 The final item of business today is a member's business debate on motion number 14128 in the name of Sandra White on, as Gaza whithers its people perish. This debate will be concluded without any questions being put, and I would be grateful for those members who wish to speak in the debate. I could press a request to speak buttons now, please. I call on Sandra White to open the debate, seven minutes please. Thank you very much, Presiding Officer. I am aware that previous debates we have had involving Palestine and Israel tend to become somewhat polarised or conflated with wider issues rather than focus on the motion at hand. I understand that as people are so passionate about this issue. However, when I tabled this motion for debate, it was primarily in response to the United Nations Trade and Development Board's report into developments in the economy of the occupied Palestinian territories. I acknowledge that, since the publication of the report, other events have inflamed an already volatile situation, I would ask the members, who are contributing this evening, to remain mindful of the motion at hand rather than perhaps some of the wider issues that we all acknowledge do exist. Presiding Officer, let us be clear that this is about people. This is about a humanitarian crisis that has been unfolding, is unfolding before our eyes. Regardless of where we sit in the debate, regarding the on-going situation between the State of Palestine and the State of Israel, we cannot ignore or turn a blind eye to their plight. For the record, Presiding Officer, and for the avoidance of doubt, I reference the State of Palestine in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 1397, adopted in 2002, in which it is a firm division of a Palestinian and Israeli two-state solution. Before the publication of the UN report, the World Bank in May published its economic monitoring report into the Palestinian territories, which also provided some grim and damning reading. In the section on the destruction of Gaza's economy, human consequences and the way forward, the World Bank states that it has been tremendously damaged by repeated and conflicts, the blockade and internal divide. It goes on to state that income is 31 per cent lower than it was 20 years ago. Its manufacturing sector, which some may find unusual, was once very, very significant in Gaza. It shrunk by 60 per cent and that Gaza's exports have virtually disappeared since the imposition of the blockade. Nothing can explain this other than war and blockade. The report goes on to say that the human costs of Gaza's economic malaise are enormous. Compared to that of other economies, unemployment in Gaza would be the highest in the world, and poverty in Gaza is also extremely high. However, those numbers fail to portray the degree of suffering of Gaza's citizens due to poor electricity, water and sewage availability, war-related psychological trauma, limited movement and other adverse effects of wars and the blockade. According to the World Bank, the way forward requires a unified Palestinian Government in both West Bank and Gaza, which can be a partner to multilateral and bilateral donors and substantial donor support to rebuild Gaza's infrastructure and homes. It requires the lifting of the blockade on the movement of goods and people to allow Gaza's tradable sectors to recover. It is important to note that those are not my words, but are taken directly from the World Bank report. That is what we must remember when we debate those issues. It is not simply a question of individuals stating these facts but of authoritative world bodies that are stating those facts. The UN report paints a similar bleak picture highlighting the dramatic effect of Israel's withholding of Palestinian clearance revenues, which are vat and important duties, collected by the Government of Israel on behalf of the Palestinian Authority, and normally remitted monthly minus charges for electricity, water, sewage, health, referrals and a 3 per cent administration fee. Those essential revenues, which represent 75 per cent of total revenue, were once again withheld for the first four months of 2015, causing severe financial difficulties for the Palestinian authorities and, of course, the people of Palestine. We might ask ourselves or, indeed, we might believe that this revenue was withheld for good reason by the Government of Israel. However, it was, as a result of the Palestinian national authorities' application by the state of Palestine for membership of the international criminal court. Some may see this as a collective punishment for the exercising international rights, but could it be an isolated incident? The answer is yes and no. Yes, it was collective punishment and no, it was not isolated. In 2000, revenue was withheld for two years following the start of the second Intifada. In 2006, it was withheld for one and a half years following Palestinian elections. In May 2011, it was withheld for one month following efforts at Palestinian national reconciliation, and the list could go on. The report also acknowledges that, despite claims to the contrary, much of the hardship faced are not as a result of inadequate leadership, as, in fact, the economy of Palestine is one of unoccupied territory and is undermined by occupation rather than policies pursued or poor donor co-ordination. As a motion states, the UN reports notes that three Israeli military operations in the past six years, in addition to eight years of economic