 Thyshuk Ministers, members of the office, ambassadors, Director General, members of the IEA Board, President, Vice President of the Institute, senior fellows and fellows, members of the Institute, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great honor for me as Chairperson of the IEA to invite on Thyshuk Enda Kenney to give his address on Ireland at the heart of a changing European Union. As Ireland's leading think-think, the IEA has devoted over 25 years of research and analysis to Britain's relationship with Europe. We have published five books on the topic, numerous reports, the latest being last month, have held a series of seminars and conferences, including one the day of the referendum result and hosted many lectures, seminars and roundtables. The latest series of lectures consist of addresses by party leaders, and we have already heard from the leader of Finafall, Mihael Martin, the President of Sinn Féin, Jerry Adams, and the leader of the Labour Party, Brendan Howlin. In addition, we have received Colm Eastwood, the leader of the STLP, and Mike Nesbitt, the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, in order to get the northern perspective on the implications of Brexit. Today, it is our privilege to host the leader of Finafall, Enda Kenney, who will be speaking primarily in his capacity as Thyshuk, and from the perspective of a member of the European Council. Ladies and gentlemen, the seriousness of the subject matter needs no embellishment. Brexit poses the biggest challenge we as a people have ever encountered since 1939. Because of historical and geographical circumstances, Ireland's relationship with Britain is both deep-rooted and complex. The current configuration is as close as ideal as one could have hoped for in a very imperfect world. But if Brexit goes ahead, as outlined by Mrs May in her Lancaster speech before Christmas, and as spelled out in the White Paper on the 2nd of this month, then that relationship could be turned on its head. Far from being ideal, the new relationship could inflict substantial damage on the economy and endanger the peace process enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement. Ireland could suffer an asymmetric shock from Brexit for two reasons. We are six times more dependent for exports to Britain to the UK market than the EU average state. And much of that Irish dependency is concentrated in the labour-intensive SME sector, which has already suffered a serious loss of competitiveness due to the depreciation of sterling since the Brexit decision. And there could be more to come. And then there is the question of the border with Northern Ireland. If that border is to be closed, and if the pre-EU conditions were to return in the form of customs posts with the possibility of passport checks because of UK immigration controls, then the repercussions could be calamitous for both prosperity and consequently for peace. In addition to Ireland's immediate preoccupations, there are, of course, the wider questions of the impact of Brexit on the future of the European Union, which is currently the subject for debate at the European Council. Ladies and gentlemen, all this adds up to a complex agenda. Not least because Brexit is a unique event for which there is no precedent and no guidelines other than the treaties. It is understandable that there should be confusion about the negotiating processes and uncertainty about the timelines for the three interlocking sets of negotiations that Mrs May will trigger next month. The first of these is the discharge by the UK of its budgetary commitments to the Union beyond the point of formal withdrawal. And as a former Minister for Finance, I know just how complicated and contentious this is going to be. We have, to use the phrase now I understand in vogue with the business community, skin in the game regarding the size and the timing of Britain's Brexit bill. This week's economy, citing different estimates, states that approximately they reckon it's going to be around 60 billion. There is no agreement as to how the negotiations are to be sequenced. These consist of the Brexit bill, the withdrawal agreement on Article 50 of the Treaty on the European Union, and the creation of, quote unquote, new relationship, a new relationship between the EU and the UK under Article 218 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Mrs May wants them to be simultaneous. So far the word from Brussels is that they are to be sequential. How is that, how that is going to be resolved remains to be seen. The Taoiseach will be at the centre of all of this. For the Treaty stipulates that the European Council shall negotiate and conclude both the withdrawal agreement and the new relationship. Its first step will be to lay down the mandate for the European Union's negotiator, Michel Barnier. Here the Taoiseach will be setting out Ireland's priorities and how the asymmetric shock I mentioned can be minimized if not eliminated on the basis of solidarity between the member states. Ladies and gentlemen, this will be a matter of high politics in which the future generations to come will be, the future of the generations to come will in fact be determined. So, the responsibility falling on the Taoiseach shoulders could not be heavier. I know his method. We came into the Euracus around the same time and we have served in cabinet together. I wish you well, very well. In the discharge of your responsibilities in the period ahead. And I have every confidence that you will fulfil them to the manifest benefit of the Irish people both north and south. Ladies and gentlemen, it is now my pleasure to introduce on Taoiseach and to Kenny. Good morning, my name is Kenny. I am a member of the Taoiseach and Shogun Shomer Kirkalach. I am not clear. As we gather here today, our country is at a crossroads and as we approach the second century of our state, we now enter a new era of our history. We are buffeted by strong external forces