so much, and welcome under Secretary Sonnenstein. Well, thank you, Andrew. I wanna begin by congratulating you and CSIS on 50 years of strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions. You can now, good branding, right, oh yeah. Okay. We'll be on the new building on the front, so please visit. Yeah, absolutely, and good luck on your new building. I had no a thing at true about moving organizations and buckle your seat belts. I'm really happy to be here on this particular day because spring is about to turn formally, in just three days, into summer. And actually, I think we should all turn pretty soon to books and beaches and blue skies. How's that for an image? Now, you might be wondering if you've shown up at the right place this morning, because what do those wonderful images have to do with public diplomacy at the start of a speech? Well, if you happen to go down to, say, Ocean City, Maryland, or Rehoboth Beach, Delaware, any resort town, have you run into some young people working summer jobs? You order your pizza and somebody speaks to you in English with an accent, sounding like they could be from anywhere, Belfast to Belgrade. Anyone experience this? Well, those are some of the State Department's cultural exchange program students here on summer work travel. But you know, they are part of a very large community, tens of thousands of students, teachers, researchers, business professionals, who come to the United States all year round at any season to experience American culture. And they're an example of what I wanna focus on today, the major dividend that we as a nation get from engaging with people around the world. And this often, I think, overlooked impact on our society of having international students spend time in our country and our students going abroad. Think about this, the dividend that comes from hundreds of thousands of international students on U.S. colleges and campuses, undergraduate and graduate. Jot these figures down. See how you'll surprise people at dinner tonight. How many foreign students a year? Anybody, throw out a number. 12,000. 12,000, nice try? Anybody else? 250,000. 250,000, 100,000. I feel like I'm an auctioneer. How about 765,000 foreign students? How much you think when they're here for a year they might contribute to the U.S. economy? You know, buy pencils, books. Anybody, throw out a number. How much would they contribute to the U.S. economy? 10 billion. So let me double it for you. 22.7 billion dollars across all 50 states. Yeah. Higher education is among our top service sector exports. And let me also be clear, there is a value much greater and much deeper and more substantive than this financial number. But at a time of measurement and evaluation and metrics and show us the quantitative proof of concept, the economic contribution is at least worth noting. I mention all this because as I take leave as undersecretary for public diplomacy and public affairs, I want to make sure Americans are more aware of what the State Department does. Specifically what public diplomacy does. But how it all adds value, whether it's jobs overseas, jobs here, education, entrepreneurship, travel, tourism, healthy, robust trade, investment climate in both directions. And so I've come to think of the work I do as bottom line diplomacy. Because the bottom line is that the allocation of resources is part of the equation, not only because of a continuing economic recovery, but because I've learned something. We have to justify public expenditures to our only real governing board, the American people. And we have to show clear results that demonstrate the value of investing in State Department programs. What I also wanna be careful today is that I not lead you to believe that bottom line diplomacy is about reducing everything to how much it costs. I want to tell you that it is the opposite. It's about expanding our perspectives so that we see and reap the benefits for our own citizens as well as those overseas. And how would we get to this point of convergence? I think it is a fusion of economic statecraft and public diplomacy. And that fusion understands that when educational advisers go out from the State Department into 170 countries, they're talking to aspiring foreign students and they're providing comprehensive accurate information about our colleges. And not just Yale and Harvard, but our community colleges, our historically black colleges, our colleges some small in rural areas. And they're explaining who we are through the diversity and plurality of our education system. But even beyond education, when we go out and stand up for workers' rights, labor standards, human rights, all those things that we say are both right and moral, they're also smart and strategic. Because here's what happens. When you build an inclusive economy overseas and you push to safeguard certain freedoms, labor rights, human rights, and you're investing in education, and you're encouraging opportunity, the research does suggest the outcome is a more healthy, productive, democratic, empowered, and prosperous group of citizens. Likely, likely to be a more viable economic trade, social, political, strategic partner. And therein lies our enhanced security. So I've drawn for you a mathematical equation with a direct line between our foreign policy, our economic priorities, and our public diplomacy. And I'm arguing that it protects our national interests. Senator Lindsey Graham referred to public diplomacy once as, quote, national security insurance. And I know exactly what he meant. We work with others, we don't do this alone, we work with the G8, the ILO, the IFI, the OECD, to forge transparent markets. But what we're actually doing is going beyond just the marketplace to that consumer. And as I've traveled, Doha's