 Good morning everyone. Welcome and thank you so much for attending Norwich University's 2022 Peace and World Summit in person or virtually. My name is Yang Mokoo, Associate Professor of Political Science and Associate Director of Peace and World Center at Norwich University. I am extremely honored to serve as Executive Director of this year's summit which addresses such a pressing issue Russia. As we have witnessed on top of global pandemic, our global community is currently facing one of the most dangerous moment at the end of World War II. Russian invasion of Ukraine has inflicted serious human and material casualties and we have to be even concerned about the possibility of nuclear war among great powers. Even though I have not directly experienced any war condition as a Korean American, I have often listened to my parent generations about how devastating the Korean war was. As all of us desire, I honestly hope that Russia's unprovoked invasion against Ukraine stops as soon as possible and stable peace and justice are fully restored. At this summit, two Kino speakers, 11 scholars and three students will address many different demands of Russian and international issues. I believe that these summit sessions will deepen our understanding the current world order significantly disrupted by Russia's aggressive act. Also this summit will help current leaders and future leaders here just to be educated and to find peaceful and effective solutions to such challenging global issues. Thank you again for participating in the summit. Please keep in mind that this Kino session will continue up to 10 a.m. So until then please do not move in your sit. Now I would like to introduce Dr. Mark Anarumo, 21st president of Norwich University. For time limit, just I cannot share his full bio, but briefly speaking, Dr. Anarumo assumed the presidency in June 2020 amid the global pandemic and civil unrest. Despite tough challenges, he has been successfully leading this historic institution. He retired as a U.S. Air Force Colonel after serving in many different nations including Turkey, Iraq, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan and South Korea. Before assuming his presidency, Dr. Anarumo worked as a director and permanent professor for the Center for Character and Leadership Development at U.S. Air Force Academy. Now I turn it over to 24th president of Norwich University, Dr. Mark Anarumo. Thank you. Let's give a round of applause. Can Sandidaa, Yanmoku? We have a few folks getting settled. I'll let them sit before I start the formal comments to kick off the ceremony. Welcome all. So good morning everyone and welcome to the Peace and War Summit at Norwich University here in the great state of Vermont. I am Dr. Mark Anarumo, the 24th president of Norwich University. We are of course the nation's oldest private military college and the birthplace of the Reserve Officer Training Corps or ROTC. We are so pleased to host you here in person in the Mack Hall auditorium and I also want to offer a very sincere welcome to our virtual audience who is attending from around the world today. So welcome to all. I do want to recognize our keynote speakers for this two-day Peace and War Summit. First, you can join me in welcoming each, the governor of the great state of Vermont, Phil Scott. Sir, thank you. The next title is fairly long. I will cue applause once I get through the gentleman's complete formal title. The acting ambassador, Mr. Georgie Siculia, the charge of affairs, Embassy of Georgia to the United States. Sir, welcome. Also in the front row is Brigadier General John Weidner of U.S. Strategic Command. Sir, welcome. And also a special welcome to all of our distinguished panelists and presenters. They are some of the great thinkers in the world on this critical topic. We're honored to have you here. Welcome and thank you to you all as well. So this is our third Peace and War Summit is presented by the John and Mary Frances Patton Peace and War Center, which is one of our centers of excellence here at Norwich University. This year's summit theme is called Deciphering the Russian Riddle, National Interest and Geopolitical Competitions. Our keynote presentations, the panel discussions, and our workshops will scrutinize the very timely and relevant questions that face the United States and the global community related to Russia. The topics will range from territorial intrusions into Ukraine and to Georgia, intervention in Syria, growing military partnership with China, and of course areas that Norwich has unique expertise, cyber attacks and disinformation. The summit provides an excellent opportunity to dive deeply into these issues that are fueling a reignited rivalry between the United States and Russia. A simple summary list of the issues is extraordinary. It's going to inform our understandings of the events that are literally unfolding today as we stand here. Military security, economic sanctions, cyber security threats, disinformation campaigns, and Russia's perceptions of and roles in the intensifying great power struggle between the United States and China. I encourage our entire Norwich University community of learning, our wonderful students, faculty, staff, alumni, parents and friends to participate fully in these sessions, whether in person or virtually. We need to discuss and debate these important global topics that are so clearly impacting our world, yes in the future, but quite literally right in this current moment. The summit is critically important and we believe it is necessary. We are very proud of our ability to host events like this that the support, the development of a deeper understanding of our shared global community. Our world is increasingly defined by uncertainty and complexity. The responses to challenges are increasingly dependent upon the ability to integrate multiple capabilities, cultural competencies, adaptability to