 CHAPTER IX It was about this time I conceived the bold and arduous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wished to live without committing any fault at any time. I would conquer all that either natural inclination custom or company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had imagined. While my care was employed in guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another. Habit took the advantage of inattention. Inclination was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded at length that the mere speculative conviction that it was our interest to be completely virtuous was not sufficient to prevent our slipping, and that the contrary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired and established before we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived the following method. In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in my reading, I found the catalog more or less numerous, as different writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance, for example, was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to our avarice and ambition. I proposed to myself for the sake of clearness to use rather more names with fewer ideas annexed to each than a few names with more ideas, and I included under thirteen names of virtues all that at that time occurred to me as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each a short precept which fully expressed the extent I gave to its meaning. These names of virtues with their precepts were, 1. Temperance. Eat not to dullness, drink not to elevation. 2. Silence. Speak not, but what may benefit others or yourself? Avoid trifling conversation. 3. Order. Let all your things have their places, let each part of your business have its time. 4. Resolution. Resolve to perform what you ought, perform without fail what you resolve. 5. Frugality. Make no expense, but to do good to others or yourself, i.e. waste nothing. 6. Industry. Lose no time. Be always employed in something useful, cut off all unnecessary actions. 7. Sincerity. Use no hurtful deceit. Think innocently and justly, and if you speak, speak accordingly. 8. Justice. Wrong none by doing injuries or omitting the benefits that are your duty. 9. Moderation. Avoid extremes for bear resenting injuries so much as you think they deserve. 10. Cleanliness. Tolerate no uncleanness in body, clothes, or habitation. 11. Tranquility. Be not disturbed at trifles or at accidents common or unavoidable. 12. Chastity. 13. Humility. Imitate Jesus and Socrates. My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these virtues, I judged it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time, and when I should be master of that, then to proceed to another and so on, till I should have gone through the 13th, and as the previous acquisition of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain others, I arranged them with that view as they stand above. Temperance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so necessary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of perpetual temptations. This being acquired and established, silence would be more easy, and my desire to gain knowledge at the same time that I improved in virtue, and considering that in conversation it was obtained rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of prattling, punny, and joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling company, I gave silence the second place. This and the next order I expected would allow me more time for attending to my project and my studies. Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues. Frugality and industry freeing me from my remaining debt and producing affluence and independence would make more easy the practice of sincerity and justice, etc., etc. Conceiving then that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his golden verses, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the following method for conducting that examination. I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for each of the virtues. I ruled each page with red ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day of the week, marking each column with a letter for the day. I crossed these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the beginning of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues, on which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by a little black dot, every fault I found upon examination, to have been committed respecting that virtue upon that day. I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first week my great guard was to avoid every the least offense against temperance, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the faults of the day. Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line marked T, clear of spots, I supposed the habit of that virtue so much strengthened, and its opposite weakened, that I might venture extending my attention to include the next, and for the following week keep both lines clear of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go through a course complete in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year, and, like him who, having a garden to weed, it does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time, and, having accomplished the first, proceeds to a second, so I should have. I hoped the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress I made in virtue by clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses, I should be happy in viewing a clean book after thirteen weeks of daily examination. This my little book had for its motto, these lines from Addison's Cato. Here, while I hold, if there is a power above us, and that there is all nature cries aloud through all her works, he must delight in virtue, and that which he delights in must be happy. Another from Cicero. O vitae filosofia duks overtutum indagratix ex pultrix che vitae orum unis dius bene et ex preceptus tius octus pecante immortali tat ti est anti ponendus. O philosophy guide of life, O searcher out of virtue and exterminator of vice, one day spent well and in accordance with eye precepts is worth an immortality of sin. Tuscalan inquiries book five. Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom and virtue. Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honor. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it. To this end, I formed the following little prayer, which was prefixed to my tables of examination for daily use. O powerful goodness, bountiful father, merciful guide, increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest, strengthen my resolutions to perform what that wisdom dictates, accept my kind offices to thy other children, as the only return in my power for thy continual favors to me. I used also sometimes the little prayer which I took from Thompson's poems, namely, Father of light and life, thou good supreme, O teach me what is good, teach me thyself, save me from folly, vanity, and vice, from every low pursuit, and fill my soul with knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure, sacred, substantial, never fading bliss. The precept of order requiring that every part of my business should have its allotted time, one page in my little book contained the following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day. Morning, question, what good shall I do this day? Hour five, rise, wash, and address. Hour six, powerful goodness, contrive day's business and take the resolution of the day. Hour seven, prosecute the present study and breakfast. Hour nine, work noon, hour twelve. Read or overlook my accounts and dine, hour three o'clock in the afternoon. Work evening. Question, what good have I done today? Six o'clock, put things in their places. Seven o'clock, supper, music, or diversion, or conversation, nine o'clock, examination of the day. Night, ten o'clock, sleep. I entered upon the execution of this plan for self-examination and continued it with occasional intermissions for some time. I was surprised to find myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined, and I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a new course, became full of holes. I transferred my tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memorandum book, of which the lines were drawn with red ink that made a durable stain, and on those lines I marked my faults with a black lead pencil, which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. After a while I went through one course only in a year, and afterward only one in several years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employed in voyages and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that interfered, but I always carried my little book with me. My scheme of order gave me the most trouble. Footnote. Professor McMaster tells us that when Franklin was American