blockade, have ravaged the already debilitated infrastructure of Gaza. Shatters at its productive base left no time for meaningful reconstruction or economic recovery and impoverished the Palestinian population in Gaza, rendering their economic wellbeing worse than the level of two periods decades before. In October 2014, during a visit to Gaza, the Secretary General of the United Nations stated that the destruction was beyond description. For me, that is the true cost of the Israeli Government's policies towards Gaza, the cost of the people living there. It is estimated that 360,000 are in dire need of treatment for mental health conditions, and with regard to children, Gaza's future, 400,000 are in need of immediate psychosocial support and psychological support as well. The Middle East process, when the UN special co-ordination visited there in April, said, that no human being who visits can remain untouched by the terrible devastation that one sees here in Gaza. As shocking as the devastation of the buildings might be, the devastation of the people is 10 times more shocking. That is why I am heartened by the number of Israelis, Palestinians, Jews and non-Jews alike, who wish to see a peaceful resolution to this situation and to condemn violence and extremism in any form as do I. However, it is vital and important that we continue to speak out against these injustices and that we continue to strive for a real peace deal. I know that the Scottish Government has today been strong and being one of those voices and I commend it for doing so. However, can we do more? I do think so. I think that Scotland is in a unique situation to offer its services to both sides should we wish it. There is nothing stopping us from looking to bring representatives together to discuss in an informal and neutral setting how we can go forward in order to achieve a just and lasting peace. I would be happy to work with the minister and anyone else, and I am sure that others would too, to look at ways of bringing Scotland's wise council to the table and stop the terrible destruction in Gaza and in Palestine. Many thanks. We now turn to the open debate. A number of members are indicating they would wish to speak. Speakers of four minutes, please. Claudia Beamish to be followed by John Finnie. It is essential that the Scottish Parliament plays its part in keeping injustice of the Palestinian plight in the public eye. I very much thank Sandra White for bringing this wide-ranging motion to the chamber and for her comprehensive analysis today. In the short time I have, I want to focus on one part of her motion. It supports those Israelis, Palestinians, Jews and non-Jews alike from Glasgow, Scotland and around the world who believe in mutual respect and understanding as cornerstones to a just solution in Palestine and Israel. When re-elected in 2013 speaking to Parliament, Mr Netanyahu repeated a pledge to make, I quote, a historic compromise in order to make peace with the Palestinians, and I further quote, with a Palestinian partner who is willing to conduct negotiations in good faith, Israel will be prepared for a historic compromise that will end the conflict for the Palestinians forever. The coalition in Israel includes Mr Netanyahu's party, the centrist Yesadid party and the right-wing Jewish Home party. The line-up includes a strong showing of pro-settlement ministers. This shows the irresolvable tension within the Israeli Government and the sending of mixed messages. There is an ancient Chinese expression, wu zi bu li, which means, without trust, nothing stands. Trust must of course be based on truth. I first learnt the plight of the Palestinians from my father who was a regular soldier in the British Army based in Bethlehem during the mandate. Because he witnessed the injustice of the settlement, he was an advocate for the Palestinian state and for the support of refugees throughout his political life as an MP. Sixty years later, there is a collective amnesia still about the historic facts by many Israelis, though of course not all, as demonstrated by the Governments that they elect. Indeed, too often other Governments and people across the world fail to understand this truth. Here in the Scottish Parliament, the Balfour project held an exhibition recently and will host a conference in Durham at the end of this week promoting their film, The British in Palestine, 1917 to 1948, to continue to raise awareness of the British mandate. I quote the words of the project, a homeland for the Jewish people has been achieved, but the League, that's the League of Nations, trust to facilitate Palestinian independence is still to be fulfilled. Another film on the side of the road, directed and written by Leah Chakakansky, focuses on the collective denial of the events of 1948. She is an Israeli who grew up in a settlement in the West Bank and now has come to understand the Israeli occupation and its implication for Palestinians. As well as telling of her awakening, the film tells the story of Trevor Tong, Parnas and Enon Oynman, two war veterans, as they tackle their denial of their actions in the war against Palestine. Sandra White and I were interviewed here in the Scottish Parliament by the director for an introduction to the film and as co-conveners of the cross-party group for Palestine along with Jim Hume and Sandra Urquhart. I know that the CPG is determined to contribute to exposing the truth of the injustice too. Initiatives to build the mutual respect and understanding