change, mental agility. We hope to develop these skills over the next few days together. The summit especially will explore what the future may hold. We will learn how the nations and the world's colleges and universities are developing critical thinking required of students and scholars to prepare for what lies ahead. The relationship between the United States and Russia is currently significantly strained and for the first time in decades it could very reasonably result in kinetic conflict. This would of course be disastrous for both nations and NATO and other countries in terms of human casualties and additional crises to the world economic system. We are currently experiencing the effects of the conflict in Ukraine. The results of economic and trade sanctions, the witnessing of violence and war, the effects of information warfare, fear, and of course all these pale in comparison to the loss of life of combatants and innocent civilians that are caught in the violence. The past several weeks of conflict are affecting the international order in ways that have not been witnessed for two generations. As president of this very fine university, I must also share that our student population has been affected very directly. We have today students on our campus from Ukraine and also from Russia in addition to many students from all across the world. We also have many current students and alumni in uniform services in the intelligence community and in other fields related to conflict management and crisis response. These individuals are very literally standing today in harm's way and they deserve our best time and our greatest effort. The current conflict that's affected us all in some way, the ways that they will affect us in additional ways in the coming months and years will be another item that we'll explore together during the course of this critical event. We will talk how as superpowers, the United States, China, and Russia all share responsibility for dealing with the countless challenges facing our global community. Our shared fate will be shaped by how the great powers and allies will address current crises, myriad other issues that will persist, and new issues that will inevitably emerge. It is our hope that this summit will help deepen our understanding of current U.S. and Russia relations and provide practical policy recommendations to leaders of all nations. These recommendations will be more refined and more effective if our entire community participates fully. I implore all of us take advantage and help make a difference in our present and in our future. All of us here at Norton University thank you for your attendance and for the contributions that all of you will make during this critical summit. It is our privilege and our honor to host you. It is now my distinct honor and privilege to introduce a truly gifted leader and staunch supporter of Norton University, the 82nd governor of the state of Vermont, Governor Phil Scott. So good morning everyone and thanks for having me. It's an honor for me to be here today to say a few words but I'm especially interested in learning from the distinguished speakers who will be speaking in a few minutes. Their insight and expertise are incredibly important right now as we all watch what's going on in Eastern Europe with a great deal of concern. Now unlike them I have no background in world affairs or expertise in foreign policy. I'm here as the governor of a state full of people who like me are looking at this situation in disbelief. For more than three weeks we've all watched in horror as Putin's Russia was has brutally attacked a neighbor who wanted peace not war. Ukraine has worked hard to become a democracy and is now working harder than they ever imagined for the future of their people. Because of this unprovoked attack thousands of Ukrainian and patriots and civilians including women and children have already lost their lives. In fact as we all saw last week the Russians targeted both a hospital and a theater where hundreds of people including many children were sheltering. Millions have had to leave their homes their belongings and their way of life to protect their families. These are parents and grandparents college students and school children who just 30 days ago were going about their daily lives the same way many of us would. Going to work seeing their friends at school shopping at the grocery store and walking their dogs are riding a bike through the park and now their world has been turned upside down. Many have been torn from their homes taking shelter in subway stations fearful for their lives and their future. It's a reminder of how easy it is to take what we have for granted from our democracy as a whole down to our everyday routines and that's why it's so important for us to continue to keep up with what's going on. Listen to the experts like those we'll hear from today and learn from the courage and resiliency we're seeing in the people of Ukraine. Because while they're going through what is deemed horrific and is horrific their response has been so inspiring. Acts of courage, selflessness, and resolve from average citizens all the way up to the country's leaders. It's truly a David versus Goliath moment with soldiers defending their country against an army five times as size with only a tenth the number of aircraft. Civilians taking up arms for the first time in their lives to slow and hopefully fend off this unprovoked invasion knowing the life and death consequences. We've all seen the heartbreaking footage of parents leaving their children to fight for freedom. As just one example I read the story of one dad who left his seven month old daughter behind saying it was a difficult choice but better than she be without a father and without a future. Think about that for a moment and let it sink in. What all this tells me is that while Putin may have a larger army it's clear Ukraine and