agent in France, his lack of business order was a source of annoyance to his colleagues and friends. Quote, Strangers who came to see him were amazed to behold papers of the greatest importance scattered in the most careless way over the table and floor, unquote. And I found that though it might be practicable where a man's business was such as to leave him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman-printer, for instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who must mix with the world and often receive people of business at their own hours. Order, too, with regard to place for things, papers, etc., I found extremely difficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and having an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible of the inconvenience attending wanton method. This article, therefore, cost me so much painful attention that my faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses that I was almost ready to give up the attempt and content myself with a faulty character in that respect. Like the man who, in buying an axe of a smith, my neighbor, desired to have the hole of its surface as bright as the edge, the smith consented to grind it bright for him if he would turn the wheel. He turned while the smith pressed the broad face of the axe hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on, and at length would take his axe as it was, without further grinding. No, said the smith, turn on, turn on, we shall have it bright by and by, as yet it is only speckled. Yes, said the man, but I think I like a speckled axe best. And I believe this may have been the case with many who, having, for want of some such means as I employed, found the difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle and concluded that a speckled axe was best for something that pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that such extreme nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of phoppery in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous, that a perfect character might be attended with the inconvenience of being envied and hated, and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults in himself and keep his friends in countenance. In truth I found myself incorrigible with respect to order, and now I am grown old and my memory bad. I feel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the whole, though, I never arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it. Yet I was, by the endeavor, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should have been if I had not attempted it. As those who aim at perfect writing by imitating the engraved copies, though they never reach the wished-for excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible. It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor owed the constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which this is written. What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Providence, but, if they arrive, the reflection of past happiness enjoyed ought to help his bearing them with more resignation. To temperance he ascribes his long continued health, and what is still left to him of a good constitution. To industry and frugality, the early easiness of his circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some degree of reputation among the learned. To sincerity and justice, the confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred upon him. And to the joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness of temper, and that surefulness and conversation which makes his company still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaintance. I hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may follow the example and reap the benefit. While there can be no question that Franklin's moral improvement and happiness were due to the practice of these virtues, yet most people will agree that we shall have to go back to his plan for the impelling motive to a virtuous life. Franklin's own suggestion that the schemes smacks of phoppery and morals seems justified. Woodrow Wilson well puts it, Men do not take fire from such thoughts unless something deeper which is missing here shine through them. What may have seemed to the eighteenth century a system of morals seems to us nothing more vital than a collection of the precepts of good sense and sound conduct. What redeems it from pettiness in this book is the scope of power and of usefulness to be seen in Franklin himself, who set these standards up in all seriousness and candor for his own life. See Galatians, Chapter 5, for the Christian Plan of Moral Perfection. It will be remarked that, though my scheme was not wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular sect. I had purposely avoided them, for being fully persuaded of the utility and excellency of my method, and that it might be serviceable to people in all religions, and attending some time or other to publish it. I should not have anything in it that should prejudice anyone of any sect against it. I proposed writing a little comment on each virtue in which I would have shown the advantages of possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice. And I should have called my book The Art of Virtue, because it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue, which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good. That does not instruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle's man of a verbal clarity, who only without showing to the naked and hungry how or where they might get clothes or victuals exhorted them to be fed and clothed, James 2, 1516. But it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I did indeed, from time to time, put down short hints of the sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of which I have still by me, but the necessary close attention to private business in the earlier part of my life and public business sense have occasioned my postponing it, for it being connected in my mind with a great and extensive project that required the whole man to execute and which an unforeseen succession of employees prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remained unfinished. In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered, that it was, therefore, everyone's interest to be virtuous, who wished to be happy even in this world. And I should, from this circumstance, there being always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility, states, and princes who have need of honest instruments for the management of their affairs, and such mean so rare, have endeavored to convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man's fortune as those of probity and integrity. My list of virtues contained at first but twelve, but a quicker friend having kindly informed me that I was generally thought proud, that my pride showed itself frequently in conversation, that I was not content with being in the right when discussing any point, but was overbearing and rather insolent, of which he convinced me by mentioning several instances, I determined endeavoring to cure myself if I could of this vice or folly among the rest, and I added humility to my list, giving an extensive meaning to the word. I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of this virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the appearance of it. I made it a rule to forebear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself agreeably to the old laws of Arjunto, the use of every word or expression in the language that imported a fixed opinion, such as certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and I adopted instead of them, I conceive, I apprehend, or I imagine, a thing to be so or so, or it so appears to me at present. When another asserted something that I thought an error, I denied myself the pleasure of contradicting him abruptly, and of showing immediately some absurdity in his proposition, and in answering, I begin by observing that in certain cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present case there appeared or seemed to me some difference, etc. I soon found the advantages of this change in my manner. The conversations I engaged in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I proposed my opinions procured them a reddier reception and less contradiction. I had less mortification when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily prevailed with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I happened to be in the right. And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to natural inclination, became at length so easy and so habitual to me, that perhaps for these 50 years passed no one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me. And to this habit, after my character of integrity, I think it principally owing that I had early so much weight with my fellow citizens when I proposed new institutions or alterations in the old, and so much influence in public councils when I became a member, for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet I generally carried my points. In reality, there is perhaps no one of our natural passions so hard to subdue as pride. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortified as much as one pleases, it is still alive. And will every now and then peep out and show itself? You will see it perhaps often in this history, for even if I could conceive that I had completely overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility. I am now about to write at home August 1788, but cannot have the help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the war. I have, however, found the following. This is a marginal memorandum, Benjamin. Having mentioned a great and extensive project which I had conceived, it seems proper that some account should be here given of that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the following little paper accidentally preserved, namely, Observations on My Reading History in Library May 19, 1731. That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, etc., are carried on and effected by parties. That the view of these parties is their present general interest, or what they take to be such. That the different views of these different parties occasion all confusion. That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man has his particular private interest in view. That as soon as a party has gained its general point, each member becomes intent upon his particular interest, which 14 others breaks that party into divisions and occasions more confusion. That few in public affairs act from a mere view of the good of their country, whatever they may pretend, and though their actings bring real good to their country, yet men primarily considered that their own and their country's interest was united and did not act from a principle of benevolence. That few are still in public affairs act with a view to the good of mankind. There seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising a united party for virtue by forming the virtuous and good men of all nations into a regular body to be governed by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise men will probably be more unanimous in their obedience to than common people are to common laws. I at present think that whoever attempts this right and is well qualified cannot fail of pleasing God and of meeting with success. Beeth. Revolving this project in my mind as to be undertaken hereafter when my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from time to time on pieces of paper such thoughts as occurred to me respecting it. Most of these are lost, but I find one purporting to be the substance of an intended creed containing as I thought the essentials of every known religion and being free of everything that might shock the professors of any religion. It is expressed in these words, namely, quote, that there is one God who made all things, that he governs the world by his provenance, that he ought to be worshipped by adoration, prayer, and thanksgiving, but that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to man, that the soul is immortal, and that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice either here or hereafter. My ideas at that time were that the sect should be begun and spread at first among young and single men only, that each person to be initiated should not only declare his ascent to such creed, but should have exercised himself with the thirteen weeks examination and practice of the virtues, as in the before mentioned model, that the existence of such a society should be kept a secret, till it was become considerable to prevent solicitations for the admission of improper persons, but that the members should each of them search among his acquaintance for ingenious, well-disposed youths, to whom with prudent caution the scheme should be gradually communicated, that the members should engage to afford their advice, assistance, and support to each other in promoting one another's interests, business, and advancement in life, that for distinction we should be called the society of the free and easy, free as being by the general practice and habit of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice, and particularly by the practice of industry and frugality, free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a species of slavery to his creditors. This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except that I communicated it in part to two young men who adopted it with some enthusiasm, but my then narrow circumstances and the necessity I was under of sticking close to my business occasioned my postponing the further prosecution of it at that time, and my multifarious occupations public and private induced me to continue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an enterprise, though I am still of opinion that it was a practicable scheme, and might have been very useful by forming a great number of good citizens. And I was not discouraged by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always thought that one man of tolerable abilities might work great changes, and accomplish great affairs among mankind. If he first forms a good plan, and cutting off all amusements or other employments that would divert his attention, makes the execution of that same plan his sole study and business. End of Chapter 9. Chapter 10 of the Autobiography of Ben Franklin This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Duane DeSalvo The Autobiography of Ben Franklin by Benjamin Franklin Chapter 10 Poor Richard's Almanac and Other Activities In 1732 I first published my almanac under the name of Richard Saunders. It was continued by me about twenty-five years, commonly called Poor Richard's Almanac. I endeavored to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand that I reaped considerable profit from it, vending annually near ten thousand. And observing that it was generally read, scarce any neighborhood in the province being without it, I considered it as a proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common people who bought scarcely any other books. I therefore filled all the little spaces that occurred between the remarkable days in the calendar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality as the means of procuring wealth and thereby securing virtue. It being more difficult for a man in want to act always honestly, as to use here one of those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand upright. These proverbs which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations, I assembled and formed into a connected discourse prefixed to the Almanac of seventeen fifty-seven, as the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an auction. The bringing all these scattered councils thus into a focus enabled them to make greater impression. The piece being universally approved was copied in all the newspapers of the continent, reprinted in Britain on a broad side to be stuck up in houses. Two translations were made of it in French and great numbers bought by the clergy and gentry to distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years after its publication. I considered my newspaper also as another means of communicating instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from the spectator and other moral writers and sometimes published little pieces of my own which had been first composed for reading in Argento. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man of sense, and a discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735. In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libeling and personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was solicited to insert anything of that kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the press and that a newspaper was like a stagecoach in which anyone who would pay had a right to place, my answer was that I would print the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me to spread his detraction, and that, having contracted with my subscribers to furnish them with what might be either useful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private altercation in which they had no concern, without doing them manifest injustice. Now many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of individuals by false accusations of the fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing of duels, and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the government of neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies, which may be attended with the most pernicious consequences. These things I mention as a caution to young printers, and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily as they may see by my example that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests. In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South Carolina where a printer was wanting. I furnished him with a press and letters on an agreement of partnership, by which I was to receive one-third of the profits of the business paying one-third of the expense. He was a man of learning, and honest, but ignorant in matters of account, and though he sometimes made me remittances, I could get no account from him, nor any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived. On his deceased the business was continued by his widow, who, being born and bred in Holland, where, as I have been informed, the knowledge of accounts makes a part of female education. She not only sent me as clear a state as she could find of the transactions past, but continued to account with the greatest regularity and exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed the business with such success that she not only brought up reputably a family of children, but at the expiration of the term was able to purchase of me the printing house and establish her son in it. I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending that branch of education for our young females, as likely to be of more use to them and their children in case of widowhood than either music or dancing, by preserving them from losses by imposition of crafty men, and enabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house with established correspondence till a son has grown up, fit to undertake and go on with it to the lasting advantage and enriching of the family. About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a young Presbyterian preacher named Hemphill, who delivered with a good voice, and apparently ex tempore, most excellent discourses, which drew together considerable numbers of different persuasions who joined in admiring them. Among the rest I became one of his constant hearers, his sermons pleasing me as they had little of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly the practice of virtue, or what in the religious style are called good works. Those, however, of our congregation, who considered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians, disapproved his doctrine, and were joined by most of the old clergy, who arraigned him of heterodoxy before the Synod, in order to have him silenced. I became his zealous partisan, and contributed all I could to raise a party in his favour, and we combatted for him a while with some hopes of success. There was much scribbling pro and con upon the occasion, and, finding that, though an elegant preacher, he was but a poor writer. I lent him my pen and wrote for him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the Gazette of April 1735. Those pamphlets, as is generally the case with controversial writings, though eagerly read at the time, were soon out of vogue, and I questioned whether a single copy of them now exists. During the contest an unlucky occurrence heard his cause exceedingly. One of our adversaries, having heard him preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least a part of it. On search he found that part quoted at length, in one of the British reviews from a discourse of Dr. Foster's. This detection gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned his cause, and occasioned our more speedy discomforture in the Synod. I stuck by him, however, as I rather approved his giving us good sermons composed by others, than bad ones of his own manufacture, though the latter was the practice of our common teachers. He afterward acknowledged to me that none of those he preached were his own, adding that his memory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat any sermon after one reading only. On our defeat he left us in search elsewhere of better fortune, and I quitted the congregation never joining it after, though I continued many years my subscription for the support of its ministers. I had begun in 1733 to study languages. I soon made myself so much a master of the French, as to be able to read the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance who was also learning it, used often to tempt me to play chess with him. Finding this took up too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refused to play any more, unless, on this condition, that the victor in every game should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquished was to perform upon honor before our next meeting. As we played pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that language. I afterwards, with a little painstaking, acquired as much of the Spanish as to read their books also. I have already mentioned that I had only one year's instruction in a Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected that language entirely. But when I had attained an acquaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surprised to find, on looking over a Latin testament, that I understood so much more of that language than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the study of it. And I met with more success as those preceding languages had greatly smoothed my way. From these circumstances I have thought that there was some inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that it is proper to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquired that, it will be more easy to attain those modern languages which are derived from it. And yet we do not begin with the Greek in order more easily to acquire the Latin. It is true that if you can clamber and get to the top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more easily gain them in descending. But certainly, if you begin with the lowest, you will with more ease ascend to the top. And I would therefore offer it to the consideration of those who superintend the education of our youth, whether since many of those who begin with the Latin quit the same after spending some years without having made any great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time has been lost. It would not have been better to have begun with the French, proceeding to the Italian, etc. For though after spending the same time, they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the Latin, they would however have acquired another tongue or two, that being in modern use might be serviceable to them in common life. After ten years absence from Boston, and having become easy in my circumstances, I made a journey thither to visit my relations, which I could not sooner well afford. In returning I called at Newport to see my brother, then settled there with his printing house. Our former differences were forgotten, and our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. He was fast declining in his health, and requested of me that, in case of his death, which he apprehended not far distant, I would take home his son, but then ten years of age, and bring him up to the printing business. This I accordingly performed sending him a few years to school, before I took him into the office. His mother carried on the business till he was grown up, when I assisted him with an assortment of new types, those of his father being in a manner worn out. Thus it was that I made my brother ample amends for the service I had deprived him of by leaving him so early. In seventeen thirty-six I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old by the smallpox, taken in the common way. I long regretted bitterly and still regret that I had not given it to him by inoculation. This I mentioned for the sake of parents who omit that operation, on the supposition that they should never forgive themselves if a child died under it, my example showing that the regret may be the same either way and that, therefore, the safer should be chosen. Our club, the Junto, was found so useful and afforded such satisfaction to the members that several were desirous of introducing their friends, which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as a convenient number, this twelve. We had from the beginning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty well observed. The intention was to avoid applications of improper persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to refuse. I was one of those who were against any addition to our number, but instead of it, made in writing a proposal that every member separately should endeavor to form a subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc., and without informing them of the connection with the Junto. The advantages proposed were the improvement of so many more young citizens by the use of our institutions, our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries we should desire, and was to report to the Junto what passed in his separate club, the promotion of our particular interest in