 Part 29 of Washington and the Riddle of Peace by H. G. Wells. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. What a stably organized world peace means for mankind. I have now come to the last paper, I shall write, about the Washington Conference. I have tried to give the reader some idea of the nature of that gathering and a broad view of the issues involved. I have tried to prevent the sharp discussions of the foreground, the dramatic moments and eloquent passages from blinding us to the dark and darkening background of old world affairs. I have tried to show that even the horrors of war are not the whole or the main disaster which results from human disunion and disorder in the presence of increasing mechanical power. I have stressed the theme of economic and social dissolution. Necessarily I have had to write much of dangers in pending and miseries which gather and increase and of hates, suspicions, and failures to comprehend. And on the other hand, when one has turned to the possibilities and methods of escape from the present conflicts and apprehensions, necessarily one has been very largely in the thin and unattractive atmosphere of unrealized projects. I have written of the defects of the League of Nations scheme, its premature explicitness, its thinly theoretical and imitative forms, its frequent mere camouflage, as in the mandatory system of existing wrongs, and I have brought into contrast with it this newer and I think more natural and hopeful project of successive conferences, throwing off committees, embodying their results in treaties and standing commissions, and growing at last not so much into a world parliament which I perceive more and more clearly is an improbable dream, as into a living, growing, organic network of world government. But now in conclusion I will ask the reader to turn his mind from this necessary discussion of political devices and administrative contrivances, these bleak inventions that may form the ladder of escape from the divisions and bitterness of the present time, and to join in an attempt to realize what the world may become if men do struggle through these tiresome and perplexing problems to a working solution, if our race really does get from these wearisome yet hopeful wranglings and dealings to an organized world peace, to a disarmed world, to a steady reduction of racial and national antipathies and distrusts, to a growing confidence in the permanence of peace and the prevalence of goodwill throughout our planet, to a comprehensive system of world controls of the common interests of mankind. Suppose that after these present darknesses of famine and almost universal insecurity, these confused and often conflicting efforts we are making, suppose that in ten or twenty or thirty years we shall begin to realize that the thing is, after all, getting done, that we are indeed pushing through, moving towards the light, that human affairs are on the upgrade again, and on new and greater and safer lines. Let us suppose that, and then let us ask what sort of world it will be for our kind that we shall be moving towards. Let us go back to one fundamental fact in the present breakup in human affairs. That breakup is not a result of debility, it is a result of ill-regulated power. It is important to bear that in mind. Disproportionate development of energy and over strain are the immediate causes of our present troubles. The scale of modern economic enterprise has outgrown the little boundaries of the European states. Science and invention have made war so monstrously destructive and disintegrative that victory is swallowed up in disaster. We are in a world of little nations wielding world-wide powers to the general destruction. And it follows that if, after all, we do struggle out of our old-fashioned, now altogether disastrous rivalries and hatreds before they destroy us, we shall still have all this science and power, which are things that seem now to increase by a sort of inner necessity on our hands. So that getting through to an organized world-piece does not mean simply avoiding death and destruction and getting back to as you were. It means getting hold of power by the right end instead of the wrong end, and going right ahead. We are not struggling simply to escape. We are struggling for the opportunity to achieve. Personally, I do not think I would have bothered to come to Washington, or to interest myself in this peace-business, and to work and blunder and feel incompetent and be worried and distressed here, if it meant working for just peace, flat, empty, simple peace. I do not see why the killing of a few score millions of human beings a few years before they would naturally and ingloriously die, or the smashing up of a lot of ordinary rather ugly, rather uncomfortable towns, or, if it comes to that sort of thing, the complete depopulation of the earth, or the prospect of being killed myself presently by a bomb or a shot or a pestilence, should move me to any great exertions. Why bother to exchange suffering for flatness? The worst, least and durable, of miseries is boredom. One must die somewhere. Few deaths are as painful as a first-class toothache, or as depressing as a severe fit of indigestion. You can suffer more on a comfortable death bed than on a battlefield, and, meanwhile, there is a very good chance of sunshine and snatched happiness here or there. But what does stir me, is my invincible belief that the life I lead and the human life about me are not anything like the good thing that could be and might be. I am not so much frightened and distressed by these wars and national clashes, and all the rest of this silly, flag-wagging, bragging, shoving business, as bored and irritated by these things. I have had some vision of what science and education can do for life, and I am haunted by the fine uses that might be made of men and of our splendid possibilities. I do not think of war as a tragic necessity, but as a blood-stained mess. When I think of my Europe now, I do not feel like a weakling whose world has been invaded by stupendous and cruel powers. I feel like a man whose promising garden has been invaded by hogs. There is the pacifism of love, the pacifism of pity, the pacifism of commercialism, but also there is the pacifism of utter contempt. This is not a doomed world we live in or anything so tragically dignified. It is a world idiotically spoiled. Do any of us fully realize the promise of that garden, the promise that can still be rescued from the trampling dullness of old animosities and rivalries which is wrecking it, given