its people have the courage, heart, and will to persevere and they have the power of the truth and the moral high ground on their side and that's why the rest of us in the free world need to have their back. As I said earlier I'm no expert in world affairs but I feel a responsibility like many of you to be a part of this now. I think about my dad Howard Scott a tanker in Patton's third army who was severely wounded in France shortly after D-Day when the tank hit a landmine on their way to free St. Low. Both of his legs were amputated above the knee and he spent two years in Walter Reed Hospital recovering before returning home to start a family and unfortunately he passed away due to those injuries when I was 11. He was no expert either but he stepped up when it was the right thing to do. Many are doing the same for Ukraine and while it pales in comparison as governor I thought it was important for Vermont to do its part as well. That's why I called for and signed a bill last week to contribute one dollar for every Vermonner totally more than six hundred and forty thousand dollars. The appropriation went to save the children for humanitarian efforts in Ukraine. We've also worked to make sure the state of Vermont is not purchasing Russian source goods and services and through our National Guard and State Police we're collecting body armor for those on the front lines in Ukraine. These are small steps from a small state that I know will have little impact on what happens four thousand miles away but it's what we can do right now and we have a moral obligation to do whatever we can. The fact is Ukraine's fight to protect its people their rights and their land and what that means for democracies across the globe is too important for us to sit out. Because as has been said many times before a threat to democracies anywhere is a threat to democracy everywhere. Unfortunately we're seeing democracy threatened far too often right now including examples right here in the U.S. These are powerful reminders why we must always guard against authoritarianism and the ilk that comes with it and why defeating Putin and putting an end to this invasion is so important. Today in this hall as we're speaking freely without fear of oppression the people of Ukraine are fighting for their independence and their fundamental right to decide their own future. It's important they know they're not alone in this fight. The people of Vermont and all around the globe stand united with Ukraine for its freedom and with its people. I thank you and I look forward to learning more from this important and very timely summit. Thank you again. Governor Scott thank you so much for your attendance in the summit and then your just powerful speech. Now I'm very pleased to introduce two keynote speakers Georgian Acting Ambassador Gorgi Cicolia and Brigadier General John Widener at U.S. Strategic Command. In terms of the natural flow of their speech content General Widener will deliver his address first. Let me introduce him briefly. U.S. Army Brigadier General John Widener assumed the duties as Deputy Director Plans and Policy U.S. Strategic Command in May 2020. Widener most recently served as a Director of the U.S. Army Nuclear and Countering WMD Agency at Fort Belvoir, Virginia where he led the Army's capability to integrate nuclear weapon effects into conventional operations and supported Army service component command with the nuclear and countering WMD expertise. Now I turn it over to General Widener. Let us give a round of applause. Governor Scott, Mr. Cicolia, President Anna Rumo and Dr. Koo. Thank you so very much for the kind introduction and for the warm reception here. On behalf of the United States Strategic Command I'd like to thank Norwich University and the Peace and War Center for the opportunity to speak at this timely and prestigious event as a product of the Army's ROTC program. I'm particularly excited to be here at the birthplace of the ROTC system that prepared me so well for a military career. And by the way it's a great honor and pleasure to be in a room of America's future military leaders. Keep that in mind. I'm here today representing U.S. Strategic Command and a team of 150,000 soldiers, sailors, airmen's, marines, guardians, civilians and contractors dedicated to the DOD's highest priority, strategic deterrence, a subset of which is nuclear deterrence. That is all nuclear is strategic but not all strategic is nuclear. USRACOM is a global combatant command responsible for among other things strategic deterrence and nuclear operations and we take it very seriously. We execute strategic deterrence activities every day and stand ready to deliver a decisive response should strategic deterrence fail. Over the next several minutes I want to discuss some of the characteristics and challenges for strategic deterrence in the 21st century, highlight some of the concerning aspects of Russia's capability and behavior, and offer some thoughts on the way forward. Before describing how the character of strategic deterrence is changing in the 21st century however let me first review some fundamental tenets of deterrence that have not changed. Deterrence is focused on influencing an adversary's perception such they that they decide not to take a certain action. The basic pillars of strategic deterrence are focused on imposing costs that exceed any benefit of action, denying the benefit of an action, and encouraging restraint. Another enduring element of strategic deterrence is that it's an active sport. One does not merely deter by possessing a capability. We must train, sustain, maintain, and exercise our strategic capabilities to be proficient on using them on a moment's notice and an adversary's leaders must see that we expertly train and maintain these capabilities and can bring them to bear whenever needed. This is one reason why U.S. Strategic Command does so many deployments