of politics, of economics, of technology and the greatest, of course, of these is Brexit. It actually does pose unprecedented political, economic and diplomatic challenges for our country. Challenges to our peace, challenges to our prosperity and how we deal with it in the months ahead and the years ahead will define the future of this island for decades to come. We must make sure that we shape that future for ourselves and for those who come behind us. I firmly believe that we can do this and my purpose today is to explain how. In this generation, we have come through tumultuous, often difficult but historic times. The successful search for peace was quickly followed by the despair of our economic crisis and then by the difficult path towards recovery. It was not too much to ask that history might now pause for breath but history has never been idle in our country and we should recall that we have faced other momentous challenges in our history and we have overcome them. The struggle for independence a century ago the transformation of our economy a half a century ago the historic reconciliation of the peace process and most recently the achievement by the Irish people in pulling the country out of the grip of recession and onto the path of sustainable economic recovery. So we can draw on the inspiration of all these past achievements and we can imagine what lies ahead as we create that new future. Last year we commemorated the centenary of the Easter Rising and we recalled the achievements of that revolutionary generation. We also learned a lot about the Ireland of today. We felt a deep pride in our country or history or culture and our people. That pride was not stained by narrow nationalism or fear or by hatred of others. We recalled a time of great division with our nearest neighbour that division was remembered in a spirit of respect, reconciliation and friendship. It was a year of renewal renewal of our sense of ourselves and of the values that we hold dear and it is those enduring Irish values that will guide us safely through the stormy seas in the years ahead. The values of freedom and democracy, of openness, of tolerance, of community, of solidarity and of respect for others. The values as we would say of Keith Milaforte. They were demonstrated in the joyous scenes all around the globe from Dublin Castle when the result of the marriage equality referendum was announced. They find expression in the happy faces of so many new citizens who have come here in recent years and who are so proud to be Irish. They are exemplified by the men and women of our Defence Forces who serve the cause of peace and who save lives daily at the heart of Europe in the Mediterranean Sea. For our values are European too. They are the common values that animate our European Union. They are the values that bind us together as a union of democratic states working together for the greater good of our common European home. And as those common values come under increasing threat, so we must defend them even more strongly. We cannot and should not take them for granted. The mood of unity in defence of European values and ideals was actually palpable at the recent summit meeting of the European Council in Malta. I hope and I believe that mood of unity and those European values and ideals will continue to guide us in the time ahead. Ladies and gentlemen, the 1916 proclamation, recognised at Ireland's place in the world, will always be defined by our relationship with Europe as well as with the United States and with Britain. Three years after the rising, in 1919, the first Dáil met here to formally declare our independence right here in this historic room. And on that day, Dáil Ehren issued a message to the free nations of the world on behalf of the Irish people. It stated, and I quote, internationally Ireland is the gateway to the Atlantic, Ireland is the last output of Europe towards the West, Ireland is the point upon which great trade routes between East and West converge. Our independence is demanded by the freedom of the seas and our great harbours must be open to all nations. Of course, it was a document of its time created in the aftermath of the horrendous war in Europe and the outset of the War of Independence here in Ireland. With that message contained an essential and an abiding truth about Ireland, we are a European island nation who will always remain open to the world. And those relationships, especially with Britain, are very different now, a hundred years on. The world is so much smaller in so many ways and Ireland's reach is so much greater. But our unique ties of history, of geography and of kinship remain unaltered. A mature, reflective appreciation of our history offers inspiration for the time ahead. We have faced big problems before and we have successfully turned them into opportunities. And we have made big mistakes too, not least the inflation and the bursting of a property bubble, the collapse of the banking sector in 2008 and the humiliating loss of economic sovereignty in 2010. And throughout all of this, the essential lessons of our history are the same. We must remain at the heart of Europe and open to the world. We must protect the hard-won peace on this island and we must pursue thoughtful, prudent, but ambitious economic policies. The government's plan for Brexit combines these three essential elements. To succeed as an open economy and as a welcoming society, we have to remain central to Europe. The foundation of our country's prosperity and the bedrock of our modern society is our membership of the European Union and that will not change. Our membership of the Union has brought us enormous benefits and the Irish people have consistently endorsed that membership. It has been central to the success of our open competitive economy and Ireland's membership of the single market and the customs union are fundamental to our economic strategy. It allows us to sell Irish goods and services