 It is extremely important here for you to look here. It says that there are a lot of those slogans in the collage, but four slogans are extremely important. And I use those slogans while I'm presenting the down situation. The first one is a dream doesn't work until you do. So only dreaming is not important, but how you are doing it's even more important for us. Do without focusing the Android Welt. A lot of work go and do, but without focusing the Android Welt. So we have a lot of examples on that. Some things take time. So a lot of promises has done, but it takes time. So we are not in hurry. We'll come again and we'll do them. And the last one, which is also important, but then you know what you are doing. If it is important, you will find a way. If not, you will find an excuse. So these are some promises, some broad political promises, which actually I pick up from the different areas. When I start to speak on the land issue and the special performance of the government on the land issue, I prefer to say that's the whole range of contradiction and conflict. And it's a land clause most of the time, because the law is a political slogan and execution is a political choice. So the land reform agenda as such is not finished. It's still alive. And it will be alive until we are on the ground. But it's reducing in the format of political slogan and the political choice, which is one of the biggest challenges we are witnessing in the last 10 years, and especially in the last five years. This is the situation the land writes. It's a game of snake and leather. We know that once you find the land and maybe after some years or after a few months, somebody will come and to grab your land. And we have a lot of such examples here. You can see that some of the processes in the further slide. You can see a lot of land has been transferred in the last four years. I just try to focus the data, which is actually related to the last four or five, four or four and a half years. The question, which is actually repeatedly asked, this is the photograph from a Pando community in the Korba district. And when we were in the public hearing, this is the question, precisely asked by one of our village leaders. Whose land are you giving away, Mr. Prime Minister? So is it your land? Is it belongs to you or is it belongs to us? And we can see a huge amount of land for the infrastructure project close to 830,000 hectares of land. For the forestry project, just in the four years, we have lost nearly more than 70,000 hectares of land. And for the urban development, the huge amount of land we lost because of the urban expansion. And we have a lot of examples throughout India how these processes is actually promoted, encouraged through policies, through different legislation, through direct and indirect route, through circulars, and we lost a huge amount of land on the ground. This is the reality, the another reality of the land reforms. We are retailing the reforms in the form of being a land activist. I say that the housing land rights is not the core area of the land reforms or the land rights. It's a kind of a very part and parcel of the total framework of land reforms. But government has actually given it too much focus on this particular issue by naming housing for all by 2022. And what is the reality of housing for all by 2022? The government itself, if you look the report, which was actually released specifically on the Pradhan Mantri Abbas Yojana, they said that the only 8% of the target has been achieved 21%, and hardly 21% of the fund which was actually allocated for the Prime Minister Abbas Yojana has been used by the state administration. It's a huge amount of gap, and this gap is, we can see in the realities, we can see in the form of the conflicts also here. So the whole thought of the land reforms, it's now reduced in the format of Bhavan Swami. So the Bhumi Swami word is missing and Bhavan Swami word is a new word which is now coming in the political discourse here. This is the other reality, what actually government did. And this is the one slogan which was, I mean when the smart city project and the smart city mission was started, there was a slogan competition and this was, the title was a slogan, refused to be ordinary. So being a living in Delhi, whether you are in the Silampur, whether you are in Chhatarpur, you have to be proud that you are not an ordinary person. So that's the one kind of a political psyche which is actually presented with the whole, the dream of a smart city project. But the reality which is actually given by the Minister of Housing and Urban Affairs, on the left side, you can see the smart city mission has the lowest fund utilization rate among all urban schemes, or urban scams, whatever the word you want to use here. So this is the huge amount of challenge, you can see in terms of, the one of the biggest flagship program of the government of India and one of the very important slogan of our dear Prime Minister. What is on the other side? The very recent report which is actually given by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs in 2019, which says close to 6.4 crore people that live in the slums, maximum amount of people are in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh or in the other states. But during the last four years, the Ministry has sanctioned close to 72 lakhs houses in the slums, grounded 38 lakhs, completed 14 lakhs and three lakhs are still vacant. So what is the performance rate? 12%. So the 12% is the performance rate in terms of you are looking, those people who lost their land in the countryside, who came in the big cities for getting job, getting dignified place to live and this is the hand result on the other side. The Forest Rights Act, we keep talking about the Forest Rights Act which actually came with a very interesting slogan of undoing historical injustice. But whatever we are doing and whatever the new messages which is coming from the political discourse from the administration, it's actually continuing the historical injustice in some other way. And it's very interesting to look that between 2014 to 2018, and I'm sure Tushar will also agree with me, the one of the slowest execution of Forest Rights Act, whether in terms of individual rights or in terms of the community rights. So the slowest execution period is 2014 to 2018 or 2019, you can say. According to Ministry of Tribal Affairs, the very recent data which was released by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs in 2018, the authority has rejected more than 43% claims filed by the Forestry Alert across India. So this is the kind of the average figure but if you go to the area where there is a high concentration of tribal people, perhaps you can find even the large number of cases which was actually suspended or rejected. And in the majority of the cases, the notices is not actually given to the claimants. So people have absolutely no option where to go for the appeal. And that's how it's become a huge amount of challenge. So this is the one side you can see, the one of the slowest execution. But what happened on the other side? 55,000 hectares of forest land has been diverted for the Non-Piracy Project. And what is the rate of clearances of the different projects, the different development projects in the forest land? 99.8%, almost like 100% clearance rate. And this is the data which was actually presented in the parliament in 2018 by the Ministry of Environment Affairs. What is the land reforms process? I remember when the land ordinance first time came and there was a committee which was constituted and the committee was given a place to sit in the Constitution Club to listen all the different