 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour brought to you every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. A presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening. This is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? From the CBS television news staff, Larry LaSœur and Winston Burdette. Our distinguished guest for this evening is His Excellency Leslie Knox Monroe, Ambassador from New Zealand to the United States. Mr. Ambassador, I know that New Zealand's population is only about the size of Connecticut's, so I think it's even more remarkable that for the first time in history, a man representing a single country yourself is the president of both the UN Security Council and the UN Trusteeship Council, and besides that, you are, of course, New Zealand Ambassador to Washington. Now, how do you get time to do all this work? Well, it is a big job, Mr. LaSœur, but I'm able to do it. I have a minister in Washington. I go backwards and forwards quite a lot. I have documents sent to me, and then, so far as the Trusteeship Council is concerned, I have a vice president, so he's got to do some of the work, and when I have to preside over the Security Council, then my colleagues in the Trusteeship Council are very happy to have the vice president presiding over them, but it may come about that we'll have to have a meeting of the Trusteeship Council in the morning, and the Security Council will have to sit in the afternoon, and that, for me, at any rate, too, will be a fairly long but important day. Well, Mr. Ambassador, you also represent a country that is one of the 16 allied nations with troops in Korea, which fought there, and of course, with a vital stake in the situation there. What do you feel about the prospects of our getting a Korean peace conference? Really, you know, Mr. Bidet, I don't know that I know much more than you do about that, but I'm trying to think that there's a possibility of one coming about. I don't very much mind how it comes about, whether it's where it's negotiated, but I think there may be a peace conference. What will be the outcome of it if we all do meet at Penman John, or wherever the site is chosen for the meeting? It is impossible to say, but I have an idea that the Chinese want peace. Mr. Monroe, you are frequently called into consultation as a man representing one of the nations with troops in Korea. Now, I wonder if I could ask you a question on the other side of that coin. What will happen if there is no peace treaty for Korea? We have, Mr. and Armistice, and if you look around the world today, I think you'll agree with me that there are other places where Armistice has continued for a very long time. The Middle East is an example. I think there's been an Armistice there, or a series of them, for about the last six years. And I could imagine if we didn't have a peace conference and a peace treaty, an Armistice continuing for a time, which I wouldn't attempt to lengthen, which I wouldn't prophesy, but continuing for a very long time in Korea. And that's better than a war. Well, you sound very patient, sir. May I ask, how many troops you have there, and have you withdrawn any from Korea? We've withdrawn none. We have 2,000 troops there, and we have two naval vessels. Mr. Monroe, how does your government feel about the conduct of the preliminary talks at Pamwon John? We are entirely satisfied with the way the American representative, Mr. Arthur Dean, conducted those negotiations. I've met Mr. Dean. I'm most impressed by him. He's a splendid negotiator. He's a most able lawyer. He's a determined man. And we are completely satisfied with the way in which he has conducted these negotiations, upon which, by the way, we've been consulted. I have attended meetings at Washington about it. Mr. Monroe, to turn away from Korea for a moment to another part of your work. As president of the Security Council, you've been hiding in the case, haven't you, of Israel's charges against Egypt, that Egypt is blockading the Suez Canal. Now, do you think the Security Council can actually do anything to reduce those tensions in the Middle East? The first place, Mr. Leser, it can get men around the table. It can get the representatives of Israel and of Egypt. We have the representative of Lebanon as a member of the Council, and we can sit round the table and talk, and sometimes talk does lead to peace. Then I think that we can, thereby, if we're patient, we can reduce tension. A great deal depends, in my judgment, on the attitude of Russia. She vetoed the resolution which the Western powers proposed, the three powers proposed in respect to the Jordan waters. And that, to me, was the most unfortunate and depressing business because it was the first time she had exercised the veto in a matter where she was not directly concerned. But I profoundly hope that over this Suez matter, she won't exercise the veto. And I've got some hopes that, if we're patient, we'll get somewhere in the Council. Mr. Monroe, would you say that the opposing policies of Russia and the free world are the main obstacle to the work of