around the globe with our strategic bombers, the most visible leg of our triad of strategic delivery capabilities. In addition to strategic deterrence, in addition strategic deterrence must begin day to day in the gray zone in the gray zone conflict because we are in diplomatic, economic, and informational conflict. These gray zone activities are what will lead to crisis and if crisis is not resolved will lead potentially to conventional conflict and conventional conflict with a near peer nuclear armed adversary will be overshadowed by the potential for adversary non-nuclear strategic attack in space and cyber domains or nuclear attack. In other words, the adversary could view nuclear attack as their least bad option. The nation cannot wait to conduct strategic deterrence activities at the brink of strategic or nuclear deterrence failure. U.S. Stratcom can't be called in at the last minute to do strategic deterrence like a pinch hitter, pinch hitter brought in at the bottom of the ninth inning to win the baseball game. Moreover, should strategic deterrence fail and we find ourselves in conflict with a near peer nation strategic deterrent activities must continue in conflict and in addition they must increase in intensity. We can take more aggressive deterrent actions in conflict because they wouldn't be as destabilizing in conflict as they would be day to day or in crisis. The challenge with this seemingly obvious statement is that these activities will compete for the very limited resources that will be in high demand to prosecute the conventional fight. An example of this is the demand for our heavy bombers, our B-52s and even B-2 bombers and their associated tanker aircraft. Those nuclear weapon delivery platforms and associated tanking aircraft that refuel the bombers in air also have important roles in the theater conventional nuclear war plan. We need to frame those important resource allocation decisions now in our policy documents and supporting strategies and operationalize that understanding through large globally integrated exercises. So let me transition now to how strategic deterrence is changing in the 21st century. Starting with the global view we must be aware that for the first time in our history the United States faces two near-peer nuclear armed adversaries in Russia and China and they must be deterred differently because they have different national security objectives and different levels of relative national power. So I'll focus my comments on Russia of course today but would caution us not to lose sight of China or North Korea or Iran or any other country that has or is seeking strategic capabilities. US STRATCOM, the United States and our network of allies and partners must deter all of these actors all of the time. We can't forget that. China's explosive growth of nuclear capabilities is absolutely breathtaking and they're voicing similar regional security concerns as Russia and seeking to exert sovereignty over international waters and territories based on historic claims in a manner similar to Russia. These claims threaten the rules-based international order and should be deeply concerning to all nations that seek to uphold that order. China and other actors are watching our approach in response to Russia. How much risk we are willing to take and how much stake we demonstrate and will be influenced by our commitment to uphold the rule international rules-based order. Adding to the challenge of strategic deterrence in the 21st century is the increased number of domains through which strategic effects can be delivered as opposed to just 30 or 40 years ago. During the Cold War strategic deterrence was synonymous with nuclear deterrence vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. We now have strategic reliance upon the space and cyber domains as you appreciate and our adversaries are developing asymmetric capabilities to threaten our dependence upon them. Now a challenge to these relatively new domains is how to incorporate them into our traditional deterrent and military activities. You have likely heard of the term integrated deterrence used by leaders in the Department of Defense. That is a vision for optimizing the combination of effects across all domains to deter or if necessary defeat an adversary. It's the best way to deter and combining all of our capability and it affords us the best approach to defeat an adversary at the lowest level of damage achievable. The key to success will be reaching the goal of integrated deterrence before our adversaries and they are striving to do just that and it's not just the increase in the number of domains and determining how to integrate those with our existing other domains. The lack of widely accepted norms and these new domains in the increased risk of miscalculation and escalation that accompanies that lack of norm makes strategic deterrence in the 21st century that much more complex. Now we at StratCom are working through a logic that underpins all of this as I'll explain in a moment because after all we are U.S. strategic command not U.S. nuclear command and we look forward to enhancing strategic deterrence and planning and theory. Now primary implication of all of this is that we must be very humble about our ability to control escalation that term gets thrown around a lot control escalation. Well let me be very pointed we cannot control an adversary's escalation. We must recognize that a near-peer nuclear armed adversary can escalate to any level of violence anywhere on the globe through any instrument of national power at any time. That's a factor that the United States has not had to consider since the fall of the Soviet Union and it has enormous implications for how we react to the conflict in Ukraine today. This also profound because nearly all strategic deterrence theory was developed as a result of our experience in the Cold War when there were two