anywhere within the Union today of over 500 million people without restriction. It gives us the opportunity to buy goods of high quality with the reassurance of proper standards and it provides the freedom to transact business with strong protections for the rights of consumers and the intellectual property of our artists, our scientists, and our businesses. It gives us full access to European Union trade agreements with other major markets and a capacity to engage in global free trade that we could not possibly have on our own. It allows our people to travel, to work, and to live freely in all member states if they choose to do so. The EU has also been the cornerstone of much of the social progress which Ireland has experienced over the last generation. The social dimension of the European Union, respect for human rights, workers' rights, and equality reflects a distinctly European set of values which we share deeply here in Ireland. Membership of the Union also allows us to address shared problems such as international peace and security, climate change, terrorism, migration, all in an integrated way. And as members of that Union, with other like-minded democracies who share our values and our interests, we have a much more powerful voice on the global stage. And our interests are absolutely best served from within the Union, helping us to shape and influence the times ahead. I utterly reject any suggestion that we should leave the European Union. Brexit is a British policy. Not an Irish policy, or an EU policy. I continue to believe that it will be bad for Britain, for Ireland, and for Europe. But I respect the referendum result, and I recognise that Brexit is now going to happen. Unfortunately, its most severe impact could well be felt on this island. And that is why protecting the peace process and the common travel area between Ireland and Britain are priority objectives for the Government. For many in the North, there is a deep concern that the prospect of being removed from the European Union. It's not just that there was a strong remain majority of over 55% in the North. Fewer than 350,000 people voted for Brexit in Northern Ireland out of a total population of over 1.8 million people. But every man, woman and child in Northern Ireland will be affected by the outcome. And the vast majority of those affected are entitled to be Irish, and therefore to be European Union citizens. So when I hear people say the Government is too focused on the North, I urge them to consider how they would feel if Ireland was to be removed from the European Union in similar circumstances. And I ask you to reflect on the progress that we've achieved together and how much of it is due to our common understanding and membership of the European Union. After the UK referendum, we made good progress through the North-South Ministerial Council in scoping out the implications of Brexit and in agreeing joint principles to move forward. And those principles include recognition of the unique circumstances of Northern Ireland bearing in mind its geography and its history. Ensuring that the treaties and the agreements between Ireland and the UK are taken fully into account. Protecting the free movement of people, of goods, of capital and of services, and maintaining the economic and the social benefits of cooperation. So while the Government will keep to these principles and will remain engaged with the political parties during the current election period, bringing this work forward is now undoubtedly more difficult. With the dissolution of the Assembly, there is a very real danger that the absence of political leadership in Northern Ireland will lead to a retreat to partisan debate and an even greater marginalisation of Northern Ireland's concerns. The Brexit process will not wait for another round of lengthy talks in Stormont. So an Article 50 is triggered, the world will move on and it will move on quickly. Of course, I will do my best to put forward and to articulate the interests of the Northern Ireland people in the Brexit negotiations. And I will defend the Good Friday Agreement in its spirit as well as in its letter. The Irish Government will oppose a hard border, argue for free movement on this island, seek European Union funding for cross-border projects, and protect the rights of European Union citizens, whether from North or from South. But this requires the support of all strands of opinion if we are to succeed. We have no choice but to work together, North and South, all of us. That said, let me be absolutely clear on one point. It is a matter of vital national interest for this country that we do not return to the days of the hard border that we knew too well, or indeed create a new one in the future. This is a political matter, not a legal or a technical matter, and it therefore has to be solved by political leadership. It will certainly require creativity, imagination, and innovation. But we have no choice but to succeed in what is a common agreement between our Government and the British Government. I have stressed this point to every one of the European leaders that I've met. In addition, all Government Ministers have engaged intensively with our counterparts to ensure that Ireland's position is well understood. Minister Flanagan, Minister State Murphy, in particular, have travelled to all the Capitals of Europe to highlight Ireland's particular concerns. One of my earliest discussions after the British referendum was with Chancellor Merkel in Berlin. And across the city and over the rooftops, we could see where the Berlin Wall once stood. And after that wall fell in 1989, one of the most divisive borders in the world continued to exist within the European Union, running from Dundalk to Derry. And that barrier, too, has thankfully ceased to exist. It was in this city of Dublin in 2004 that 10 countries, mostly from Central and Eastern Europe, and that had been denied their freedom behind the barrier of the Ireland