business by more extensive recommendation, and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing good by spreading through the several clubs the sentiments of the Junto. The project was approved, and every member undertook to form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five or six only were completed, which were called by different names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering in some considerable degree our views of influencing the public opinion on particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course of time as they happened. My first promotion was my being chosen in 1736, Clerk of the General Assembly. The choice was made that year without opposition, but the year following when I was again proposed, the choice like that of the members being annual, a new member made a long speech against me, in order to favor some other candidate. I was however chosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as besides the pay for the immediate service as Clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping up an interest among the members, which secured to me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobs for the public, that on the whole were very profitable. I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member, who was a gentleman of fortune and education, with talents that were likely to give him in time great influence in the house, which indeed afterwards happened. I did not however aim at giving his favor by paying any servile respect to him, but after some time took this other method. Having heard that he had in his library a certain very scarce and curious book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire of perusing that book, and requesting he would do me the favor of lending it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I returned it in about a week with another note, expressing strongly my sense of the favor. When we next met in the house, he spoke to me, which he had never done before, and with great civility. And he ever after manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became great friends, and our friendship continued to his death. This is another instance of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which says, He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do you another, than he whom you yourself have obliged. And it shows how much more profitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings. In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late Governor of Virginia, and then Postmaster General, being dissatisfied with the conduct of his deputy at Philadelphia, respecting some negligence in rendering and inexactitude of his accounts, took from him the commission and offered it to me. I accepted it readily and found it of great advantage, for though the salary was small, it facilitated the correspondence that improved my newspaper, increased the number demanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable income. My old competitor's newspaper declined proportionately, and I was satisfied without retaliating his refusal while Postmaster to permit my papers being carried by the writers. Thus he suffered greatly from his neglect in due accounting, and I mentioned it as a lesson to those young men who may be employed in managing affairs for others, that they should always render accounts and make remittances with great clearness and punctuality. The character of observing such a conduct is the most powerful of all recommendations to new employments and increase of business. Chapter 11 of the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin by Benjamin Franklin Chapter 11 Interest in Public Affairs I begin now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs, beginning however with small matters. The City Watch was one of the first things that I convinced to want regulation. It was managed by the constables of the respective wards in turn. The constable warmed a number of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose never to attend paid him six shillings a year to be excused, which was supposed to be for hiring substitutes, but was in reality much more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constable ship a place of profit. And the constable, for a little drink, often got such rag-muffins about him as a watch that respectable housekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walking that rounds, too, was often neglected and most of the night spent in tippling. Heather Pond wrote a paper to be read in Junto, representing these irregularities, by insisting more particularly of the inequality of six of shilling tax of the constables, respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not, per perhaps, exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant who had thousands of pounds worth of goods in the stores. On the whole, I was proposed as more effectual watch, the hiring of a proper man to serve constantly in that business, and as a more equitable way of supporting the charge. The levying a tax that should be proportioned to the property. This idea being approved by the Junto was communicated to the other clubs, but as arcing in each of them, and though the plan was not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds of people for the charge, they paved the way for the law, obtained in a few years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more influence. About this time I wrote a paper, first to be read in Junto, but it was afterward published, on the different accidents and carelessness by which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them and means proposed of avoiding them. This was most spoken as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed, forming a company for more ready extinguishing fires, and mutual assistance in removing its securing goods when in danger. Associates in this game were presently found amounting to thirty. Our articles of agreement obliged every member to keep always in good order, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets with strong bags, and baskets for packing and transporting of goods, which were to be brought to every fire, and we agreed to much moans in a month and spend a social evening together, then discursing, and communicating such ideas as occurred to us upon the subjects of fires, as might be useful in our conductors' educations. The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company. They were advised to form another, which was accordingly done, and this went on, one new company being informed after another, till they became too numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of property. And now, at the time of my writing this, though upward of fifty years since its establishment, that which I first formed called a Union Fire Company, still subsists and flourishes, though the first members are all desensed by it myself and one, who is older by year than I am. The small fines that have been paid by members for absence at the monthly meetings have been applied to the purchase of fire engines, ladders, firehooks, and other useful implements for each company, so that I question whether there is a city in the world provided with the maids of putting a stop to beginning conflibrations. And in fact, since these institutions, the city is never lost by fire, more than one or two houses at a time, and the flames have gone, often, been extinguished before the house in which they began has been half consumed. In 1739, arrived among us from Ireland, the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, of an old George Whitefield pronounced Hoodfield, 1714 to 1770, a celebrated Englishman, clergyman, and pulpit orator, one of the founders of Methodism, and a footnote, who had made himself remarkable there as an in-interned preacher. He was, at first, permitted to preach in some of our churches, but the clergy taking a dislike to him soon refused him their pulpits, and he was obliged to preach in the fields, the multitudes of all sex and nations that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was a matter of speculation to me, who was one of the number to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory of his heirs, and how much they admired and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them they were all naturally half beasts and half devils. It was wondered to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seemed as if all the world were growing religious, as then one could not walk through the town in an evening without hearing the psalms sung in different families of every street, and it being found inconvenient to assemble an open-air, subject to the inclinancies, the building of a house to meet, and was no sooner proposed than persons appointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums were soon received to procure the ground