superpowers a bipolar world each relying very heavily on their nuclear arsenals for deterrence. We must evolve our fundamental understanding of strategic deterrence theory to align with today's strategic environment. In other words we need to enhance and our approach to an all-domain conflict with one near-peer adversary while deterring a second near-peer adversary and others with strategic capabilities or at worst be prepared to confront two near-peer nuclear armed adversaries simultaneously. Now US STRATCOM is making a concerted effort to reinvigorate research and strategic deterrence primarily by leveraging our academic alliance of more than 70 academic institutions including Norwich University that are focused on building the next generation of national security professionals. But US STRATCOM can't and should not do this alone. We need your help. We need continued debate and discussion on strategic deterrence to evolve our approach and prepare the next generation and national security professionals. So with that let me how let me describe how this applies to Russia today and in the near term. Russia has the largest and most diverse nuclear weapons stockpile on the planet. Its strategic forces are defined by the New START treaty as our ours as intercontinental ballistic missiles ballistic submarines that carry submarine launch ballistic missiles and heavy bombers. That's what a strategic nuclear force is and the New START treaty limits both sides to 1,550 units. Russia has fielded a tremendous number of nuclear weapons that are not accountable under the New START treaty. Open source reporting suggests that that stockpile number somewhere between 1,500 and 2,000 more than the warheads in their strategic forces. These weapons are often referred to as non-strategic or tactical nuclear weapons but I would discourage you from using that term for we at United States strategic command and we in the United States view any use of a nuclear weapon as a strategic act. Rather I suggest you describe them as non-accountable weapons because that's what they are. Many of Russian's non-accountable weapons are delivered by platforms that can carry conventional warheads such as fighter aircraft, close and short-range ballistic missiles and cruise missiles. Russia is using many if not all of those dual capable delivery platforms with their fight to Ukraine right now. We must be keenly aware that Russia has the choice to use those same delivery platforms to employ nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction if they feel the need to to achieve their objectives. Further Russia has been modernizing both their nuclear weapons and their delivery platforms for two decades and they're more than 80 complete. So let me kind of footstomp that. For 20 years Russia has been increasing the role of nuclear weapons in their security strategies and has spent a significant fraction of their very limited military funding on not just replacing their nuclear warheads and delivery platforms but modernizing them to offer new and improved capabilities. Clearly the decision to embark on this three-decade-long nuclear weapon modernization project was not motivated by geopolitical developments over the last 10 years. It was a purposeful strategy to enhance Russia's position to counter NATO's defensive posture in order to achieve its objectives and as we are seeing today by force if necessary. In contrast the United States has completed one nuclear warhead modernization program and zero delivery nuclear weapon delivery platform programs. More on that in a little bit. Now if that's not concerning enough Russia is developing several exotic nuclear weapons such as a nuclear-powered nuclear armed cruise missile known as Skyfall or as we at U.S. Stratcom like to call it the Flying Chair Noble because of the accident that cruise missile had in August of 2019 that released a significant amount of radiation across north and central Europe when they tried to recover it. It's also developing an autonomous nuclear-powered nuclear armed underwater torpedo known as Poseidon likely armed with a very large I think megaton class weapon designed to create extensive zones of radioactive contamination and coastal areas making them unsuitable unsuitable for military economic or other activity for a very long time. These exotic weapons are not accountable and they are weapons of coercion and revenge by their very nature and reflect the very different value that Russia has on war and its use of nuclear weapons. Let me also comment on Russia's activities in just the past two months which also illuminate their view on nuclear weapon use and violence. In February Russia conducted one of the largest if not the largest nuclear exercise involving its nuclear forces since the end of the Cold War. Conducting such a large exercise of nuclear forces just prior to initiating the largest invasion of a European country since World War II was clearly coordinated till coerced NATO into inaction regarding its invasion of Ukraine nuclear coercion. That is reckless and highly irresponsible. Russia also announced to the world on February 27th that it put its nuclear forces in a heightened state of combat readiness a special regime of combat duty Putin said an overt nuclear threat only days after Russia invaded Ukraine. Such provocative actions in rhetoric regarding nuclear weapons is dangerous, adds to the risk of miscalculation and should be avoided. We will not indulge in it. I must emphasize however that U.S. strategic command does not have the luxury of minimizing or dismissing these nuclear threats. We must and are taking Putin at his word and are prepared to provide a range of decisive options to the president and secretary of defense if and when needed. So what do we do about all of this? Well let me close with four things that I think the United States needs to do. These are not particularly original ideas but four