Court rejoined our European families. It was one of the truly great moments in European unity history. The European Union has always been about removing barriers, about bringing people together in peace and prosperity. And the Treaty of Rome, which we will celebrate its 60th anniversary next month, is one of the great peace agreements of the world. And without it, there could be no Good Friday Agreement. So I'm in absolutely no doubt that the European Union, which has done so much to support reconciliation on this island, will defend that peace process and the Good Friday Agreement. And I am confident that the European Union will not bring us back to a border of division. So, for Ireland to succeed and prosper, we must remain at Europe's heart and we must preserve that hard-won peace on our island. The final and enormous challenge is to protect and to grow our economy. Believe me, Brexit is a serious, direct threat to Ireland's economic prosperity. The potential impacts are profound right across the country. Key sectors, such as agri-food and fishing, face particular risks and challenges. These sectors are among Ireland's priorities, as the agri-food sector has traditionally been reliant on the UK export market, while fishing depends enormously on access to the waters around Britain. Other areas, like tourism and energy, also face very significant challenges, as do many of the thousands of our small and medium enterprises across the economy and across all parts of the country. All of these challenges require hard-headed, radical and innovative responses. We need to negotiate hard for the best possible economic outcome from the Brexit negotiations. And for us, that means the closest possible economic and trading relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom, even if it will not now involve membership of the single market for the UK. And I believe that that close relationship is in the interests of not just of Ireland, but of all of our fellow European Union states. From my own contact with other leaders, I believe that there will be significant support for that position at the European Council, provided it is based on a level playing pitch. It also means that after Article 50 is triggered, discussions on the terms of the so-called divorce commence, we will also need to have very detailed discussions on the shape and the future of the kind of relationship that will exist between the European Union and the United Kingdom. And it means that after 2019, we should have an appropriate period of transition during which the full legal framework for that new relationship can be concluded. So whether it be in London or Brussels or anywhere else, talk of punishment or of cliff edges is deeply unwise and can only be harmful to anybody in Europe. I recognize that there is a desire to have clarity and certainty on every detail as quickly as possible. I understand that frustration. Would we have to be realistic about the process that we are heading into and the time that it will take to bring it to a full conclusion? We need to be calm-eyed, clear-eyed and strategic. Our negotiations with the UK will have to recognize the wider, longer-term interests of Europe and of our people. And if we believe in a vision of a bright future for our continent and its European values, then we must place that vision at the heart of all our discussions. Otherwise, we play into the hands of those who do not share those values or that vision. So let me make it also absolutely clear. Ireland will stay on the European Union side of the negotiation tables when they begin. We will be one of the 27. We will be one of the 27. And we will continue to work with other member states to ensure that they fully understand and address the nature and the scale of the particular challenges for our country. We will seek an outcome that is good for Europe and good for Ireland. We will negotiate from a position of unity and of strength. And we will play our full part in the debate on the renewal of the European Union at this time of challenge. The European Council, which consists of all the leaders of the member states, including myself, will provide political oversight on all of these negotiations. And as we engage in negotiations in Europe, the government will also take decisive economic measures here at home. We will focus on growing strong domestic markets capable of sustaining indigenous enterprise and employment on development of a wide base of strong Irish companies, which employ more of our national workforce and on exporting to traditional and new overseas markets. We will continue to strategically develop key sectors for foreign direct investment with clear linkages to our domestic firms, our higher education sector, and our pool of talent among our people. We will attract enterprises that thrive in a single market that will still number about 450 million people as well as the Middle East and Asia. And crucially, Ireland's economy will remain open, open to investment, open to trade, open to talented people coming here to study, to live, to start a business, to work. The government has already taken a number of important short term actions. The last budget contained tax measures to support Irish businesses, which could be affected by Brexit. And as part of this, we've taken specific actions to help in the agri-food sector. We've provided extra resources for the industrial development authority, Enterprise Ireland, key government departments, and our diplomatic service. And crucially, we've learned from the mistakes of the past by doing this in a fiscally sustainable manner in order to avoid future cycles of boom and bust. We've formally reduced our debt-GDP ratio target to 45 percent, far below the peak of 120 percent that it reached during the economic crisis. And we are on course to have a balanced budget next year in 2018. And we put in place the new rainy day fund to commence 2019. So these essential actions by our government