are essential and there are many. One such is the West Eastern Divan Orchestra founded by Daniel Barenboin and Edward Seid. The aim of the orchestra is to promote the understanding between Israelis and Palestinians and pave the way for a peaceful and fair solution. In these and so many other ways, which we don't have time to go into today, young people in Israel can surely start to understand the essence of that Chinese proverb. They are the Israeli electorate of the future. Of course this is only a small part of working towards a just solution, but I believe that it is a significant one. Without trust, nothing stands, but the trust must be based on truth. Thank you, Presiding Officer. I congratulate Sandra White on this motion. Here we are again discussing Gaza, and it is not in the positive terms that we would like to be. Of course we welcome the UN report. It is an authoritative world body, as Sandra White referred to, but I have to say that the content will surprise no one. This discussion should be about people and the effect. Eight years of blockade, as has been alluded to, is three wars in six years, and the strange phrase accelerated de-development of Gaza Strip. Clearly there are human consequences. It was talked about often in abstract terms, but the blockade is very real. There are 1.8 million Palestinians, and that is expected to grow to 2.1 million by 2020. The motion talks about justice, and that is what I would like to focus on. I am going to talk briefly about the investment programme. I first want to talk about the arms trade. The arms trade that the world over has a pernicious effect on humanity. It is not an issue for others. It is an issue for Scotland. It is an issue for now. Sandra White asked what we can do more. We can commend the Scottish Government for the support that is shown to Gaza, but we can also legitimately criticise the Scottish Government who last month gave £2.5 million to a military co-operation that made $3.614 billion profit. That is what the co-operation is called Lockheed Martin. I looked at its website today and it says, Lockheed Martin is proud of the significant role it has fulfilled in the security of the state of Israel. The company is proud of the C-130 and F-16 aircraft that are faithfully serving the Israel Air Force since the 1970s and 1980s. £2.5 million could have done a lot of good in Gaza. I looked at one of the many aid organisations that were providing assistance there. Many families in Gaza are literally on the bread line, unable to cover the basic costs of living. Our family sponsorship project will help 120 displaced families with rent, food and medical expenses and encourage them to sponsor a family a month for £200. That sum of money would be nine years of support for that group, nine years of support for those families. Of course, it is not alone with that particular company that we have the Raytheon and Glenrothes and its involvement there. Although some of us will be uncomfortable with the talk of that and the arms trade and the fact that the white paper mentioned the growth of the arms trade in Scotland, we must link our fine words about peaceful resolution of humanity with our deeds. I encourage people to effectively support Gaza through boycott, divestment and sanctions. That is a movement that started in 2005 and was inspired by South Africa. There is an example of where you can see positive development. Israel's regime is one of occupation, colonialism and apartheid, and it is attacking the basics of living. Actions speak louder in words, so let us speak by our actions. Shamefully, our own parliamentary pension scheme has increased 35 per cent in the last two years. Its investment is now over half a million in arms companies, so that is something that we need to do. We need to continue to condemn the collective punishment and we must stop. I have to say the side that I am on. I am on the side of proper housing for everyone, proper health and including the mental health for everyone, proper water supply for everyone, a positive future for everyone. That is nothing to do with race, religion or geography. I am happy to condemn violence and I think that it is discussion in words and debate like this that will move things forward. I congratulate Sandra White for bringing the debate. I congratulate Sandra White for bringing the debate. I know that she has been a relentless campaigner for the cause of the Palestinian people, both here and indeed visiting there, but I also think that it is important that she raises this particular report. It is not a report from those who would be accused of being standard bearers for the Palestinian cause. It is not simply a United Nations organisation, but it is a trade and development board. People who are looking at it are not necessarily from the point of view of the rights and wrongs that go back over generations in the Middle East, but are coming at the point of view from an economic involvement, from the practical developments that it has upon the civic structure, the civic society and the humanity that lives there. Therefore, it has to be taken cognisance of, it deserves far more reporting than it has to date, and I think that she does a great service in ensuring that it is raised in this Parliament. I want to concentrate on two particular issues. First of all, the nature of the conflict that we are seeing in Gaza, because what we have is a low intensity war in a high density population. The nature of the conflict is ebdon flowed as