was mentioned, Pakistan, China, Turkey, Ethiopia, Japan, Russia, Georgia, Ukraine, Bosnia, Herzegovina, wherever I've been, it's people with policy. Policy without people is policy flying blind. So how do you find this hyphen between the flow of money and the productive index of people? Example, engaging women. Sounds nice, good thing to do, makes us feel good. The economic benefits are real and enormous. The research is in, the data is there. When you unlock the economic potential of 50% of the world's population, you get product, you get value. And engagement for women and girls is a hallmark of this administration and of the State Department. And so all these programs, tech women, the Middle East Response Fund, the MEPI programs, economic assistance, partners for a new beginning, we Americas, they're all empowering women in business. And that empowers you here. So I guess what the theme really today won you all instinctively know, but I wanted to spell out, which is that global engagement opens doors and opens minds. But you know whose minds we really need to open. It's the young minds. There's our fresh, not fully closed. You can pry open the young mind. And I've also learned something in the State Department. Some of our most effective outreach to young people comes from America's youngest diplomats. And I'm looking at young potential future diplomats here. And I want to encourage young people to go down the road. So I want to pause for a moment and ask you to think and reflect for me on Anne Smedinghoff, a young State Department colleague of mine who became the first diplomat to die in Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan in April. Have any of you heard Anne's name? I want more people to know about Anne. She was opening very big doors. She was working to support an educational program to promote literacy in Afghanistan. And one day she was delivering books to young Afghans. And she was killed on that day. In her memory today, I would like to announce the Anne Smedinghoff Award for Public Diplomacy Excellence for those first and second tour Department of State officers. This award will keep her spirit alive by recognizing young outstanding officers who open doors of engagement, global understanding and opportunity. To open those doors, particularly for young people, you do have to use social media. And it is why, and I know people ask why is the State Department spending so much time and energy on social media? Because if we don't, we'll be irrelevant in the conversations. Through social media and traditional public diplomacy, you build skills. And one of the skills we all have to build is entrepreneurial skill. What does that mean to be an entrepreneur? It means to scale up an idea. How do you scale up an idea without capital? How do you scale up an idea without knowing the currency of other ideas? How would you scale up an idea without knowing intellectual property? So we have to work on scaling up young people's entrepreneurism. Something we learned from the Arab Spring, didn't we? The lack of economic opportunity for young people leads to frustrated, disenfranchised youth who lack optimism in the prospect of any future. So we have to engage with them online to provide positive, alternative scenarios. And you know what we're also doing? We're using social media and online to counter the negative scenarios, like violent extremism, which also costs lives and treasure. Global entrepreneurship programs, that identifies a promising entrepreneur, trains them, links them with a mentor and a potential investor. And then you've gotta work with their host government because you need economic policies and regulations in that host country that are gonna be enabling. One other vehicle we use, which most of you know little about probably, and those are American spaces. They're not embassies, although sometimes they're in embassies. They are gathering places, 850 of them around the world where people can just come and connect with Americans. Talk, chat, get wifi, help learn about one of those US colleges, promote English language, join a club. We need those spaces and we need to resource them. In October, 2012, we joined the Youth Livelihoods Alliance, which is the multi-sector initiative that is looking at youth unemployment. And we are investing up to $2 billion in the creation of on-line, open, educational resources and job training. On my watch, we set up an economic public diplomacy innovation fund. It's important that the ideas come from the regions and the countries and the posts. You need local indigenous solutions, not always Washington saying here, make an entrepreneur. So this new fund will encourage embassies to intersect with their own entrepreneurs and their own stakeholders and tell us what they need to advance the training, investment and engagement. One last area of work I want to tell you about that is not traditional public diplomacy. The State Department team has pulled out all stops this year to support President Obama's travel and tourism strategy. Public diplomacy is in part encouraging more travel to the United States. Look at the benefit, hotels, airlines, visits, spending, jobs, economics. The Department of Commerce has just released some of the figures reflective of the work we've been doing in the past year. Travel and tourism is up 7% to the United States. Well, I'm reaching the end and I did want to say how much I will miss the State Department on a daily basis. On any given day, the depth and breadth of what I see is stunning. I'll see Secretary Kerry emerging from a bilateral meeting with a world leader. I'll be bumping into students from Libya, Tunisia or Egypt or some religious scholars from Chad on their way to my office. Community leaders from Latin America and