stakeholders who were there. And when they asked the chairperson, I mean why this land ordinance has came? So we said that it's a process of land reform. So we are very serious about the land reform process and we are going to begin the land reforms process. And that's the understanding of land reforms, which is a completely anti-land reform. We everybody know that the whole ordinance was completely anti. And if you see on the one side, actually the whole ordinance, it's put a huge amount of challenge for any possibility to secure land rights to the landless poor. When the whole debate was started for amendment of 2013 legislation, we were the one who actually given a submission to the government of India and to the committee and he said the whole history of 125 years, it's not a single case when the land is actually acquired and given it to the poor people. So because it's not a public purpose, it's not for the public interest. So the people, the actual people are ground, the landless people are ground, they are not the reason for the land acquisition. We know everyone, but they are completely out of radar in the whole history of 125 years. So this is the very interesting data which is given by the Rights and Resource Initiative in 2016 that how the land-related conflict is actually emerging and it's affecting a large sum of people on the ground and it's also, on the other side, if you take the whole vocabulary of the carpet, it's actually affecting the investments. Land bank, another slogan came in a big way and we know that the whole idea of land bank is started with the kind of a popular slogan that we are going to create a land line so that we can provide a job for every those people who actually lost their land in some other way. And we have a chance to talk to the NetEIO and previously to the Planning Commission and we say that how much job is actually available in the government sector? Close to 2 crores? How much job is available in the private sector? Close to 2.5 crores, so the total job which is the total job absorbing capacity of the government sector as well as the private sector is not more than maximum 6 to 7 crores. So the huge amount of large sum of people who are actually dependent on land, there's no other way. So this is the one argument which we keep talking about with the Planning Commission, with the NetEIO, with the Ministry and the argument which was given that why you're asking for the land reforms? On the one side, the farmers are committing suicide and you're asking for the land reforms. So we say that then what option left? So we want to remove the people out of the agriculture sector and we know once the people who lost the land in the agriculture sector, there is only one sector left, it's called slum sector. So there's only one sector which is a rehabilitation ground for large sum of people who lost their land in the countryside and this is the reality. Another very interesting legislation which came with the NDA government is the Mines and Minerals Development Regulation Act, 2015 and soon after the Pradhanantri Khandeshweta Kalyan Yojana. So the main argument was sharing the benefit to the affected community and putting those money for the development of the affected area. So the main argument was to use the money which is coming from the mining from the all-dirty business and using for the affected community and for the development of the affected area. And what is the reality? If you see the very recent report of the Ministry of Mining in June 2018, out of the total allocation, rupees 19,955 crores, hardly 21% amount has been actually spent on the ground. So a huge amount of money which was actually gained from the MMJR legislation and the money is actually not the data which is actually talked about only about the use but almost 80% of the money which is came through DMF was actually misused and abused in a big way. Three, four very classic example, Bilaspur Airport in Chhattisgarh which was actually built through DMF money, you know. In Kyojher, the swimming pool was actually made because this was the excuse, this kind of excuse. In Rajasthan, they used this money for organizing Pashu Mela. So we know that this fund has been largely misused and abused and some of the state, they used this money for the railway corridor, for the corporate corridors so that they can extract more and more mineral resources and provide to the others. According to IBM, they have already explored more than 8,000 new sites for the mining operation. So you can imagine that the big amount of mine, I mean a large number of mining companies are coming for the extraction business very soon. Legalizing for the station in the way, in the dictionary of the Kampa and NFP, if you just look the basic spirit and the basic claims of the Kampa and the new national forest plan of 2018, there is a huge amount of debate which is actually generated from the ground because these are all new act, new policy which is an institution-centric on the one side and there is a community-centric forest rights act on the other side. So you can see there is a huge amount of debate. It's actually generated because of the institution-centric Kampa and the forest policy and the people-centric forest rights act. The last two slides. As I said in the beginning, that land is a very important agenda for us. It's not a finished agenda for us. It's an agenda which keeps alive with all of us, with our struggle, with our research, with our advocacy work. The four legislation, which was keep discussing in the last few years, but it's never been actually executed in the government level. The first one is the National Homestate Land Rights Act of 2012. The draft was prepared, submitted to the Ministry of Rural Development, accepted by the Ministry of Rural Development, but it's never been presented in the parliament. National Land Reforms Policy, Huck Saab is here and was very instrumental to guide and to inspire all of us to prepare the Land Reforms Policy, never been presented to the cabinet. So what is the result? 56% of people on the ground are still waiting for their land rights. The last is the Women Farmer Entitlement Act. It's the one act, very progressive legislation drafted by Swaminathan Ji in 2011, presented in the parliament in the Rajya Sabar, completely silenced on this issue. The Minimum Land Holding Act, very few people know, in 2008, when the Balkrishna Rekhet Saab Committee was constituted, he has suggested the Minimum Land Guarantee Act, especially for those communities who are completely out of radar from the revenue administration. They are the Fisher folk, they are the Novaks, they are the single women, they are the tea tribes, there are more than 16 such communities who live on the ground. So these people, because of the huge amount of policy gap, they are still waiting for their land rights to be executed. So I don't think you can read all these things, but I think Pranav even given the chance to our automatic coordinator, they have presented most of the points which actually we would like to say here. And the final, I would say here, for the political slogan, for the political mandate, it's very interesting time for us because after one and a half months we are entering into one of the biggest election process. So I remember in Orissa, 2004, when you were walking from Kalahandri to Punechwar, the one slogan which was given in a village called Urla Dhani in the Kalahandri district by one tribal leader, it's a still always remind me that how land is in pocket. And the slogan was very simple and it's a message for most of our political leaders as well as all of us. So first land, then vote. If there's no land, no vote. Thank you.