 Roedd cyfraeg o dnyddiadau arioliol y pethau ar gyfafesol yn y baserau ar y bwrdd y nifer o'r corffodeg ar gyfer Ynnyedd. Roedd y bydd i'r rhaglen yn gwagfyrdiadau i gônio lleiol iawn ar y bobl, a'r rhai o'r cyfrifio'r gwahanol a'r rhaglen ei ymddig yn cerddio i ei dweud ar dnas yw ymddill yn ymddill. Roedd y bynnag y rhyw gydag arioli ymwild yn hyrwg â'r cyfrifio ar y bwrdd ynw growl cyllidiau i gaelio'n gwagfyrdd ar gyfer y bwrdd. Felly, we find the argument that notions of the sacredness of the natural world have become lost in the modern era, with the emergence of capitalism and industrialisation. Humanity has considered to largely have forgotten the sacredness of nature, and this, it has argued, needs to be rediscovered in order to address the contemporary global environmental crisis. Mae'n mwyaf i'r strategiaid y gallu gwirionedd yn gyfnodol gyda'r dyfodol gw路 i'r ysgrifun. Mae'n gwybod cyfrifiadau yn y cerddio'r cyfrifolau gwirionedd a'r cyfrifolau gwirionedd ar gyfer y cyfrifolau gwirionedd yw'r cerddiaeth ASEE C. Yng nghymru, 1986, mae'r cyfrifolau gwirionedd yn cyfrifolwg cyfrifolwg mewn cyfrifolwg gwirionedd yn cyfrifolwg C. o dw i ddechrau, rhoi i ddim yn y byd yw leirach rhannu o d SUS. Felly, ei ddim yn y bwyddoedd Ddau Bwyddys, a gweld, bydddoedd yn y bwyddoedd y bydd yn yr unig, yw yng Nghaerdydd, yw'r ymarferwyr a'r chyrw ofach yw dysgol i wneud rhan. Mae yma iras, mae ymddangos i gŸfynifau i'r ddechrau a chynnyddiu gwybodaeth ar hyn o gyflymion roedd yma, sy'n mynd i ddim yn y dyfodol yn ddullol. Fy gydag o'r llwyddiadau, mae'r ffordd bydd i'n gallu cyfnodol ymdudio y gallu gyrfa'i llwyddiadau ymddangos o'r ardalol yn y bydd ymddiadau i'r llwyddiadau am ymddiadau i'r byd. Mae'r bydd i'n cyd-dweithio. Mae'n meddyl iawn yn oeddiadau a gweld y dyfanc. Rwy'n meddyl iawn. Mae'r bydd yn meddyl iawn i gyrfa, maen nhw'n meddyl iawn yn y llwyddiadau sy'n meddyl iawn, ac mae'n meddyl iawn i'r llwyddiadau. Mae ei fodwch hwn yn effeithio i'w ddaeth iawn, y gwaith o ddeg lui, a mae reliant hwn yn oed gyntaf yma, mae'n ddau'n gwybod i gael i atasio, byddio'n gwybod hwn yn ei pethau yn ysgolir y gallu cynlunol yn dwylo'n ymgyrch am oes, mae mae'n dweud yn y shwyl yn yr hwn O'n ddweud y llyfr yn y gwybod ei phwyl, mae'r gylch oedd yn unig o'r trafniad hwn nesaf i'r hwnnw syddus hwnr. Mae'r trofniad anhyrchu hwnnw and flowers of flowers that are considered sacred and consider flowers of sacrifice and flowering trees receive special reverence. The Hindu tradition of reverence for nature and all forms of life, vegetable or animal represents a powerful tradition that needs to be re-nurced and re-applied in our contemporary context. Okay. But in contrast to these examples, there are other studies that suggest that we should take a more cautious approach. And these argue instead that the links between religion and the environment tend to be romanticised Roedd, llwyddon yn cyfwyl gyrfa ar rannau, gofyn oedd bod rhai cyfwyr arlaedd yng nghymru. Roedd yng Nghymru'r traddinsiau er mwynhau crfaggau sydd y gallu oedd yn gweithio a'r begwyr i'r gaelol gyda'r cyngro agorbyn a'r gaelol mewn gweld. Roedd yng nghymru weld oedd yng nghymru. Roedd o'r цilio ar gyfer yng Nghymru sefydlu ehlorol yng Nghymru sy'n tobi ar gaelol eich choes felly ei dyfodol i'r bydd yn deunydd ac yn ymweld fel ydych chi ar gyfer y llunio a llunio cyffredinol. A ydych chi'n ddechrau ddau, ac mae'r ffordd am ymddangos cyffredinol sydd yn ymddangos a'r ailfynol a'r rhai a'r ailfynol yn dod o'r lŵn ac yn ymddangos. A ydych chi'n eich cyffredinol a'r llunio a'r ailfynol yn gweithio rydych chi'n gweithio ymddangos. Yn ymweld, Lans Nelson yn oes a'r ffordd, am y gallwch cyfleoedd i fynd i hyn ystyried o ffordd y cyfrinswyr arfer yr Ynhymes ym 180 a hwn i'i cyfrinswyr i'r pryd yn rhan wahanol sy'n digadol lle'u y bydd yn mynd am lŏlwyr ei cyfrinswyr yn unigol. I yw yw yw'r ffawr i'r cyfrinswyr dwweddau sy'n gweithio, wrth gwrs, oedd yn ffordd i'r cynhyrchu nhw wedi'u ei gwneud i'r cyfnodol, gweld o'r amgledd yn yng Nghyfod RYmarthfodd ychydig, anywethech, nôr ddechrau i'r eich tud rhomantic approaches to environmentalism and sustainable development, or do they actually have relevance at the grassroots as well? Considering that many people in developing countries are religious and religion continues in many contexts to have a very strong social and political influence, I am interested in whether or not religion has a particular role to play in achieving sustainable development. If so, what this would entail. Yn y cyfnod am yr ysgolfannaeth y Brunthland, rhai tynnu cyfnodau ran ymddwyr ymddygiadau, ynghylch yn ysgrifennu y roedd yng Nghymru hynny i fi gyflwynonosu y dyfodol i gyrfa gennychu e felly y dylai fod yn bwysigol ein bod yn ymdwysigol i ddweud â'r hwn ar gyfer y dylai. Rwy'n dweud y