of the most that I've taken away from many conversations in the global strategic environment. First we have to have a rigorous but succinct national debate on the various nuclear capabilities required to deter both Russia and China simultaneously. The average American cannot articulate an informed argument on that subject and for that matter neither can most leaders in the federal government, the Department of Defense, or members of Congress. That's because our existing nuclear forces, the triad of the strategic delivery capabilities that we've operated for many decades, has done such a superb job of deterring strategic attack on our homeland and our allies that we have become absolutely dismissive of any thought on of nuclear attack on the United States. That is all changing. Nothing makes you more concerned about your nuclear capabilities than being threatened by somebody else's and that's exactly what Putin just did. We need the public to not only be involved but committed because our nuclear warhead life extension programs and nuclear weapon delivery platform modernization programs won't be complete for 25 or more years and since all power eventually comes from us the people we need society to prioritize this work to ensure full and consistent funding. Second the DOD and nation must again be able to develop and field new cutting-edge strategic capabilities at the speed of relevance and let me just give you one example. In the course of just eight years in the late 1950s and early 1960s Air Force General Benny Schriever led the conception, design, engineering, production and fielding of four ICBM missile systems in just eight years. The program to replace our current Minuteman 3 intercontinental ballistic missile has been under underway for many years and won't be complete for more than a decade just to replace the missile not the silos not the secure communication not the security just the missile. If we want our capabilities to provide Russia and China with strategic dilemmas we need to go much much faster. Third our nation needs to form a process for integrating and guiding all instruments of national power as well as private industry and nongovernmental organizations towards a common purpose. We currently have no national way to do this. Some might point to the National Security Council but having work there I would offer that the National Security Council is neither resourced nor intended to lead national operational activities. We're getting a glimpse of the power of integrating economic, diplomatic and informational along with military capabilities for a common purpose through the security force assistance and sanctions we've imposed on Russia and the assistance we're providing Ukraine. But can we honestly say that our efforts to get ahead of potential Russian false flag operations were intricately synchronized with Coca-Cola, Facebook and Boeing cutting ties with Russia or with the security force assistance that we provided to Ukraine? From my view it seems we've enjoyed equal benefit from good fortune and good judgment. Lastly we need to restructure the Department of Defense to effectively confront global challenges. The Office of the Secretary of Defense and the joint staff and what have up until recently been known as geographic combatant commanders and commands are built on regionally focused organizations by design. Russia and China are not regional challenges they provide they pose a worldwide threat to the international rules-based order. Moreover we must dispel the traditional view of a single supported combatant commander of operations and develop truly integrated not just coordinated war plans that incorporate space and cyber from the outset just like ground, air and sea operations are considered from the very beginning. To reiterate a major conflict with Russia and China will be global in nature. To solve that global problem we need a global top-down strategy that prioritizes homeland defense and strategic deterrence ensures multiple simultaneous supported supporting command relationships and enables all domain awareness to achieve decision superiority. With that ladies and gentlemen I'll thank you so much for allowing me to speak with you and take a little bit of your time today and turn the podium back over to Dr. Ku. Thank you. General Weidner thank you so much for your insightful speech. At this time I will briefly introduce Acting Ambassador Golgi Chikolia at the Georgian Embassy to United States. Previously Mr. Chikolia was appointed Deputy Chief of Mission at the Embassy of Georgia to the U.S. As Deputy Chief of Mission he was responsible for the daily operation of the Embassy the largest Georgian diplomatic mission in the world. Prior to his posting he was a CEO of Enterprise Georgia the Georgian Entrepreneurship Development Agency. In this role he was responsible for the establishment of the first major governmental institution mandated to facilitate private sector development through a variety of financial and technical support mechanism. Here is Georgian Acting Ambassador Golgi Chikolia. Let us give a round of applause. Good morning everyone. It's an honor and the pleasure of being here. It's an honor to speak at the America's oldest private military college. I want to thank the leadership of the Peace and Work Center President Anna Murrow of course and my compatriot Lasha John Bolize who is in this audience as well. It's an honor to share this podium with the Distribution Week's guest General Brigadier Weiner U.S. Strategic Command and Honorable Government of the State of Vermont Phil Scott. Thank you for being here and thank you for extending this honor to me. I have been fortunate to tour United States and Canada in my academic years but I have never been to Vermont. In fact I went to school not too far from here but somehow never made it to this beautiful state and I know how serious you guys are about your