into fardas have come and gone, as rockets have rained down. Sometimes it has been very low intensity, sometimes it has been very high intensity, but it has been waged upon people, not simply from land, but by sea and by air, because Gaza is surrounded on all sides and dealt with quite harshly by Israeli defence forces. We also have to remember that it is a very small area, as John Finnie mentioned, 1.8 million people living in 360 square kilometres, 25 miles long at its highest and between 3.7 and 7.5 miles wide at its widest points. Those people are suffering as a war is pursued at whatever level. It varies in intensity, but it has been on-going when the deaths and injuries are significant. There are, of course, bases in which Israel will say that they are attacked and rockets come out. I put on record my condemnation of the rockets that are fired into Israeli civilian areas by those from there, but it has to be said that, first of all, the response by Israel is entirely disproportionate and goes way beyond what could ever be countenanced. Secondly, as anybody can tell you, if you put a cat in a corner then it will scratch and if you treat the people in Gaza like that then nothing else can be expected. However, it is not just the damage and the loss of life. That report that Sandra White has raised here, in 2014 the operation carried out there resulted in 18,000 housing units destroyed or severely damaged, 26 schools destroyed, 122 damaged, 15 hospitals and 45 primary health centres damaged. They are wiping out the infrastructure that civic society requires in Gaza to be able to survive. That takes me on to the second point, because what Israel has created there is in all intents and purposes a bantu stan. It is a society that cannot be expected to live as it is because it requires to have access to areas beyond its borders that have been encroached upon by Israel. It is not simply the access to employment because unemployment is massive there. 80 per cent for young women and 44 per cent for the whole of the society. However, it is access for basic matters such as water because the water does not come from within the Gaza area but it comes from without. That is why, as I am conscious of time, we have to realise that civic society in the limited space that Israel has allowed the Palestinian people in Gaza cannot be sustained. The final warning from that Trade and Development Board report for the United Nations was that, if that continues and the Palestinian population rises to 2.1 million, by the time we get to 2020, and that is only five years away, then life will not be tolerable in Gaza. Things have to change. Israel has to allow Gaza to be able to live, develop and breathe and to have a civic society that can be maintained. I now call Jamie McGregor to be followed by Malcolm Chisholm. Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. I too congratulate Sandra White on securing today's debate. Like the UK Government, I readily recognise the severe suffering of the inhabitants of Gaza and want to see urgent action to alleviate the impact of occupation and improve the humanitarian situation. All of us must feel real sympathy for their plight. The UK is one of the leading international donors in terms of supporting the much needed reconstruction efforts in Gaza and providing significant amounts of emergency assistance. We have provided 350 million from the UK to build Palestinian institutions, deliver essential services and relieve the humanitarian situation. I am not saying that this is enough. We believe that other international donors should fulfil in full the financial pledges they have made to provide support to Gaza as the UK is doing. It is hugely disappointing that only about a third of the international aid promised at the 2014 Cairo Conference in Palestine, reconstructing Gaza, as it was called, has so far been delivered. We are pleased that Israel has taken some steps to ease the restrictions in Gaza, but we want to see more done to allow an increase in exports from Gaza, expand water supplies, which Kenny MacAskill just mentioned, and ease further the restrictions on the movement of people, fishing, electricity and water waste treatment. It cannot be acceptable to anybody that power outages in Gaza last for up to 12 hours per day and 120,000 are still without a water supply, but we can believe too that some action is needed from both sides and so we continue to call on the Palestinian Authority, led by President Abbas, to take steps to return to Gaza and advance reconciliation. The Palestinians must also take steps to address Israel's significant and legitimate security concerns. We should all recognise Israel has faced an unacceptable barrage of rockets from Hamas and other militant groups, and that it is unsustainable. Israeli people can't be expected just to do nothing in the face of aggressive missiles. At the end of the day, the aspirations of the Palestinian people cannot be fully realised until there is an end to the occupation, and that will come only through negotiations, however hard that might be, however far away from a negotiated settlement we might be, and I recognise recent events, suffering and violence on both sides make it seem an even harder task. A negotiated two-state solution and a resolution through peaceful means is the only way of achieving any sustainable long-term outcome for the region, making progress towards the two-state solution remains a foreign policy priority for the UK. The international