unity of purpose throughout the world, given a surcease of mutual thwarting and destruction? Do we realize what science has made possible now and here or mankind? I shall not indulge in any imaginative anticipations of things still undiscovered in the scientific realm. I will only suppose that things already known and tested are systematically used all over the world, that the good knowledge we have already stored in our laboratories and libraries is really applied with some thoroughness and with some community of purpose to the needs and enlargement of life. And first let us deal with the commoner material aspect of life, in which there have been great changes and improvements in recent times and in which therefore it is easiest to imagine still further betterment, given only an assuagement of strife and blind struggle and a spreading out of generosity and the feeling of community from international to social affairs. Take transport, that very fundamental social concern. It is ripe for great advantages. There is all the labour needed in the world, all the skill and knowledge needed, and all the material needed for these advances. There is everything needed but peace and the recognition of a common purpose. At present there are railways only over a part of the inhabited world. There are vast areas of Asia and Africa and South America, with no railway nor road communication at all and, with enormous natural resources, scarcely tapped in consequence. Roads are as yet not nearly so widespread as railways. Abundant good roads are found indeed only in Western Europe and the better developed regions of the United States. There are a few good main roads in such countries as India, South Africa, and so forth. And in many parts of Europe now, and especially in Russia, roads and railways are going out of use. Large parts of the world are still only to be reached by a specially equipped expedition. They are as inaccessible to ordinary travelling people as the other side of the moon. And if you will probe into the reasons why road and rail transport fails to develop and is even over wide areas undergoing degradation, you will come in nearly every case upon a political bar, a national or an imperial rivalry. These are the things that close half our world to us and may presently close most of the world to us. And consider even the railroads and roads we have. Even those of America or Britain, how poor and uncomfortable they are in comparison with what we know they might be. And then take housing. I have been motoring about a little in Maryland and Virginia, and I am astounded at the many miserable wood houses I see, hovels rather than houses, the abodes very often of white men. I am astounded at the wretched fences about the ill-kept patches of cultivation and by the extreme illiteracy of many of the poorer folk, white as well as colored, with whom I have had a chance of talking. I have to remind myself that I am in what is now the greatest, richest, most powerful country in the world. But with this country now, as with every country, Army, Navy, contentious service, war debt charges, and the rest of the legacy of past wars, consume the national revenue. America is not spending a tithe of what she ought to be spending upon schools, upon the maintenance of a housing standard, and upon roads and transport. She improves in all these things, but at no great pace, because of the disunion of the world and the threat of war. England and France, which were once far ahead of her in these respects of housing, transport, and popular education, are now on the whole declining, through the excessive fiscal burdens they are under, to pay for the late war and to prepare for fresh ones. But I ask you to think of what would happen to a world from which that burden of preparedness was lifted. The first result of that relief would be a diversion of the huge maintenance allowance of the war-god to just these starved and neglected things. Stanch that waste throughout the earth, and the saved wealth and energy, will begin at once to flow in the direction of better houses, toward a steady increase in the order and graciousness of our unkempt and slovenly countryside, to make better roads throughout the globe, until the globe is accessible, and to a huge enrichment and invigoration of education. How fair and lovely such countries as France and Germany and Italy might be today, if the dark threat of war that keeps them so gaunt and poverty-struck could be lifted from them. Think of the abundant and various loveliness of France and the whitened charm of its varied peoples, now turned sour by the toil and trouble, the fears and bitter suspicions the threat of further war holds over them. Think of France, fearless and at last showing the world what France can do and be. And Italy, at last Italy, and Japan, Japan. Think of the green hills of Virginia, covered with stately homes and cheerful houses. Think of a world in which travel is once more free, and in which every country in absolute security has been able to resume its own peacetime development of its architecture, its music, and all its arts in its own atmosphere, upon the foundations of its own past. Because world unity does not mean uniformity, it means security to be different. It is war that forces all men into the same khaki and ironclad molds. But all this recovery of the visible idiosyncrasies of nations, all this confident activity and progressive enrichment, which will inevitably ensue upon the diversion of human attention from war and death, and conflict and mutual thwarting to peace and development, will be but the outer indication of much-profounder changes. In the wake of our war burdens it will be possible to take hold of education as educationists have been longing to do for many years. They tell us now that everyone could be educated up to sixteen or seventeen, and that most people may be kept learning and growing mentally all their lives, that no country in the world has enough schools, or properly equipped schools, nor enough properly educated teachers in the schools we have. The supply of university resources is still more meager. There is hardly anyone alive who has not a sense of things that he could know but cannot attain, and of powers he can never develop. The number of fully educated and properly nurtured people in the world, people who can be said to have come reasonably near to realizing their full birth possibilities, is almost infinitesimal. The rest of mankind are either physically or mentally stunted or both. This insolvent, slovenly old world has begotten them