the Caribbean, soccer kids from Columbia. Translators running around trying to deliver all our social media messages into Arab, Chinese, Urdu, Russian. Regional bureaus talking to their embassies, trying to figure out how to set up video feeds and connex links. The message I take away is clear. This country is proactive. It is responsive. And it is meeting the fast-breaking, constantly changing and evolving global conversations of the 21st century. And I hope we never stop engaging. So thank you very much. I'd be glad to take some questions. Thank you. Thank you very much. If you could identify yourself and frame it in the form of a question, not a statement. Thank you. Right here. Yes, yes, sir. My name is Alexis Abchenko. I am representing here myself. However, I'm not going to ask about unpleasant thing, which is US reputation in the world is plummeting from Latin America to Russia, from Europe to Muslim world. We have increasingly the image of the ugly American. And I believe that to counter this idea, United States has a fantastic resource, which no other country has, which is not used. And I'm talking about people like me, immigrants. I mean, immigrants in the United States, unlike let's say immigrants in Germany or France, are extremely pro-American. Sometimes they're more pro-American than Americans themselves. And they can convey the message about good size, positive size of America, in a much more efficient and consistent way than many Americans, no matter how fluent they are in the language, because Americans, after all, think in American. And when they convey the idea, they use the wooden language, which is perfectly feasible for an American audience, but makes, does not connect to a foreign audience. May I ask where you're from originally? From Russia. We go, we go, we go, we go, we go, we go, we go, we go, we go. Problems are that in America, we don't speak Russian. I'm from Arabic, I don't speak Spanish. Oh, sorry. The rest of you are here. The question is really about global diaspora. And I am a firm believer that we have underutilized our diaspora. Now, there's a slight wrinkle in my case, because up until this year, we've been fighting hard to get a piece of legislation changed called Smith-Mount. Smith-Mount is a piece of legislation that basically says that I cannot use public diplomacy funds nor could VOA and others use their programming that were designed for an overseas audience. I could not disseminate and distribute those here. And many of my staff know, I said I would be willing to go to Smith-Mount jail for violating it by speaking or handing out materials, but that the best thing would be to modernize that piece of legislation. And at the end of this year, it was modernized and most people missed it because it was December and it was Christmas and the National Defense Authorization Act got passed and lo and behold, along with it is modernization of Smith-Mount, effective July 1 of this year. Now, we're still working through what does it really mean? Does it mean that a VOA program that is broadcast in Russia can be downloaded now here without violating anything? Does it mean that I can go to a diaspora? I can go to Chicago and speak to the Polish community? Can I give them things that we produce for Poland? So I will tell you, I've been on this subject and you are completely correct. It's an underutilized, but it has been part of what Congress traditionally thought was propagandizing American citizens. And I would love to chat with you more. I wanna get some other questions in, but I understand exactly what you're drilling at. Harlan. I'm Harlan Oman, thank you for your comments. I would like to offer a broader critique, none of the State Department, but both of the Bush and the Obama administrations regarding public diplomacy. We don't seem to have any when it comes on to taking on the extremist threat of religious fanaticism. And I've made this comment to the highest levels of both administrations. We are particularly good in destroying people's reputations and character. Your own current boss was pillory for being a hero in Vietnam. John McCain was pillory during his run for the presidency by being accused of having an illegitimate child, which indeed was a Sri Lankan orphan that he and his wife adopted. Why don't we turn all these powers to attack the credibility and the legitimacy of the fanatics who are really gonna be causing us a great deal more mischief. We are brilliant to some degree in doing this with the Soviet Union in pushing democracy, though I don't think democracy is the right tool to use in this case, but I don't understand why the Bush administration, and I had this discussion with Karen Hughes and your administration have not really taken this on more frontally to discredit the extremists that we're facing on a daily basis. I think it was purposeful that I didn't press the microphone, but the story goes that two years ago the president had the same aha moment that you had and was very frustrated to learn that online, particularly were all these anti-American messaging and rhetoric and didn't understand what interagency group was working on it. And it turns out that talking with, in my case, Karen Hughes, whom I went up to see at Harvard, Jim Glassman, Charlotte Beers, Judith McHale, Evelyn Lieberman, I reached out and a lot of people had this idea, but it hadn't quite gelled into something. And the something is now called CSCC. We don't talk about it a lot, but it is a countering violent extremism strategic communications vehicle. It is an interagency operation, which means it has state, DOD, intelligence community, but it is not, it is very upfront about it being a US government effort. And I ventured out not too long ago to University of Maryland to give the first