fawr, oherwydd mae'r ffactor ac yn fawr, mae'r llai o gyfnodau sydd ar gyfer ein bod yn cael ei ddweud a'r llai ymddangosol a'r llai o'r llai, a'r llai i'r llai sydd yn bwysigol yn ei ddweud i ddweud o'r holl o'r rhan o'r llai yn fawr. Y gynllunio cymhwynt a'r cymorth ymlaenwyr yn ymlaenwyr yma yn ymlaenwyr yma. Mae ymlaenwyr 8 o gynllunio cymorth, mae erioed 192 o unigwyr ymlaenwyr ymlaenwyr, ac ymlaenwyr 23 o gynllunio cymorth ymlaenwyr yn ymlaenwyr, ac ymlaenwyr no 7 o gynllunio cymorth ymlaenwyr. Felly, yn cael ei gweithio sy'n gweithio cymhwynt yn ymlaenwyr ar gyfer lleolol, ac ymlaenwyr cymorth yn hynny o gyfnod o ddylunio cymorth i mewn gwagodau ar gyfer lleolol, ond ymlaenwyr yn ei gweithio cymorth ymlaenwyr yn ymlaenwyr ymlaenwyr yma. Fy gynllunio cymorth ymlaenwyr ymlaenwyr yn ymlaenwyr ymlaenwyr roedd ymlaenwyr yn ymlaenwyr yn ymlaenwyr yma? Efallai ar gyfer lleol ac bydd ymlaenwyr yn gyfer lleol o gwybwyr, yr oesbyd i oedd ynogiwynt yn ddig兴 o'n digwydd ymlaenwyr gymorth ymlaenwyr ac ydych chi'n gweithio'r cyfnod o'r cyfnodol? Can religion in developing countries have a positive impact on reversing climate change and preserving species? Or is this a post-materialist romantic myth that essentializes poor people is inherently environmentalist? In 2010, I published a book called By Divinity and Biodiversity, The Limits to Religious Environmentalism, in which I critically assess many of the claims made by so-called religious environmentalists, not in terms of the extent to which they can be supported by the texts and theologies, but rather in terms of whether or not these theologies are simply too removed from how people live out their traditions or are actually able to live out their traditions. We can make religious traditions support virtually any agenda, but whether or not people are able and willing to translate this into practice is quite another matter. To me, there seemed to be rather a large gap between so-called eco theology and actual practice. So just some examples on this slide. For instance, in India within the Hindu tradition, we find many examples of the worship of elements of the natural world that do not necessarily result in behavior that is directed towards environmental conservation. For instance, while people in India worship the dangerously polluted river Ganges as the goddess Gangamar, there is little evidence that this religious practice motivates devotees to engage in initiatives to prevent any further pollution of the river. Similarly, there's a strong tradition of sacred grove preservation in India, yet it can be suggested that people worship these forests because they are the abode of the deity rather than to conserve biodiversity. So the eco-centric or deep ecological view that nature has intrinsic value and humans ought to put the earth first could not necessarily be inferred from these examples of nature religion. Okay, so a number of problems potentially stand in the way of religious environmentalist discourse being a viable strategy for contributing towards sustainable development. So firstly, religious traditions can be interpreted to support contemporary environmentalist thinking, but this does not mean that people who belong to those traditions either in the past or today will necessarily think and behave like modern environmentalists. Secondly, while there is often the view in religious environmentalism that ancient peoples worshipped elements of the natural world because they were aware of their ecological value, we cannot assume this. Thirdly, whereas modern environmentalists consider the whole of nature is relevant and worthy of respect, many examples of so-called nature religion are only focused on certain aspects of the environment, for instance, particular trees, forests, or rivers. And fourthly, our religious environmentalist discourse is part of the so-called full belly environmentalism of the post-materias or bourgeois environmentalist who's typically been exposed to Western globalised environmentalist discourses, including deep ecology, ecocentrism, is affluent and more likely to be concerned with nature for its leisure potential or ascetic value. So my concern is that this myth of primitive ecological wisdom consisting of romanticised discourses about how poor people's religion contributes to the way that they relate to their ecological systems can result in forms of essentialism and reductionism that bear little resemblance to real lives and could undermine already precarious survival strategies. However, while these are, in my view, very significant concerns, the world is rarely so simple. As Kay Milton notes, the myth of primitive ecological wisdom is not simply a notion imposed by romantic environmentalists on a sector of the world's population, but is also an image which indigenous peoples