beer and maple syrup. I learned about beer last night and I knew about the maple syrup so I'm glad most people here know about Georgia, the country on Georgia and the confusion of my country with the state of Georgia is less frequent. For those of you who are still confused I'll give you a pass. Today's peace and war summit could not be more timely as we witness a full-scale war the first full-scale war in the 21st century in Europe. I represent the country that has witnessed invasions and occupations by foreign powers for centuries and one that knows too well the destruction of war. Especially today when Russian forces attack Ukraine our hearts ache for the Ukrainian people. Georgia and Ukraine share the same transatlantic values and Western democratic goals. Most notably entry to the European Union and NATO and we have faced tragically the same threats for the past 30 years. The past of Western integration has not been easy to us. In the early 90s as we regained independence from the Soviet Union we'll witness Russian aggression. Conflicts in Georgia's two breakaway regions, Abkhazia and Schenvala region where Russia supported separatist movements and continues to do so today. In August 2008 Russia illegally seized those two sovereign parts of Georgia through an act of war and now controls 20 percent of Georgia and territory. Just for sheer geographic compression there would be a whole of settlement of the United States including Texas. Russia has turned these occupied regions into military bases by deploying modern offensive weapons and stationing troops on the ground. Russian troops stationed in the occupied Schenvali region of Georgia stand 25 miles away from the Georgian capital of Tbilisi. We have lived in this reality since 2008. Russia quickly arranged for a few ideological allies to recognize so-called independence of two occupied regions, Abkhazia and Schenvali. Nicaragua, Venezuela and Syria complied. As did the tiny island nation of Nauru. Georgia has worked diligently to find the solution to this infringement on its sovereign territory and has assisted has been assisted by the United States, the European Union and other partners in international institutions. The conflicts in Georgia took a significant toll on the livelihoods of Georgians. Russia's occupation has expelled 10 percent of the Georgian population, nearly half a million people. Internally displaced and refugees from these territories through ethnic cleansing. The population of Abkhazia has been reduced from nearly 450,000 to a mere 100,000 and the other region the Schenvali region from 150,000 to close to 30,000. With grave human rights violations happening in these regions on a daily basis. My family is one of them. As we witness the war in the early 90s we were forced to flee Sakhumi to capital Abkhazia. The city once a prosperous and lovely metropolis now stands as a testament to Russian destruction and stagnation. When I watch scenes of innocent Ukrainians fleeing from Russian terror it reminds me a story of my family. We too, along with thousands of others, had to flee from the only place we knew as home. 30 years have passed and we're still waiting for the moment to reach into the land we call home where ancestors lie. Past tragedies have inspired Georgians to remain firm and vigilant in our choice to integrate into the western institutions and we're thankful to our western partners especially the United States for their support. In a few days on March 24th we mark 30 years of diplomatic relations with the United States. I am proud to be the part of these relations for the past six years. I have personally witnessed our strategic partnership and friendship grow over the years. Since day one of regained independence America's role in shaping Georgian statehood has been vital. U.S. support in fields including security, economy, education, democracy and the rule of law cannot be overstated. In numbers the United States has allocated almost six billion dollars in assistance to Georgia in addition to other forms of support. The Biden administration has elevated support for Georgia to meet today's challenges. Last Tuesday President Biden signed a massive 1.5 trillion omnibus spending bill with 132 million dollars available for assistance for Georgia. The government of Georgia is extremely grateful for the continued assistance of the U.S. as the Russian aggression continues. We are also fortunate to have champions from both sides of the aisle in Congress most notably Senator Gene Shaheen from the neighboring state of New Hampshire and I just yesterday learned that there was a time when New Hampshire was considered being a hostile territory right in the history of Vermont so lots to learn. As security partners we have developed a deep durable and mutually beneficial security and defense relations now codified in multiple agreements. In addition to a commitment to NATO Georgia is an integral part of the American planning for maintaining regional stability in the face of multiple security challenges. These include anti-terrorism strategies related to the Middle East and Northern Caucasus, defending U.S. and allies interest in the Black Sea Frontier, safeguarding Eurasian energy and transport networks and lending strength to support key U.S. allies like Israel. The United States has supported our efforts to modernize and strengthen the military. The American people have invested over 1.5 billion dollars in helping Georgia strengthen its resiliency, defend our borders and support our territorial integrity. Most recently during U.S. during the visit of the U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin to Georgia he and our Defense Minister signed the U.S. Georgia defense and deterrence enhancement initiative or as we call it the Jedi. Highlighting the U.S. commitment to bilateral security cooperation and the food integration of Washington and Tbilisi. And we are paying