and erect the building, which was 100 feet long and 70 broad, about the size of Westminster Hall. A footnote, a part of the Palace of Westminster now forming the vestibule to the Houses of Parliament London. And the work was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much stronger time than could have been expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion, who might desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia, the design and the building, not being to accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants in general, so that even if the Mute Fire or Constantinople were to send a missionary to preach Mohammedism to us, he'd find a pulpit at service. Mr. Whitefield in leaving us went preaching all the way through the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that privance had lately been begun, but instead of being made with hearty, industrious husbandmen accustomed to labour, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it was the families of broken shopkeepers and other insolvent debaters. Many of indolent and idle habits taken out of the jails, who being set down in the woods, unqualified for a caring land, unable to endure the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their miserable situation inspired the benevolent heart Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an orphan house there, in which they might be supported and educated. Returning northward, he perished up to this charity, and made large collections for his eloquence, had a wonderful power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was an instance. I did not disapprove of the design, but as Georgia, when the distitute of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at a great expense, I thought it would have been better to have built a house here, and brought the children to it. This, I advised, was, but he was resolute in his first project, rejected my counsel, and I therefore refused to contribute. I happened soon after attend one of his sermons, in the chorus of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection, and I suddenly was resolved he should get nothing from me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistols and gold. As he proceeded, I began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me ashamed of that, and determined me to give the silver, and he finished so admirably, that I emptied my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon, there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, had to, by a caution, emptied his pockets before he came from home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong desire to give, and applied to a neighbor who stood near him to borrow some money for the purpose. The application was, unfortunately, made to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness not to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, at any other time, a friend, Hopkinson, I would learn to thee freely, but not now, for thee seems to be out of thy senses. Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies, that affected to suppose that he would apply these collectors to his own private emulgment, but I, who is eminently acquainted with him, being employed in printing his sermons and journals, etc., never had the least suspicion of his integrity, but am, to this day, desugedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct a perfectly honest man, and, me thinks, my testimony in his favor ought to have the more weight, as we have no religious connection. He, lest indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the satisfaction believing that his prayers were heard. Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere in both sides and lasted to his death. The following instance will show something of the terms on which we stood. Upon one of his rivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr. Benizot, was removed to Garmentown. My answer was, you know my house. If you can make shift with its scanty accommodations, you'll be most heartily welcome. He replied that if I made that kind offer for Christ's sake, I should not miss a reward. And I returned, don't let me be mistaken. It was not for Christ's sake, but for your sake. One of our common acquaintance jocosely remarked that, knowing to be the custom of the saints, when they received any favor, to shift the burden of the obligation from one off their own shoulders and place it in heaven. I had contrived to fix it on earth. The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when consulted me about his orphan house concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment of a college. He had a loud and clear voice and articulated his words and sentences so perfectly that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as his auditory. However numerous observed the most exact silence. He preached one evening from the top of the courthouse steps, which are in the middle of the Mark Street, and on the west side of Second Street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were filled with the horror years to a considerable distance. Being among the hind most in Mark Street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the river, and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front Street, when some noise in that street obscured it, imagining them a semicircle of which my distance should be the radius, and that it were filled with auditors, to each of whom I allowed to square feet. I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconciled me to the newspaper accounts of his having preached to twenty five thousand people in the fields, and to the ancient histories of generals arranging whole armies, of which I had sometimes doubted. By hearing him often I came to distinguish easily between sermons newly composed, and those which he had often preached in course of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improved by frequent repetitions, that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation of voice was so perfectly well turned, and well placed that, without being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleased with the discourse, a pleasure of much the same kind with that received from an excellent piece of music. This is an advantage interned preachers have over those who are stationary, as latter cannot well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals. His writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage to his enemies, unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions. Delivered in preaching, might have been afterwards explained or qualified by supposing others that might have accompanied them, or they might have been denied, but the Torah script a manate. Critics attacked his writing violently, and with so much appearance of reason asked you to diminish the number of his votaries, and prevent their increase, so that I am of opinion if he had never written anything. He would have left behind him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputation might in that case have been still growing, even after his death, as there being nothing of his writing on which to found a censure, and to give him a lower character. His proletes would be left at liberty to fain for him as great a variety of excellences as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to have possessed. My business was now continually augmenting, and my circumstance is growing daily easier, my newspaper having become very profitable as being from a time almost the only one in this, and the neighboring provinces. I experienced too the truth of observation, that after getting the first hundred pounds it is more easy to get the second, money itself being of a prolific nature. The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was encouraged to engage in others, and to promote several of my workmen, who had behaved well by establishing them with printing houses in different colonies, on the same terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did well, being enabled at the end of our term, six years to purchase the types of me to go on working for themselves, by which means several families were raised. Partnerships often finished in quills, but I was happy in this that mine were all carried on, and ended amicably owning, I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very explicitly settled in our articles everything to be done by or expected from each partner, so that there was nothing to dispute, which precaution I would therefore recommend to all who enter into partnerships. For whatever esteem partners may have for, and confidence in each other at the time of the contract, little jealousies and disgusts may arise, with ideas of inequality and the care and burden of the business, etc., which are attended often with breach of friendship, and of the