will give our country the capacity to absorb and to respond to any economic shocks in the future, not least the impact of Brexit. We must also be cognizant of the challenges of technological change and the impact that it will have on our economy and our society. So now we move to the next and decisive phase of our economic response to Brexit. Firstly, we will implement 20 specific actions to respond to Brexit as set out in the Action Plan for Jobs for 2017. These aim to diversify our export markets, improve our competitiveness, realize opportunities for Ireland, and support sectors under serious pressure, like agri-food where the government will continue to help industry respond to the effect of the Brexit discussions. Next, the government will publish a new trade and investment strategy before St Patrick's Day with targets and actions to grow and diversify markets for Irish exports and investment. And this will include a focus on the many opportunities in the eurozone countries. And based on that strategy, we will undertake the largest ever programme of ministerial trade missions in this year of 2017. The National Competitiveness Council will carry out research specifically to benchmark our competitiveness against the UK as UK policies evolve from a post-Brexit environment. And later this year, the National Planning Framework, Ireland 2040, will be finalised and presented to the All-Ireland. And this will prepare our country for a growth in population of about a million people for more than 500,000 extra people at work, for at least 500,000 extra houses, and for all the associated infrastructure, services, amenities, and environmental measures that this will require in the years ahead. This will all be complemented by a new 10-year national capital plan. As a direct response to Brexit, I've asked the Minister for Finance and for public expenditure and reform to prepare an ambitious multi-annual 10-year capital plan that will make Ireland a far better place in which to live and in which to work. And that plan will make prudent and effective use of our own resources as well as resources available to Ireland as a member of the European Union. We are already involved in active discussions with the European Investment Bank, which recently opened an office here in Dublin, and I am very confident that those discussions will lead to significant further European Investment Bank investments here in Ireland. And that new plan will show how we will invest in roads and public transport in energy and water and schools and higher education and in hospitals and health facilities generally. It will include detailed funded plans to complete the National Road Network, including links between Dublin and Derry and Donegal, and to accelerate delivery of critical public transport infrastructure. It will include substantial investment in the ports and the airports that Ireland will need as a successful global trading nation. And it will support the achievement of our international climate change obligations and our national objectives for sustainable development and for environmental protection. Finally, the government has commenced a review of our industrial policy enterprise 2025, which will also be completed this year of 2017. It will prioritize policies and investments to make Ireland more, to make Irish Enterprise more diverse and more resilient. The updated Enterprise 2025 strategy will include a medium-term stabilization and adjustment plan for those businesses, which will be most affected by Brexit. This will sell out actions to help businesses to adjust to new trading conditions with the UK, to develop new markets, to address any new logistical challenges or trade barriers, and to invest in their people, their products and their services. The stabilization and adjustment measures will be supported by government funding, where that would be appropriate. It will also make a very strong case at EU level that Ireland will require support that recognizes where Brexit represents a serious disturbance to the Irish economy. And taken together, these government initiatives will provide a clear, practical vision of our country a decade from now, and this needs to be a truly national effort. The state will have to prioritize policy measures and dedicate resources to protect jobs in the sectors and the regions most affected by Brexit. The process will start with our draft budgetary plans for this year, which will be published before the end of April. This will allow for a frank and open debate on where our limited resources should be deployed, and on the choices that we need to make. I will continue to engage with other party leaders in the Doyle, both to keep them informed on developments and to actively listen to their ideas as these negotiations progress. And they, too, will have an ongoing role to play in forming their own political sister groups in Europe of Ireland's particular priorities. And following a series of sectoral meetings right across the country this Friday, we'll see the second plenary of the All-Ireland dialogue, which has helped us to prepare for the many challenges of Brexit. I've also invited employer and union leaders to discussions on the impact of Brexit on our economy later this month in government buildings. And my objective is to develop a consensus of our national priorities, of our key vulnerabilities, and how we can collectively work to address these challenges up ahead. Ladies and gentlemen, we're just weeks away from the moment when the British Prime Minister Theresa May sends the Article 15 notification and begins the process of Britain formally leaving the European Union. We then face the most important negotiations in our history as an independent state. This government will be fully prepared. We've set out our priorities, trade in the economy, peace process, a common travel area, and our future place in the future Europe. We've mounted a serious diplomatic campaign with all of our EU partners