talk about countering violent extremism online. So that talk is up there under University of Maryland. We've gotten now kudos from Congress because we've gone up and shown them what we're doing. And what we're doing is every single day, there's a team of people who look at every bit of violent extremists that is up online, very visible. We're not talking about something that's not out there happening. And we under an open USG brand go on and challenge it. Now, how do you know something like that's working? We know it's working. First of all, we know that it is annoying the heck out of the extremists because they keep saying, how do we get these USG people out of the conversation, get them back from the table? And they're beginning to respond to us. So this is happening. It's happening quietly. I think sometimes we don't tell our own messages as well as we could, but I do encourage you to take a look at the University of Maryland speech, which lays out how we're doing it and how we're measuring its results. I'd like to welcome my good friend and our friend from Mexico, Ambassador Arturo Sarracon. For public diplomacy to work, you need a whole of government approach to it. Given that you're a few days or weeks away from leaving your 10 years into secretary, would you be willing to address some of the, beyond the budgetary food flights and constraints that you have always on Capitol Hill to implement successful public diplomacy? What are the antibodies and the resistant points that you've found in the US government to successfully implement a whole of government approach to public diplomacy? No, it's a great question. And I've said from the beginning of my tenure that I need to see DOD at the table. I need to see BBG. I need alphabet soup in the traditional sense. I need to see the Peace Corps at the table. I need USAID at the table. I need OPIC at the table. And it is hard to forge and to break down those stovepipes. I'll be honest, I, in frustration one day said, there's no whole of government here. There's no whole of community. I can't even get whole of hallway. And it is hard to get people around that common table. I do think it's doable and what I've learned is you have to pick issues. You can't just start out saying, let's have a whole of government approach. So I've picked a few issues, such as learning English as an example. There are lots of parts of the US government and the private sector that work on teaching English. Some for profit. Some for development. Some so that their Peace Corps volunteers have something to do. Some for purposes of public diplomacy. So we have formed a group now that is a real working group around let's at least leverage one another's technologies. It resulted in us bringing games for change and outside group in who said, you know, video games are the best way to teach language. Kids love them. So we invested in a video game online called Trace Effects. And if you Google Trace Effects, the numbers of kids that are going on and playing Trace Effects because Trace is a fictional character who's lost on a university campus and can't get anywhere because he doesn't speak English. Brilliant. So those are the kinds of solutions that can emerge when you meld innovative ideas. And I support it. I will also say on Mexico, one of the best American centers, the Ben Franklin Center, I'm sure you've seen it. You walk into the Ben Franklin Center in Mexico City. It's not at the embassy. There's no, you know, the security is light. It's not a line of people being screened. And the day I walked in, there was an English club going. Was Mexicans from all walks of life just came to meet and chat in English? An amazing, amazing place. So thank you for that. I'd like to, we have so many young people here as undersecretary Sonshine mentioned before. Many of them are our interns. And so I'm happy that we have such a great turnout. Right in the back here, young lady in the white shirt. Actually, Karina Ibrahim and I'm an intern here at CSIS. And I actually have a question regarding some of the regions in Central Asia. I worked there as an American Council's employee. And what I witnessed there is a lot of young aspiring leaders in those countries don't have the access to Peace Corps or English classes. And a lot of times, you know, American spaces like American Corners were being closed down. And they actually don't even have access to Wi-Fi or social media. So how can we reach out to those students and make them have those opportunities available to them? Thank you. So the answer is there are a lot of, particularly in the stands, a lot of difficulty that we run into with closing down of American Corners or spaces. One thing is the cell phone. The cell phone is really becoming ubiquitous. And so if people don't have their hard drive or their computer at home, chances are they do have a cell phone. And that is becoming a really important way to do messaging. It doesn't help with the long documentary kind of video downloading. The other thing that I think we have to do is our embassies, and this is part of educating even our own internal folks about public diplomacy. Sometimes you have to be creative and not try a Wi-Fi solution. You might try, I've told a lot of our embassies, try a book club. You know, sometimes reading books is an easier way to get into a country, celebrate their authors, figure out their heroes, talk about what it is, and through that door, get to the areas of gender violence, of discrimination, because you can't necessarily go to those hard issues first. Sports diplomacy, food diplomacy. And I'll tell you, we get criticized a lot by different constituencies. It might be a member of Congress or someone who says, how in the middle of sequestration can you have a basketball, Burmese team coming or chefs going to underdeveloped areas? And I make this point that you're making. Don't judge one country or one program or one Fulbright or one sports exchange, that you can put any one under the microscope and say failure. It's the cumulative effect of American gestures and you won't see it overnight. You're not gonna see the benefits in a day and a half, but when 20, 30 years after Fulbright goes back and is now a member of the Georgian Parliament, of which I met 19 Fulbrighters when I went to Tbilisi who came running up and said, the reason I'm here trying to build Georgia is because I went on a Fulbright program. In the 60s or 70s, we gotta be in it for the long haul. And I think the long game is where sometimes we get a little restless. Great, sir, right, right here, right in the front, Hannah. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. I'm Dr. Nisar Chaudhry and it was a beautiful presentation and life started looking like bed of roses to me when I listened to all this. But somehow, I think it's important that some creative thinking is needed. One, there's something somewhere which is missing. There's something that we are not doing which we are supposed to do and there could be certain things we might not have to do even, not needed to be done because my friend mentioned about wholesome approach. It has to be wholesome approach. To this forum, we have worked very closely with Mark Grossman when he used to be under sectarian state and as well as with Colin Dufferth and Robin Raphael and Christina Rocca as well. Karen Hughes too, we work together. But somehow I come from Pakistan. Pakistan gets the maximum assistance, I think in the world, from USA. And when even Kerry Lugarville was passed, there was so much criticism on that bill. The ambassador of Pakistan almost lost his job because of this at that time. So don't you think that something creative has to be really brought forward where Americans' softer image is presented, where America also become moral leader of the world in addition to the military might or economic power? I think it's something which is worth thinking about. No, and it's very right. And the point is that sometimes there is almost a tension between what we're doing in a policy way and what we're trying to convey of the angel side of ourselves. And I found this in Lahore and Islamabad. I arrived right in the middle of a very contentious time, way before the election. It was in the middle of the G-lock dispute over goods crossing the border. The Ray Davis events had happened. And when I went to the Kinard College for Girls and I opened up to questions, there was a lot of hostility. And this is the country where we have the largest Fulbright program in the world is Pakistan. And I did hear the frustrations. As people came to the microphone, they said, why do you think you can come in here and get bin Laden? Why are you doing drone strikes? Why did you shoot somebody in Lahore? Why are you charging us for our goods going back? And it was a lot of tension. And I explained to them that the tensions, the news of the day is always gonna be like this. Public diplomacy has to stay steady and not get thrown off course by the vicissitudes of the moment. And they listened, they're very sophisticated. They understood that I was saying, on a given day, you may not like something we do. But we're here for the long haul. And you know, they were very angry and at the end, I said, well, if any of you want to come up and ask me privately any questions, please do. And there was a line. You know, most of them did, they leaned in and they said, even though I asked that very hard question, how do I get on one of the overseas exchange programs? And I laughed because I understood. And when I talked to the ones, the Pakistani youth that had come back from the United States, their views had softened, but they came back. They didn't want to stay here, by the way. They wanted to take the skills they learned in Seattle, Washington, and apply them in Islamabad. That's why I'm hopeful. But I know day to day, man, it would, you know, you'd seem like Alice in Wonderland, certain days. You just stay in one step in front of the other. And I think things vis-a-vis US and Pakistan are far better today than they were when I arrived. So, hope. At CSIS, we've done a lot with social media. We have over 200,000 followers on Facebook. 95% of those folks are international. It's been absolutely fascinating to me because the number one city that follows us is Cairo. Number two is Jakarta. Number three is, you know, Manila. What have you, you mentioned social media in your speech. Can you tell me about some of the initiatives and what you've been doing over the past year? It's really fascinating. The reason Jakarta doesn't surprise me is that if you show up there, the American Center is huge. It's called At America. It's in a shopping mall on the third floor. It's full of programming around the clock. And Indonesian youth love being there and love now finding out more. So they learn about CSIS and other places. In the Philippines, the social media American space has gone mobile because there are so many little islands and places it didn't make sense to stand still. So they're like the circus coming to town. They come in, they unroll their banner, they put up things about American colleges and they're just mobile. And so we're generating this interest in us. But what about our interest in them? It's great that the Filipinos that we meet on the mobile space speak English and learn English. How many of us can say much into Galag? And so we understand, I do at least, that there is a hunger to know more about us. We have to wet the appetite here to know more about others. And we got to get out and make this case not just