connection, perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences. CHAPTER XII. DEFENCE OF THE PROVENCE. I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two things that I regretted—there being no provision for defense, nor for a complete education of youth, no militia, nor any college. I, therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for establishing an academy, and at that time, thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I communicated the project to him. But he, having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which succeeded, declined the undertaking, and, not knowing another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing and establishing a philosophical society. The paper I wrote for that purpose will be found among my writings, when collected. With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at war against Great Britain, and being at length joined by France, which brought us into great danger, and the laboured and long-continued endeavor of our Governor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly to pass a militia law, and to make other provisions for the security of the province, having proved abortive, I determined to try what might be done by a voluntary association of the people. To promote this, I first wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled Plain Truth, in which I stated our defenseless situation in strong lights, with the necessity of union and discipline for our defense, and promised to propose in a few days an association, to be generally signed for that purpose. The pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was called upon for the instrument of association, and having settled the draft of it with a few friends, I appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large building before mentioned. The house was pretty full. I had prepared a number of printed copies, and provided pens and ink dispersed all over the room. I harangued them a little on the subject, read the paper, and explained it, and then distributed the copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least objection being made. When the company separated and the papers were collected, we found above twelve hundred hands, and other copies being dispersed in the country, the subscribers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand. These all furnished themselves as soon as they could with arms, formed themselves into companies and regiments, chose their own officers, and met every week to be instructed in the manual exercise and other parts of military discipline. The women, by subscriptions among themselves, provided silk colors, which they presented to the companies, painted with different devices and mottos, which I supplied. The officers of the companies, composing the Philadelphia regiment, being met, chose me for their colonel, but conceiving myself unfit, I declined that station, and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person and man of influence, who was accordingly appointed. I then proposed a lottery to defray the expense of building a battery below the town, and furnishing it with cannon. It filled expeditiously, and the battery was soon erected, the Merlins being framed of logs and filled with earth. We bought some old cannon from Boston, but these not being sufficient, we wrote to England for more, soliciting, at the same time, our proprietaries for some assistance, though without much expectation of obtaining it. Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor, Esquire, and myself were sent to New York by the Associators, commissioned to borrow some cannon of Governor Clinton. He at first refused us, preemptorily, but at dinner with his counsel, where there was great drinking of Madera wine, as the custom of that place then was, he softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a few more bumpers he advanced to ten, and at length he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. They were fine cannon, eighteen pounders, with their carriages, which we soon transported and mounted on our battery, where the Associators kept a nightly guard while the war lasted, and among the rest I regularly took my turn of duty there as a common soldier. My activity in these operations was agreeable to the Governor and Counsel. They took me into confidence, and I was consulted by them in every measure wherein their concurrence was thought useful to the Association. Calling in the aid of religion, I proposed to them the proclaiming of a fast, to promote reformation, and implore the blessing of heaven on our undertaking. They embraced the motion, but as it was the first fast ever thought of in the province, the Secretary had no precedent from which to draw the proclamation. My education in New England, where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some advantage. I drew it in the accustomed style, it was translated into German, printed in both languages, and divulged through the province. This gave the clergy of the different sects an opportunity of influencing their congregations to join in the Association, and it probably would have been general among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon intervened. It was thought by some of my friends that by my activity in these affairs I should offend that sect, and thereby lose my interest in the assembly of the province, where they formed a great majority. A young gentleman who had likewise some friends in the house, and wished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me that it was decided to displace me at the next election, and he, therefore, in good will, advised me to resign, as more consistent with my honour than being turned out. My answer to him was that I had read or heard of some public man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, and never to refuse one when offered to him. I approve, says I, of his rule, and will practice it, with a small addition. I shall never ask, never refuse, nor ever resign an office. If they will have my office of clerk to dispose of to another, they shall take it from me. I will not, by giving it up, lose my right of some time or other making reprisals on my adversaries. I heard, however, no more of this. I was chosen again unanimously as usual at the next election. Possibly, as they disliked my late intimacy with the members of the council, who had joined the governors in all disputes about military preparations, with which the house had long been harassed, they might have been pleased if I would have voluntarily left them. But they did not care to displace me on account merely of my zeal for the association, and they could not well give another reason. Indeed, I had some cause to believe that the defense of the country was not disagreeable to any of them, provided they were not required to assist in it. And I found that a much greater number of them than I could have imagined, though against offensive war, were clearly for the defensive. Many pamphlets, pro and con, were published on the subject, and some by good Quakers in favour of defence, which I believe convinced most of their younger people. A transaction in our fire company gave me some insight into their prevailing sentiments. It had been proposed that we should encourage the scheme for building a battery by laying out the present stock, than about sixty pounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules no money could be disposed of till the next meeting after the proposal. The company consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two were Quakers, and eight only of other persuasions. We eight punctually attended the meeting, but, though we thought that some of the Quakers would join us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appeared to oppose the measure. He expressed much sorrow that it had ever been proposed, as he said, friends were all against it, and it would create such discord as might break up the company. We told him that we saw no reason for that, we were the minority, and if friends were against the measure and outvoted us, we must and should, agreeably to the usage of all societies, submit. When the hour for business arrived, it was moved to put the vote. He allowed we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure us that a number of members intended to be present, for the purpose of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for their appearing. While we were disputing this, a waiter came, to tell me two gentlemen below desired to speak with me. I went down and found they were two of our Quaker members. They told me there were eight of them assembled at a tavern just by, that they were determined to come and vote with us, if there should be occasion, which they hoped would not be the case, and desired we would not call for their assistance, if we could do without it, as their voting for such a measure might embroil