accept and promote for themselves. Peter Brozius is also critical of the tendency to portray as a myth, the idea that indigenous peoples lived in harmony with nature. He argues that we need to distinguish between strategic and romantic essentialisms, since historically marginalised communities have begun to recognise the potential potency of strategically deployed essentialisms. So where we find environmentalists and environmental groups in developing contexts, articulating their concerns within a religious framework, the extent to which strategic essentialisms are at play need to be considered. Okay, in the final sections of this paper, and this is going to be a longer version of what I'm presenting now, I return to the question posed at the outset concerning the role that religion could play in achieving the Millennium Development Goal, or particularly a Millennium Development Goal 7. My aim is to look at the different aspects of the religious engagement with sustainable development and to address the ways in which they can avoid the problems already outlined. So I identify four dimensions of religious significant or engagement, and the first one I'm going to go through quite quickly and the fourth one I'll look at in a little bit more detail. Okay, so the first one, eco theology. So this is the first dimension of the relationship between religious environmentalism and sustainable development. So eco theology, it's already suggested, eco theology can serve as the basis for strategic essentialisms. And we can find examples where it underpins, for instance, the activities and initiatives of faith-based organisations engaged with sustainable development, involved in practical activities as well as the lobbying of governments and industry. However, as I've already stated, my primary concern here is who is doing the interpreting and for whom. As discussed already, the ecological interpretation of religious texts and traditions can idealise and romanticise the past and there's a danger of feeding into the myth of primitive ecological wisdom and essentialising poor people as close to nature due to the impact of their religious traditions. My second engagement or interaction involves examining the statements of religious leaders and figures and asking what role they might play in terms of local communities and also at an international level in these debates. And often these statements may give it the impression of romanticising the role of religion in the past and today. They may well be part of an elite bourgeois environmentalism. And in addition, these religious elites say, for instance, that the World Bank or the United Nations they invite to come and talk about the significance of the millennium development goals for their religious traditions. A typically male, actually. Female representatives of religious traditions are few and thin on the ground and don't often get invited to these high-level meetings. So there's a gender issue here as well that needs consideration. However religious leaders, influential figures within religious traditions can have an influence on government and industry and also mobilise significant resources for campaigns and other activities. My third engagement is concerned with organisations and initiatives underpinned by religion engagement with the environment. Now many organisations from small local NGOs to the large multilaterals are beginning to draw upon religious teachings and practices in their activities to encourage people to act in ways that are more sustainable as well as to protect diversity. And a good example of this is the Alliance for Religions and Conservation which is based in Manchester in the UK and grew from the ACC event in 1986 and now supports, it's got a wonderful website if anyone's, I mean I'm sure many of you have looked at it but they support so many projects internationally combining religion and sustainability. An arc describes itself as a secular body that helps the major religions of the world to develop their own environmental programmes based on their own core teachings, beliefs and practices. We help the religions link with key environmental organisations creating powerful alliances between faith communities and conservation groups. Now the engagement of multilateral organisations such as the World Bank and the UNDP who are involved in projects directly with ARC suggests the desire to seriously consider the contribution that religions might make to Millennium Development Goal 7 at the levels of individual behaviour, local environmental conservation and the lobbying of industry and governments to adopt more sustainable policies and practices. Religious places of worship and faith-based organisations can potentially play a significant role in sustainable development but what needs to be