in Washington. This past year I went to Drake University, for example, to talk about why the number of Japanese students coming here has fallen 50%. What's that about? Why are Japanese students not coming? Why are the Chinese students coming but not Japanese students? And what are we doing to go over to Japan to make people feel we're interested? So I took a public diplomacy trip bringing dogwood trees. Not the trees themselves on the plane, but the seeds. To thank the Japanese for those cherry blossoms we see every year. The gesture for the Japanese, media was full of an undersecretary comes and plants dogwood trees. Now that could sound silly. It could sound soft. It could sound not the way in a sequestration too. But you wanna know something? It did more for US-Japan relations and every single time since they mentioned, oh, thank you for coming and making our parks look beautiful with dogwood trees because those trees will outlast us. That's the long haul that I'm talking about. We have time for one or two more? Yeah, yeah, let's, in the back, this gentleman right here. Hi, my name's Andy and I was wondering if the state has to justify public expenditures to US citizens and show them that the public effects for an exchange are good. How can those effects be shown, especially when some are rather long term, like the Georgia Fulbright Scholar? It's a great question and I've been working on this metrics evaluation and monitoring. So three quick facts. Firstly, education and culture, ECA, has been doing monitoring and evaluation for 15 years. Longitudinal studies, focus groups, they just didn't tell anyone else very well that these monitoring evaluations, but they're the oldest and longest. They've been looking at these. The data, and I've now said, I wanna see data. I wanna see if I send someone on a program. I wanna know how it changed them and I don't wanna be told they had a really good experience that I'm not going to the hill and saying they had a really good experience. So I now have a list of concrete measurements. Example, we took one program called SUSE. It's an exchange program and we used an outside organization, so not our data, objective, independent. We asked these people who participated in this program, what did you do after the program? What did you do the next year? The third year, the fifth year. And we looked at the results. In that program, 92% of the participants had gone on to work in civil society. Either they written down a foundation, an NGO, or they did something around volunteerism, a concept that in some places was not even a concept yet in their country. That makes you very hopeful. When I look at the Nobel Peace Prize list and I count 57 that were Fulbright's, that went on to win Nobel Prizes in Science, Medicine. I say, wow. When I look at government leaders in parliaments that have been on these programs and I count up the number of prime ministers or presidents, I say, okay, that's real. So that's the kind of data that we're now generating. We're gonna take one more. From right over here, the young lady, right over here this way. Hi, my name is Carolina, and I identify myself as an exchange student as I came to American University four years ago. And also as a young diplomat since I work at the Embassy of the Dominican Republic. So my question is, what can we do as young diplomats? What can we do as embassy officers? What can we do to help the Department of State with their job in public diplomacy? Because it pays off. I believe myself as an example of it. So how can we help the Department of State do that win-win situation? It's a wonderful, wonderful idea. And on the trip to the DR that I made, I was meeting with all the heads of our binational libraries. Latin America is filled with these traditional U.S. Columbia, U.S. DR. They're the legacy of these two country libraries. And you're shaking your head because you know about them, but no one here knows about them. So I keep saying we've got to get young people and help them to write op-eds and blogs and tweets and talk about the power of a binational center, a binational library. We have to also find ways to bring you guys up to the hill with us. It's one thing if I go up to the hill and say these programs are important, it's another thing if I take you along. And so part of it is we have to get our head around making this case. And it's not a case we've really been comfortable making about global engagement. And we just kind of assume it happens. But it takes hard work to get the voices out there to say I'm a product of an exchange. I'm the beneficiary of an entrepreneur program. I got a grant to go. And part of it is we're so, we are a big country and we're diverse and we tend to let people just wander. My big plea is alumni networks for all of these programs. Think about the network of alumni from 60 years. But that means we need alumni coordinators. And that means a budget item. Let's get real. It means I'm gonna be asking for positions at embassies for an alumni coordinator. How is that gonna fare against hard security for an embassy or assistance packages? So it's a tug of war, but you gotta be willing to fight it and fight it every day to make the argument this exchange business is good for us and good for the rest of the world. So let me wish you all that bright blue summer with books and beaches and relaxing. And thank you for being so attentive today. And thank you, Andrew. Thank you all for coming. We at CSIS were very grateful that you would speak here for this, Tara. And the undersecretary's remarks will be up on the CSIS website later today as well as a full video of this presentation. You can also, as I said before, visit us, that same information will be on Facebook. And on Twitter, we're at CSIS. Thanks very much.