back. Georgia is not only a receiver but also a provider of security in the region and beyond. In the South Caucasus region we act as a beacon of Western ideals and an exporter of stability. This was on full display when our Prime Minister together with the U.S. State Department mediated an exchange of 15 Armenian prisoners for a land mine map between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Once again highlighting the pivotal role that Georgia plays in the region. Whenever possible Georgia proactively seeks to bolster regional peace and security through innovating problem solving and facilitating unique opportunities for the cooperation. Leading the way in regional dialogue and joint peace building. The Prime Minister has been actively promoting his peaceful neighborhood initiative with regional actors and providing an alternative to the Russian Iranian platforms. Our deep commitment to bilateral security cooperation grows grows out of shared values and experiences. As we have faced common foes in Iraq and Afghanistan fighting against terrorism and promoting democratic values. When partners need us we send 8,000 soldiers for operation Iraqi freedom. In Afghanistan Georgia provided the largest number of soldiers per capita of any non-NATO allied nation including all European states in both ISF and ISM missions. Just as we entered battle together we also played out our park until the very end. During the last weeks of conflict we were crucial to to the evacuation efforts from Afghanistan. In total approximately 3,500 individuals were evacuated through Georgia and we aid in international NGOs like National Endowment for Democracy, International Republican Institute and an Asian Development Bank and others in the safe transport and temporary accommodation of their staff. While we aspire to become members of NATO we owe the act as a member of the alliance spending more than 2% of our GDP on defense, organizing multinational exercises on our soul and committing to every mission that NATO undertakes. And our partnership with the U.S goes beyond security. U.S. assistance has helped Georgia handle the transition to a market economy with development and economic assistance that helped Georgia establish democratic and free market institutions that are essential to a fully integrated democratic state in the European and Euro-Atlantic family. Transforming and reforming Georgia into a European democracy is the choice of the Georgian society. Georgian people have requested to follow this path. Support for the European Union and NATO membership has been soaring 75 to 80% for the past decade. Same numbers could be attributed when Georgians being asked of the views of the United States. More than 80% of Georgians look favorably to the U.S. throughout the decades. This is why the government of Georgia institutionalized the European and Euro-Atlantic choice of Georgia by making a clear declaration in Georgia's highest law, the Constitution. Today, we stand as an associated partner of the European Union. We have a free trade agreement, so-called deep and comprehensive agreement, and a visa-free regime with the European Union. We're in a process of implementing EU association agenda, which is the cornerstone of our future to reach European Union membership. We have successfully implemented the vast majority of the obligated reforms and we're on track to submit our bid to the membership. But the current events expedited their decision. And last week the Prime Minister of Georgia announced Georgia's decision to apply for the membership in the European Union in parallel with Ukraine and Moldova. Our vision for the next 30 years and beyond is an optimistic one, but the current reality is not promising. While Georgia's economy reached double digit growth last year, which along with Ireland was the highest in Europe, we are still in the phase of post-pandemic recovery and the war in Ukraine endangers the livelihoods of many. As a brotherly nation, we have provided our assistance and support. We have opened our doors to every Ukrainian in need and sent 140 tons of humanitarian aid to Ukraine. In this endeavor, Georgian government and people are united. While no one really knows what Putin's ultimate objective is, one fact is certain. He wants to prevent countries Russia dominated for centuries from developing in the prosperous democracies and keep them trapped in an imposed purgatory where development ends and democracy fades. Accepting Georgia's Ukraine and Moldova's application for European Union membership will be a strong and unequivocal signal that these countries are part of the West and the old term of the post-Soviet countries will transform into the new Eastern European Union countries. While military support and NATO membership are ultimate tools to help nations at risk from Russian aggression, economic tools are also available and should be utilized. As the majority of Georgians support deep integration with the West, the US can take a specific concrete action that will help Georgia build a stronger economy, establish a bilateral free trade agreement. This will strengthen Georgia's regional leadership, increase competitiveness of our economy, and have collateral benefits for all Americans. In closing, I would like to quote the famous son of New England, Daniel Webster, who once said, God grants liberty only to those who love it and are always ready to guard and defend it. Thank you for the opportunity to be here with you today. It has truly been an honor. And Mr. Chikulia, thank you so much for your informative speech. Once again, thank you very much for all speakers for the Kino session. Also in person and virtual audience, many thanks for your attendance in this Kino session. As seen on the program, we will have a series of summit panel discussions and sessions today and tomorrow. So see you at the next session at 11 o'clock. Thank you so much again.