avoided in these interactions is the essentialisation of poor people as inherently environmentalists, particularly those who live close to the land and whose religious traditions are often intertwined with nature worship of different types. And this is what I'm going to look at in my final section in a bit more detail. Examples of communities whose practices seem to suggest a positive relationship between religion and conservation. So one area where this has become a focus is with respect to the preservation of sacred groves, protected because of their religious significance but now recognised by some secular organisations as potential reservoirs of biodiversity. Scientists and environmental organisations are increasingly calling for the protection of these areas, particularly considering that in many places they've radically declined in recent decades. And this has resulted in arguments that the religious practices sustaining these areas should be strengthened as well as the areas should be protected in law. Now while we cannot assume that people connected to sacred groves are necessarily modern environmentalists, we should not romanticise these groves as vast repositories of biodiversity. This isn't always the case. It does nonetheless seem relevant to assess the extent to which some sacred groves might play a role in modern conservation strategies and how people's traditional beliefs about them can be channeled into sustainable development initiatives. There are increasing numbers of organisations and ecologists interested in sacred groves because of a scientific and almost, very pragmatic interest in conservation. And the scientific community and conservation bodies are beginning to take this system of indigenous nature preservation seriously. Okay, so two global instruments have been implemented by UNESCO that protect many environmentally important sites. And the first of these is the programme on man and the biosphere with its world network of biosphere reserves. And the second is the World Heritage Convention, including the World Heritage List. Both instruments recognise that sacred sites may make a significant contribution to nature conservation. The man and biosphere programme was launched in the early 1970s and aims to combine biodiversity conservation with sustainable development through close cooperation with communities, taking advantage of traditional knowledge, indigenous products and appropriate land management. Now it's intended that local people should be closely involved in negotiating the creation of the biosphere reserve and that its creation needs to incorporate human activities rather than to prevent people from using the reserve. And this is achieved through a process of zoning. So we have a core zone where biodiversity is protected, a buffer zone where activities are allowed that are compatible with conservation, so things like research, monitoring, education and training, and a transition area where sustainable development is permitted. And in the mid 1990s this programme introduced an initiative that looks at the ways in which traditional beliefs and cultural values impact on environmental conservation and in particular how they may be used to support the protection of legally protected areas such as national parks. Now the second instrument, the World Heritage Convention was adopted in 1972 and in 1992 a category of cultural landscapes was added and paved the way for the incorporation of sacred natural sites. And a number of sites have made it onto the World Heritage list. These are here on the slide, some of them. Now a report published in 2003 drawing on the proceedings from an international workshop organised by UNESCO on the importance of sacred natural sites for biodiversity conservation outlines case studies that focused on traditional mechanisms of environmental conservation in the different regional contexts of Africa, Asia Pacific and Latin America. And again this is available online actually, it's a really interesting document. And in this, Shaff, who was one of the main researchers and organisers of this event, Shaff asks, how can environmental conservation be rendered sustainable without violating perceived and real requirements of people inhabiting in areas since time immemorial? Can cultural values and traditional belief systems which respect the environment be a more powerful or at least an equally powerful means to conserve nature than legally protected areas? Such an approach appears promising in many traditional societies of the world where the concept of a sacred nature is well embedded in societal norms. So he advocates the involvement of natural scientists to study the biodiversity in these sacred groves and at other sacred sites and to assess their significance to surrounding ecosystems. But he also