community must strive harder than ever to work with both sides to find a comprehensive peace agreement that delivers an independent Palestine alongside a safe and secure Israel. We must not lose sight of this aim, and all of us, including members in this parliament, should support it and urge both sides to commit to meaningful talks. There is no alternative, and, like Sandra White, I pray that the wise council of solemnonic proportions will prevail and that the mutual respect and understanding that she mentions in her motion do lay the cornerstones for a happier future. Many thanks. Before I continue with the debate, I am due to the number of members who still wish to speak. I am minded to accept a motion under rule 8.14.3 from Sandra White that the debate will be extended by up to 30 minutes. Would you care to move the motion? I am going to put this motion to the chamber. I do not think that we will need 30 minutes, but I do not want to curtail the debate, so is that agreed? It is, thank you. I now call Malcolm Trism to be followed by John Maye. I am first to apologise for having to leave very soon, because I am chairing the cross-party group on rare diseases, which was due to start at 5.30, but I cannot start till I am there. I congratulate Sandra White on bringing forward the motion and reminding us once again of the desperate situation in Gaza. It is graphically described in the UN conference on trade and development report. Many of the facts have already been described, but it is important to keep stating those facts and to remind people of them, because many people wish to put them from their minds. 1.8 million Palestinians live in Gaza, and more than 80 per cent are aid-dependent living and poverty, and 61 per cent are food insecure. There is no chance to grow a viable economy as the vital materials needed to plant crops and rebuild infrastructure are stocked at the checkpoints. For example, Glober, Shelter and Cluster, who work with bodies such as UNCHR to house displaced people, estimate that less than 1 per cent of the construction materials required to rebuild houses destroyed and damaged during hostilities have so far entered Gaza. There is no growth, no renewal and no jobs. In 2014, the unemployment rate was 43 per cent, the highest in the world, and youth unemployment exceeded 60 per cent. That should not have been allowed to continue for so long, and it is a crime against multiple articles in the Geneva Convention that Israel has perpetuated those conditions. As an occupying force, they have used the policy of separation and the illegal blockade to rip apart the economy, severing the links between Gaza and the West Bank, and blocking off the important economic and cultural ties that once defined a vibrant people. Under article 33 of the 4th Geneva Convention, it states that the collective punishment of a civilian population is a war crime. What we are seeing now with the population on the brink of starvation has been described as such by the EU and the UN. It is in contravention of Israel's obligations under international humanitarian law, and it is a mark of shame on the international community that many do not turn their heads to it until the next rocket is fired or the next aerial assault is launched. The crisis in Gaza is a slow daily march towards utter devastation, with each war bringing unlivable reality closer. Those bright and hopeful children deserve better, and their voices must be heard in making the case for change. There is a different story to be told of Gaza and her people, one of potential of resilience and a tenacity to grasp hope in the ruins of despair. Gaza's children are among the most literate in the Arab world, and they are imbued with a passion for learning. The culture and tradition of their land, the close connection to the sea and to the tending of their crops, survives in the pages of their books. The height of their ambition is matched only by the height of the walls that lock them in. Such is the nature of this conflict. Natural gas is just one area that could help to rebuild Gaza's economic structure. There are many other examples in the agricultural sector, in housebuilding, in teaching, in medicine and fishing. There is nothing more heartbreaking than seeing the old men at the waterfront of Gaza City looking out to the sea where they have fished for generations. They stare out to sea knowing that the maritime blockade at three nautical miles is marked with Israeli military vessels that have been known to shoot at boats and destroy nets. The fear and sadness is worn into their faces. They are losing hope for themselves and for future generations. Israel must lift the blockade immediately. They must honour their obligations as an occupying force in the occupied Palestinian territories. They must then allow a sustainable economy to grow and lift the land out of its current crisis. If they do not, then further political deterioration and conflict will be inevitable. The enormity of this crisis cannot be overestimated. I join with others in this chamber today, calling for the international community to put pressure on Israel as a matter of immediate priority. Many thanks. I now call John Mason to be followed by Kara Hilton. Thank you, Presiding Officer. I thank Sandra White for bringing this debate today. I have to say that I think I slightly more considerate of the tone in her speech than I had detected in the debate in the motion itself. I have to say that I was not particularly wanting to speak