them with their elders and friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I went up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a delay of another hour. This Mr. Morris allowed to be extremely fair. Not one of his opposing friends appeared, at which he expressed great surprise, and at the expiration of the hour, we carried the resolution eight to one, and as of the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote with us, and thirteen by their absence, manifested that they were not inclined to oppose the measure, I afterward estimated the proportion of Quakers sincerely against defence as one to twenty-one only, for these were all regular members of that society and in good reputation among them, and had due notice of what was proposed at that meeting. The honourable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always been of that sect, was one who wrote an address to them, declaring his approbation of defence of war, and supporting his opinion by many strong arguments. He put into my hands sixty pounds to be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with directions to apply what prizes might be drawn wholly to that service. He told me the following anecdote of his old master, William Penn, respecting defence. He came over from England, when a young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It was wartime, and their ship was chased by an armed vessel, supposed to be an enemy. Their captain prepared for defence, but told William Penn, and his company of Quakers, that he did not expect their assistance, and they might retire into the cabin, which they did, except James Logan, who chose to stay upon deck and was quartered to a gun. The supposed enemy proved to be a friend, so there was no fighting, but when the secretary went down to communicate the intelligence, William Penn rebuked him severely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist in defending the vessel, contrary to the principles of friends, especially as it had not been required by the captain. This reproof, being answered before all the company, peaked the secretary, who answered, I, being thy servant, why did thee not order me to come down? But thee was willing enough that I should stay and help fight the ship, when thee thought there was danger. My being many years in the assembly, the majority of which were constantly Quakers, gave me frequent opportunities of seeing the embarrassment given them by their principle against war, whenever application was made to them, by order of the Crown, to grant aides for military purposes. They were unwilling to offend government on the one hand by a direct refusal, and their friends, the body of Quakers, on the other, by compliance contrary to their principles, hence a variety of evasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the compliance when it became unavoidable. The common mode at last was to grant money, under the phrase of its being, for the king's use, and never to inquire how it was applied. But, if the demand was not directly from the Crown, that phrase was found not so proper, and some other was to be invented. As, when Powder was wanting, I think it was for the garrison at Lewisburg, and the government of New England solicited a grant of some from Pennsylvania, which was much urged on the House by Governor Thomas, they could not grant money to buy Powder, because that was an ingredient of war. But they voted an aid to New England of three thousand pounds, to be put into the hands of the Governor, and appropriated it for the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. Some of the Council, desirous of giving the House still further embarrassment, advised the Governor not to accept provision as not being the thing he had demanded. But he replied, I shall take the money, for I understand very well their meaning. Other grain is gunpowder, which he accordingly bought, and they never objected to it. It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire company we feared the success of our proposal in favor of the lottery, and I had said to my friend Mr. Singh, one of the members, if we fail, let us move the purchase of a fire engine with the money. The Quakers can have no objection to that, and then, if you nominate me and I you as a committee for that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a fire engine. I see, says he, you have been proved by being so long in the Assembly, your equivocal project would be just a match for their wheat or other grain. These embarrassments that the Quakers suffered, from having established and published it as one of their principles, that no kind of war was lawful, and which, being once published, they could not afterwards, however they might change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds me of what I think a more prudent conduct in another sect among us, that of the Dunkers. I was acquainted with one of its founders, Michael Welfare, soon after it appeared. He complained to me that they were grievously columnated, by the zealots of other persuasions, and charged with abominable principles and practices, to which they were utter strangers. I told him this had always been the case with new sects, and that to put a stop to such abuse, I imagined it might be well to publish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their discipline. He said that it had been proposed among them, but not agreed to, for this reason. When we were first drawn together as a society, says he, it had pleased God to enlighten our minds, so far as to see that some doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors, and that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real truths. From time to time he has been pleased to afford us farther light, and our principles have been improving and our errors diminishing. Now we are not sure that we have arrived at the end of this progression, and at the perfection of spiritual or theological knowledge, and we fear that, if we should once print our confession of faith, we should feel ourselves as if bound and confined by it, and perhaps be unwilling to receive further improvement, and our successors still more so, as conceiving what we elders and founders had done to be something sacred, never to be departed from. This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in the history of mankind. Every other sect supposing itself in possession of all truth, and that those who differ are so far in the wrong like a man travelling in foggy weather, those at some distance before him on the road he sees wrapped up in the fog, as well as those behind him, and also the people in the fields on each side. But near him all appears clear, though in truth he is as much in the fog as any of them. To avoid this kind of embarrassment the Quakers have, of late years, been gradually declining the public service in the Assembly and in the Magistercy, choosing rather to quit their power than their principle. In order of time I should have mentioned before that having in 1742 invented an open stove for the better warming of rooms and at the same time saving fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in entering, I made a present of the model to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who, having an iron furnace, found the casting of the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as they were growing in demand. To promote that demand I wrote and published a pamphlet entitled, An Account of the New Invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces, wherein their construction and manner of operation is particularly explained, their advantages above every other method of warming rooms demonstrated, and all objections that have been raised against the use of them answered and obviated, etc. This pamphlet had a good effect. Governor Thomas was so pleased with the construction of this stove, as described in it, that he offered to give me a patent for the sole vending of them for a term of years. But I declined it, from a principle which has ever weighed with me on such occasions, vis, that, as we enjoy great advantages from the inventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by any invention of ours, and this we should do freely and generously. An iron monger in London, however, assuming a good deal of my pamphlet, and working it up into his own, and making some small changes in the machine, which rather hurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made, as I was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the only instance of patents taken out for my inventions by others, though not always with the same success, which I never contested, as having no desire of profiting by patents myself, and hating disputes. The use of these fireplaces in very many houses, both of this in the neighbouring colonies, has been, and is, a great saving of wood to the inhabitants.