and EU institutions so that they know that our priorities are recognised and that our position is fully understood. We are reaching out to Irish business to support them and to prepare for Brexit. We've carried out a detailed analysis of each and every sector of our own economy and of the possible options and choices that we face. We are preparing for all eventualities. Government is seasoned and tough in European negotiations and our officials can draw on decades of experience at the very highest level in Brussels, in London, in Belfast, and indeed across Europe. But our negotiating objectives are very clear. We are firmly focused on winning the argument and on getting the best possible deal for Ireland. This will require skill, creativity, and imagination. We will have to demonstrate toughness, patience, and resilience. But we will remain central to Europe and open to the world. We will defend and protect our peace process. We will implement our comprehensive economic plan. We will be both resolute and determined. The next few years will require a supreme national effort. But we are optimistic. We will succeed, and our best days are up ahead. Thank you very much. Thank you, Thyshik. We all know that you're under some pressure of time, but I'm going to ask the President of the Institute to put a question to you on our behalf. Thyshik, first of all, thank you for that extraordinarily comprehensive statement of national policy and of your own governmental strategy. To what extent do you think the role of the 10-year plan that you have just mentioned will take us through this period of great challenge that you particularly, so convincingly outlined at the end, you talked about the development of infrastructure and the creation of new markets, and indeed the enhancement of our labor force, and the creation of a new global network for trading. So, Thyshik, if you look at what we've all done in the past was to have five-year capital programs, governments come, governments change, governments go. We need a longer version of this. Minister of Public Expenditure and Reform, Minister of Finance, Minister for Housing, looking at the question of where we need to be in 20 years' time and by 2040. If you're going to have another million people, a requirement to have 500,000 extra at work and 500,000 extra homes, where are they going to live, where are they going to work, how are you going to transport them, and the infrastructure to back all of that up. So, the 42 billion program we have at the moment running out for a number of years ahead is not going to be sufficient to deal with that. If you need a 10-year program, and what's happening now is that the Public Expenditure Minister is reviewing the capital program. We have public-private partnerships for elements of these infrastructure developments, but also in respect of my reference about the European Investment Bank. They've always been our friends, Brendan, but they've never felt that they've invested sufficiently in Ireland. We opened an office here in Mount Street of the European Investment Bank some time ago. Minister of Finance is a governor of the European Investment Bank, and they're quite happy to really discuss with us other elements of infrastructure that are beyond the current reach of our Exchequer, but in respect of which there would be a stream of income to meet the demands of the repayments of low-interest long-term credit. So that might be a toll road, it might be a transport mechanism, metro, Lewis Life Rail, or whatever. It might be the developments of our ports where you'd have a stream of income coming through, which would help the ministers to be able to remove some elements of that infrastructure from the Exchequer resources which are limited in what they've got. So we want everybody able to participate in this because they're also going to have to look at what they want to do between here and 2040. We've published action plans on jobs and education, and in respect of developing the whole rural Ireland potential. In Davos recently, so many chief executives came and said, how is it that the name of Ireland is all over the world as the place to be? This morning we opened another 500 jobs here in Dublin with the Indeed Company, and they came here because of the excitement and the exuberance of working in a cosmopolitan city at over 20 nationalities. We see the 10-year plan as making it easier for the governments to actually work with authorities to decide on what those priorities should be and be able to fund them systematically, provide the services, and the facilities for all people. So and we find as the economy is prudently managed that in the time ahead things will improve further. Obviously there are pressures in terms of public pay and different sectors, but we feel a 10-year capital program is the way to be. And without making any sort of political point, what we had before in respect of previous spatial strategies of the 20 towns named in the last one, none of them ever measured up because there wasn't the coherence with respect behind those plans. So what we're doing now is asking the local authorities and the regional authorities to look at their regions and say, what do we want in the next 15, 20, 30 years? You don't just set town against town and hope for the best after that. So it's a comprehensive national response. The critical is the 10-year program in the middle of that. Is that too long of an answer for you? It's a perfect answer. Okay, folks, this man has to be elsewhere, but I want on your behalf to thank him very much. We've seen the start of what's going to be a very long road, but we've heard the determination and the clarity which will inform that journey. And I just want to say to you, C. Schick, as we go back some time, that everybody may not necessarily agree with everything that you are doing or saying, but all of us, all of us, depend on you being successful for us and for our children. Thank you. Thanks, Roy.