in this debate because I have spoken before on Israel and Palestine and I think I have made my position fairly clear. That position is that I believe we should be doing all we can, whether that be Scotland, the UK or the EU, to bring about peace in the Middle East. I do not believe that peace will be brought about by giving unqualified support to either side. I also do not think that we can achieve peace in the region without involving other players such as Iran and Egypt to suggest that the problems in Gaza are solely linked to Israel and Palestine is just not the case. However, in reading this motion, I did feel that I should speak with the hope of giving a slightly different angle from the back benches. This is a subject that stirs a lot of emotion on both sides, but, hopefully, we are mature enough as a Parliament to accept that there are two sides to this argument and both sides have a degree of validity in their cause. I would just like to focus on a few words that appear in the motion. One is justice or a just solution, and I certainly hope that we do all support justice. Justice in its own can be quite a harsh concept. It is one of the words on our mace in this Parliament, but it is not the only word. Compassion is another word on the mace, and I think that we need both of them when we are talking about Israel and Gaza. With ourselves, I think that we should be looking at the situation of seeking both justice with compassion, and I think that we should be encouraging both sides to be seeking justice along with compassion for the other side. The second word and perhaps the key word why I felt that I had to speak today was the use of the word genocide in the motion. It is a strong word, and I do not think that we should use it lightly. I think that we are all prepared to use it of the Nazis during the Holocaust in relation to their treatment of both Jews and other groups. Thank you very much for taking the intervention. I just wanted to read out what the dictionary definition of genocide is. It is deliberate killing or elimination of all of part of racial, ethnic, religious, cultural or national group. I think that that is what has been happening in Gaza, and I make no excuse or apology for using the word genocide in this manner. I will continue what I was going to say, which I think will answer or at least respond to Sandra White's point. I myself did use the word genocide in a motion that I lodged about its minions in Turkey in 1915, and that provoked a strong response from the Turkish Consulate in Scotland. It is a word that we can and should use where appropriate, but I think that we need to be careful not to use it too loosely. Genocide is also defined in article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide from 1948 as, quote, any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy in whole or in part a national, ethnic, racial or religious group. The Nazis did intend to destroy the Jews, but I do not think that there is any evidence or serious suggestion that Israel intends to destroy the Palestinians. That is not just an academic debate that we are engaged in today. Criticism of Israel may not be intended to be an attack on the Jews, but in practice it can be perceived that way. The Jews in Glasgow in the west of Scotland tell us that they feel more threatened at the present time than they have done in living memory. I am not here today to defend the Israeli Government in its actions. They are well able to do that themselves, but I think that we need to decide what our aim is when we are having debates like this and more generally when we are considering the Middle East situation. I hope that we want to do all that we can to bring peace to that region, and I hope that we want to be as supportive as we can be towards Jews living in Scotland. The final word that I very much agree with is the final phrase in the motion that talks about why the council will prevail. Wisdom is also one of the words in our mace, and I very much hope that we can see more of that in relation to both Israel and Gaza. I congratulate Sandra White on securing tonight's debate and also declaring interest as a member of the Scottish Palestine Solidarity campaign. Last week, Sandra White and I met Jim Malone and representatives of the Fire Brigades Union to discuss his current situation in Gaza and across Palestine. I would like to begin by wishing Jim and his colleagues well on their trip to Palestine later this week to support Palestinian firefighters in Nablus, Ramallah and Hebron and Israeli firefighters in west Jerusalem and to complete their documentary, Firefighters Under the Occupation. I know that the minister and indeed the Scottish Government are supportive of their visit, and I hope that all across the chamber will wish them well. It's just over a year since the Israeli Government's Operation Protective Edge destroyed the lives, homes, schools, hospitals and livelihoods of thousands of men, women and children in Gaza. After eight years of Israeli blockades, the United Nations Development Agency report says that almost all the population of Gaza have been left destitute, warning that Gaza could be uninhabitable within just five years. Last year's war not only killed 2,200 Palestinians, including 556 children. It displaced half a million people and left much of Gaza in ruins. According to the report, 20,000 Palestinian homes were destroyed or damaged, 148 schools, 15 hospitals, 48 healthcare centres, 247 factories, 300 commercial centres, fully or partially destroyed. Gaza's only power station sustained severe damage. Israel's three military operations over just six years, together with the economic blockade of Gaza, mean that the economic recovery is simply impossible. It's therefore no surprise to learn that Gaza now has its highest unemployment rate in the world, standing at 43 per cent. Kenny MacAskill highlighted the point before about eight out of 10 women being out of work as a result of this. A staggering 95 per cent of the population in Gaza don't have access to clean, safe drinking water. 