suggests that the involvement of anthropologists is very important, who will be more interested in the ways in which people interact with nature through their religious traditions. So this isn't just a scientific area of interest, it's also an anthropological area of interest. And he's calling on more involvement of anthropologists in this sort of work. Now a SWAT analysis of the evidence presented at the workshop suggests that strengths and opportunities include, and these are on the slide, the high conservation value of many sacred natural sites, the added value to conservation of shared community beliefs about preserving sacred natural sites when compared with legal regulation alone, the fact that they often preserve traditional knowledge and the potential they offer for developing ecotourism. So there are lots of positives. But they also discuss some threats and weaknesses, including the fact that they are often not recognised in national policies and legal systems. And the local knowledge with which they are intrinsically linked is not valued as highly as modern science in official circles. And sacred natural sites are not necessarily areas of pristine wilderness with high levels of biodiversity. And they typically have a function beyond conservation with the potential for a clash between conservation priorities and the religious uses of those places. So it's important to note that from a scientific or a secular scientific or conservationist perspective, the study of sacred groves forms one component of a broader concern with sustainable development and the preservation of biodiversity. Religious values in themselves are not generally seen as having any necessary role to play. Although some conservationists who are interested in sacred groves genuinely lament the decline in traditional values about these forests, others are not so concerned and are happy to promote the introduction of secular management programmes to preserve the remaining groves. So this instrumentalist perspective has drawn critique that the most positive evaluations of the ecological role of traditional beliefs in preserving sacred places are being advanced for scientific and social purposes that are extrinsic to the beliefs themselves. Moreover, it cannot be assumed that the goals of scientific conservation will necessarily match the cultural and economic needs of local communities, particularly when these deny any interference whatsoever. As Freeman has noted in his work on sacred groves in Kerala in India, different degrees of human interference in sacred groves may well be accommodated within the cultural framework of the grove as the deities preserve. In the context of his research and garner on sacred groves, Barry Hurd reports of animosity between local people and protected areas because of the exclusionary approach to protected area management. While, and this is to quote, sacred groves are endogenous protected areas which gives them a margin of community acceptance to conserve the groves in tandem with local communities, conservators must resist the temptation to annex the groves for proper conservation. Although the majority of respondents in the study area were accepting of the need for outside assistance in conserving the groves, they were also clear that their religious and cultural beliefs should not take second place. And this is a final quotation from Barry's research and they write, often research has romanticised culture and assumed that once the objective is to preserve culture, there will be zero opposition from local communities. Failure to grasp the centrality of religious and cultural beliefs for locals could derail well meaning, potentially mutually beneficial effort. So perhaps again underscoring the need for more anthropological research on the nature of the significance of these groves and how they relate to ecology and how they could best be incorporated into initiatives around sustainable development. So just to sum up very briefly, my aim in this paper has been to demonstrate some of the potential problems with religious environmentalism, particularly when certain assumptions are made about the links between ecological interpretations of religion and environmentalist behaviour or between instances of nature religion and their ecological significance. Nonetheless, religion does have a role to play in initiatives and activities for sustainable development, but this is not one that can be easily captured by outsiders looking for a quick fix to development problems. Instead, bringing religion into sustainable development requires careful engagement with local communities and organisations that avoid imposing an outsider view of the role that religion can play and that also avoids prioritising an instrumentalist conservationist ethic. I'll finish.