and starved them. Our lives and strength in realized capacity, in achievement and happiness, are perhaps twenty percent, or thirty percent, of what they ought to be. If only we could sweep aside these everlasting contentions, these hates and disputes that waste our earth, and get to work upon this educational proposition, as a big businessman gets to work, upon a mineral deposit, or the development of an invention, instead of a twenty percent result, we might clamor to an eighty percent or a ninety percent result in educated efficiency. I ask you to go through the crowded streets of a town, and note the many undergrown and ill-grown, the undersized, the ill-behaved, to note the appeals to childish, prejudiced, and misshapen minds in the shop windows, in the advertisements, in the newspaper headlines, at the street corners, and then to try and think of what might be there, even now, in the place of that street and that crowd. The wealth and energy were there to make schools and give physical and mental training to all these people, and they have gone to burst shells and smash up the work of men. The organizing power has been wasted upon barren disputes. The science was there, and it has been cramped and misused. Even the will was there, but it was not organized to effective application, and scarcely a man in the crowd who begets a child, or a woman who bears one, but will dream of its growing to something better than the thwarted hope it will become. Have you ever examined an aeroplane or a submarine, and realized the thousand beautiful adjustments and devices that have produced its wonderful perfection? Have you ever looked at a street corner loafer, and thought of the ten thousand opportunities that have been cast away of saving him from what he has become? When we follow this line of thought, it becomes clear that our first vision of a world-wide net of fine roads, great steady trains on renewed and broader tracks, long-distance aeroplane flights of the securest sort, splendid and beautiful towns, a park-like countryside studded with delightful homes, was merely the scene and frame for a population of well-grown, well-trained, fully adult human beings. All the world will be accessible to them, mountains to climb, deserts to be alone in, tropics to explore and wonder, beautiful places for rest. And they will be healthy and happy in the way that only health makes possible. For surely it is no news to any one that a score of horrible tints and diseases that weaken and cripple us, a number of infections, a multitude of ill-nourished and undernourished states of body, can be completely controlled and banished from life, they and all the misery they entail, given only a common effort, given only human cooperation instead of discussion. The largest visible material harvest of peace is the least harvest of peace. The great harvest will be health and human vigor and happiness. Think of the mornings that will some day come, when men will wake to read in the papers of something better than the great 553 wrangle, of the starvation and disorder of half the world, of the stupid sexual crimes and greedy dishonesties committed by the adults with the undeveloped intelligence of vicious children, of suggestions of horrible plots and designs against our threadbare security, of the dreary necessity for preparedness. Think of a morning when the newspaper has mainly good news, of things discovered, of fine things done. Think of the common day of a common citizen in a world where debt is no longer a universal burden, where there is constant progress and no retrogression, where it is the normal thing to walk out of a beautiful house into a clean and splendid street, to pass and meet happy and interesting adults, instead of aged children obsessed by neglected spites and jealousies and mean anxieties, to go to some honourable occupation that helps the world forward to a still greater and finer life. You may say that a world may be prosperous and men and women healthy and free, and yet there will still be spites and jealousies and all the bitterness of disputation, but that is no more true than that there will still be a toothache. A mind educated and cared for, quite as well as a body, can be healed and kept clean and sweet and free from these maddening humiliations and suppressions that now fester in so many souls. There is no real necessity about either physical or mental misery in human life, given, that is, a sufficient release of human energy to bring a proper care within the reach of all. And consider the quality of interest in such a world. Think of the mental quality of a world in which each day the thought and research of a great host of intelligences turns more and more the opaque and confused riddles of yesteryear into transparent lucidity. Think of the forces of personal and national idiosyncrasy, of patriotic and racial assertion, seeking and finding their expression not in vile mutual thwarting and a brutish destructiveness, but in the distinctive architecture of cities, in the cultivated and intensified beauty of the countryside, in a hundred forms of art, in costume and custom. Think of the freedom, the abundance, the harmonious differences of such a world. This is not idle prophecy. This is no dream. Such a world is ours today. If we could but turn the minds of men to realize that it is here for the having, these things can be done. This finer world is within reach. I can write that as confidently today, as I wrote in 1900, that men could fly. But whether we are to stop this foolery of international struggle, this moral and mental childishness of patriotic aggressions, this continual bloodshed and squalor, and start out for a world of adult sanity in ten years, or in twenty years, or a hundred years, or never, is more than I can say. In Washington I have met and seen hopes that seemed invincible, and stupidities and habits and prejudices that seemed insurmountable. I have lived for six weeks in a tangled conflict of great phrases, mean ends, inspiration, illogicality, forgetfulness, flashes of greatness, and flashes of grossness. I am no moral accountant to cast a balance and estimated date. My moods have fluctuated between hope and despair. But I know that I believe so firmly in this great world at peace, that lies so close to our own, ready to come into being as our wills turn towards it, that I must needs go about this present world of disorder and darkness, like an exile doing such feeble things as I can, towards the world of my desire, now hopefully, now bitterly, as the moods may happen, until I die.