72 per cent of households are affected by food insecurity, with more than half receiving food aid. The economic blockade imposed by Israel has devastated Gaza, isolating its people from the outside world, forcing Gaza and its population to rely on international aid. More than half of the population in Gaza are under the age of 18, and thanks to the blockade, those children who should have everything to look forward to have been denied the very basic essentials of life, collectively punished for being Palestinians and denied the basic human rights that every child should have and does have under international law. The time has come for Governments to take effective economic and political action to ensure compliance with international law, to force the Israeli Government to lift the blockade in Gaza and to halt the illegal settlements in the bulldozing of Palestinian homes, to end their apartheid policies that are destroying people's lives, and to start respecting the rights and the dignity of the Palestinian people to take real action to ensure a two-state solution that respects the security, peace and freedom of both the Palestinian and Israeli population. Sadly, the comments that we have seen by President Netanyahu in recent days and weeks does not inspire me with much hope of progress. One of my constituents, Mia Oday, has hit the headlines in the Herald in the national today with a powerful letter to J.K. Rowling highlighting why a campaign on boycott, disinvestment and sanctions is essential of her to peacefully encourage Israel to comply with international law. I would urge all members who have not already read it to read her letter today. I hope that the Scottish Government will look at using the powers of procurement and divestment to support the Palestinian people and to address the issues raised by John Finnie in relation to the arms trade, to our pension funds and to support companies such as Raytheon in Fife. I would encourage consumers to use their purchase and power to boycott Israeli goods and to send a message to Israel just as we did to South Africa that is enough. This is not about taking sides, this is about human rights, it is about justice and it is about peace. Every day that we do not act, both the Palestinian and the Israeli people are paying the price of that failure. We have to use every influence that we have to make it clear to Israel that the blockades, the settlements, the collective punishment and the breaches of international law have got to stop. My time is running out in the debate, just as time is running out for the people of Gaza unless we act. I thank again to Sandra White for securing this important debate tonight. Many thanks and can I now call on Homza Yousaf to respond to the debate please, minister? Seven minutes or so please. Thank you, Presiding Officer. I thank Sandra White for the motion that she brought to Parliament. I also congratulate her on her speech, which I thought was very measured in the tone and sticking, of course, to that important issue of the UN report. I also congratulate members across the chamber who I thought took a very measured tone on what can be an often, quite rightly and understandably, emotive issue. Attempts to resolve the situation in Israel and Palestine have been underway for more than twice the time that I have been alive—60 years—and the argument could be made, unfortunately, that we are as far away and as distant as ever to a peaceful resolution. That is a damning indictment on the international community and a damning indictment on us all. The deadlock brings devastating human consequences, as many members here have highlighted. We have seen, of course, the incitement and the upsurge in that violence in the last few weeks. Dozens of people have been killed, hundreds wounded in the latest wave of hostilities alone. The Scottish Government unreservedly condemns all acts of violence, which have a party that is perpetrated by Muslim, Christian, Jewish, atheist, Palestinian or Israeli. It does not matter that the death of an innocent person, of course, is to be condemned and mourned in equality. Palestinians in Israel deserve peace and stability, but Isandra White's motion highlights that, even during periods of relative calm, that is not the reality for hundreds of thousands of people in the region. The UN report, which the motion focuses on, cites and makes for troubling reading. Gaza's economy has been battered by years of blockade and successive military offences. Social economic conditions are at their lowest point since 1967. Unemployment in Gaza is at its highest level on record. Hamas is, of course, not a blameless party at all, with a recent UN report accusing them of war crimes for which they must answer, but the bleakness of the situation is undoubtedly exacerbated by the fact that last summer's military assault did enormous damage to Gaza's infrastructure and to the very assets that