the UN Security Council? I would say so, definitely. Why was the Security Council in a state of inundation for 18 months, simply because the veto drove the powers to use the assembly? And if we're going to have a series of vetoes, which really reveal nothing more or less than this tension between the West and the Communist powers, then we're going to have a permanent division. And our work in the Council, in the assemblies, in the assemblies and the committees, our work will be stubborn. How about your other job in the trusteeship council? Aren't there some non-communist problems there? Don't you have a conflict between the powers that do have trusteeships and the powers which are non-colonial, don't have any land outside of their domain? We do have differences. It's true. We have the administering powers. Mine's an administering power. We have West and Samoa as a trusteeship territory. West and Samoa. Well, now, it is a fact that the non-administering powers, Syria's an example. One today, India, El Salvador, it's sometimes true that they criticize our policies in these trusteeship territories. But although maybe they're critical, maybe they want them to get independent early than we think they should in the whole get independence, yet nevertheless we've got common principles, a common way of life. And I think that with all our differences we get on pretty well, but we have Russia there and she can never see any good in the work of any administering power. None. Sir, what is the feeling of your government on the question of the eventual recognition of red China? Our policy is not dissimilar from yours. We know that the effect of government of red China is the red government and Peking. We know that. At the same time, we do not recognize red China and we do not propose to recognize her until she shows good faith over Korea, until she takes part in a peace conference and shows that she's worthy to come into the comedy of nations. That's her present attitude. So, though Indochina is not before the United Nations, of course, I wondered if you care to say how dangerous you think that communist advance in Indochina is right now. We attach very great importance to it. I don't know that we're unduly worried about that incursion across the middle of the peninsula to Laos. But the infiltrations of the Vietnam troops, assisted as they are by Chinese supplies, are a matter of grave concern to us. We think, actually, that the French are holding their position. We feel that the position at the present time at any rate has not deteriorated. God forbid that it should because if Indochina went, then we would think that the whole of Southeast Asia would be imperiled and we'd be in jeopardy ourselves. May I ask, though, what the attitude of the New Zealand government would be towards France if she attempted to negotiate an armistice there on same possible terms that we negotiated an armistice in Korea, perhaps, although there's no 38 parallel, of course. I don't think we'd be critical altogether. It's French blood and a great deal of American treasure that are defending Indochina. The Viet Minh has asked for negotiations. The French will do it only if they're satisfied, I should imagine, that the Viet Minh means business and that the Chinese are genuine, too. If there's an agreement and an armistice reached there which would establish free democracy, free elections, then we would be content because we would feel that the French are reaching an agreement which they would consider proper for the stability of Southeast Asia. Do you think there's much chance of that, sir? I'm not very optimistic about it. Not very optimistic about it. Well, if France were to negotiate now in Indochina, sir, I suppose it would be a negotiation from weakness, would it not? Well, it depends on how you approach negotiations. After all, we were ready to negotiate in Korea and that didn't show weakness. Now, as far as the French are concerned, I know what a terrible drain this is on their men and their resources. But if the Chinese, if the Viet Minh was really an earnest, then even though you negotiate from weakness, that doesn't matter providing you get a decent settlement. Whether you will or not, I don't know. Your Excellency, we don't see many New Zealanders in this country except for Mr. Hillary, of course, who climbed Everest. But I wonder if you tell us how you New Zealanders feel about us over here. Well, you know, we like you. We're associated with you in Korea and in proportion to our population, we rank third to you. We had 300,000 Americans through New Zealand during the last four. And they liked it so much that thousands of them married our girls and our girls are happy with you today. So we like your Americans, I can assure you. Thank you very much, sir. Glad to have you here tonight. The opinions you've heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Lone Gene Chronoscope was Larry Le Sur and Winston Burdette. Our distinguished guest was His Excellency Leslie Knox Monroe, Ambassador from New Zealand to the United States. 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