could help local people to rebuild their economy and move towards self-sufficiency. Hospitals, health centre schools, sewage infrastructure homes have been destroyed or damaged in significant number, causing living conditions to deteriorate further. As Cara Hylta and others have said, making Gaza almost uninhabitable. I agree with Isandra White that the situation in Gaza is unsustainable. I would go as far as this Government believes. In fact, Gaza has been turned into an open air prison, the largest in the world. The Scottish Government unequivocally condemns, in the strongest possible manner, the collective punishment of the people of Gaza. The UN report underlines the urgent need for political progress. There has been some high-level progress since the report was published in July. Last month, for example, St Lucia became the latest country to recognise Palestine as a state, which means that 136 of the 193 UN members now recognise Palestine. Two thirds of the world's countries recognise Palestine as a state. It is no secret that the Scottish Government believes that the UK should join that number. It is the logical fallacy and inconsistency of the highest order to say that you believe in a two-state solution while refusing to recognise one of the states involved. The UK Government should change that stance immediately. Those might be viewed as symbolically important steps, but they do not, in themselves, improve necessarily the situation on the ground for those in Gaza. To secure a lasting peace in Israel and Palestine and thereby stability and prosperity for the people who live there, a sustainable negotiated settlement is needed. Yet meaningful peace talks have stalled in faith that they can deliver as faltering amongst local people. I read with interest, according to a survey carried out last month by the Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research, that fewer than half the people in Gaza support the peace process, and fewer than 27 per cent believe that negotiations are the most effective approach to secure a Palestinian state. Those are developments that the international community must do, and it is utmost to reverse, to help to convince people in both Palestine and Israel that their interests are far better served by a negotiation than by violence. I therefore welcome last week's intervention by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, who acknowledged the real anger and fear on both sides, but emphasised that only returning to the peace process can prevent the current crisis from worsening. In terms of the Scottish Government's own actions, which a number of members have raised in question, we have consistently condemned obstacles to progressing the peace process, like the continued expansion of illegal settlements. We use that term deliberately. We view the settlements as illegal. We have strongly discouraged trade and investment from legal settlements and, last year, published guidance for public purchasers on dealing with companies that may be involved in legal settlements, where Kara Hilton asked about our procurement guidelines. That is certainly one step in the right direction. We have also directly supported the people of Gaza. Last year, we gave £0.5 million to the UN's Gaza flash appeal to help to provide water, food, shelter and medical assistance. We stood ready to provide medical assistance as well and put in place plans for casualties of violence in Gaza to receive specialist care in Scottish hospitals. While doing that, what we can within the limitations of our devolved competence, we have also repeatedly called on the UK Government to use its influence to help to relieve the suffering in Palestine, whether by taking in refugees or indeed calling for a ban on exports of arms to Israel. That includes, I should say, to John Finnie and to Kara Hilton, those companies that will be based in Scotland. I am about to address his point on Lockheed Martin, if he wishes me to do that, because I thought that his points were well made. I do not know 100 per cent about the issue, but I think that criticism may well be fair enough that, of course, as a Government, we would strive to do our utmost in terms of the highest standards of ethical business. If there is still work for us to do that, I am more than happy to discuss that with the member. Within Scotland, the Scottish Government does not tolerate violence or extremism in any form, just as we condemn it in Israel and Palestine. We condemn it here in Scotland when it is directed to any of our own Palestinian, Israeli, Jewish or Muslim communities. We all hope, Presiding Officer, for peace in Israel and Palestine, but the anger and frustration that fuels much of the current violence will not subside unless there is hope for a better future. It is hard to see how such hope can exist when the conditions in Gaza described in the UN report make the prospects for the people of Palestine so bleak. We urge all sides to work together to bring an end to the violence, to allow the people of Gaza and wider Palestine to build the kind of prosperous future so vital for a long-term sustainable peace. I think that Kara Hilton said it well when she said that this is not an issue of being pro-Palestinian or pro-Israeli. This is about being pro-human rights and pro-international law, and that is where the Scottish Government lies. Thank you Minister, and that concludes Sandra White's debate as Gaza, whether it is people perish. I now close this meeting of Parliament.