 As they're doing that, so for the next panel, they will be asking some questions and I will post their question on the chart in the QA as well. So please do respond. I'm sorry to interrupt you, I've just noticed that Nazra and Teresa were supposed to be panellists, they are in the attendees. And therefore, just an announcement for Nazra, Abibu and Teresa Poeta, you need to come out of this link and you need to go into the link that was sent to you as a panellist. Otherwise you won't be able to share screen or you will be able to speak but if you want to share screen then you won't be able to. So I think you go, yeah I think the Nazra is just forwarded it on to Teresa. No you can't, it's a personalised, you can't join from your stone. Sorry, it's very complicated with them. Teresa should have received her own personal link. Aki perhaps you want to try to resend it, then I help. Yeah, I'll do that now. So Teresa Poeta, I think she's gone from here yet, Teresa and Nazra. She's here as Hannah. Nazra Abibu made it excellent. And then Teresa you're appearing as Anna Gibson. I know your face so I can tell. Polenny, sorry I don't think I have the panellist link so Hannah kindly forwarded hers. You name yourself, Teresa. Yeah we just stay where you are and just rename you. That's fine. I'm actually quite happy you're here Teresa because I was looking for your link and I can't see it. So it's a good thing you're here because then you can post it yourself. Okay. I've just posted it in the chat. Well, everybody you're welcome. This is our third panel. So we're looking at linguistics and language. And so our first panel will be Professor Lutz Martin, Dr. Hannah Gibson, Dr. Frieda Erastus, Dr. Julia Staggi and of the Teresa Poeta, lots of doctors and also Tom. Jebke, who will be looking at researching grammatical variation in Swahili. Karibu Nisana. Fantastic. Thank you very much, Asanteni, for the introduction and the welcome. So yeah, we're just going to dive right in. And our talk is, as was introduced, researching grammatical variation in Swahili. So we're going to be talking about a very new project. So we don't have many findings to share yet, but part of the link that was shared in the chat will, you'll hopefully be helping us with our research as well. So the project is entitled grammatical variation in Swahili, contact change and identity. And it's a four year project funded by the Libyhum Trust, which is a fund based in the UK. Really excitingly, it's a collaboration between researchers at the University of Essex, Kenyatta University, Saas and the University of Dar es Salaam. And we think it's great that it's a really broad collaborative project and that was always really important for us. So this is the team. Some of us are here. We have Freda who popped in, but unfortunately because of the timing and other commitments couldn't stay. Tom who's here as well. Lutz Martin and Teresa and Julius Taji, who again is currently teaching at the University of Dar es Salaam, so can't join us. So we are interested in lots of things but we've kind of narrowed it down to three key questions. So we're interested in the present day morphosyntactic variation that's found in Swahili. So we know that there's work on kind of variation in the past. We know that there's work on primarily lexical variation or phonological variation. But we're interested here in what we're calling morphosyntax, but it's essentially structures and grammar and trying to capture a present day up to date account of that. We're also interested in two other questions. So we're interested in the role of language contact and what role this plays in the variation that we find so in different areas how Swahili differs how much that's due to language contact. And finally, what the relationship between this structural variation that's found in Swahili and the role that this language plays in the kind of construction of identity and speakers negotiating multiple perhaps identity. So why Swahili, hopefully at Barazala, I mean of course all of you are interested in Swahili so maybe we don't need to kind of justify this but we do think it's important to kind of think about why and what Swahili could add to our understanding of lots of questions. So as we know spoken by more than 100 million people across past parts of East Africa. It's a major language and has been a regional Franka for a long period of time and kind of growing in different spheres in present day. First language of sort of was a really so people traditionally in the sort of also a leaning Swahili coast. But so this this role of language of wider communication as well as the role of Swahili as a language of the was a healing. Variety so that's where we start being interested really in varieties or dialects and people have described dialects and that's where one of the things that we're asking for. But people have described different varieties so you might have heard can be taken good Jackie Amu and so on and so on spoken by different communities so we know that there is variation we know that there are different varieties. And again in lots of parts of East Africa, Swahili spoken in areas of high contact so amongst multilingual communities, meaning that it has influences from other languages as well. And of course we couldn't not mention here that there's also been in growing interest in so called micro variations of subtle differences that you find between closely related languages or varieties. And there was this really nice, special issue of Swahili forum from Nico and ice gave her here in the panel as well on variation in Swahili so people have done work and there's this growing interest in this. But what we're saying here is that actually we haven't got this kind of comprehensive larger picture of present day variation found in Swahili so we're trying to bring together some of that work as well as make our own contribution thinking also about kind of cultural and social identities as well. So I think at this point I'm going to hand over to Lutz going to talk us through the next part of the project. Yeah, I'm trying to try to I hope I hope I'm on on site and on sound. Very good thank you. And so, in order to address our research questions. We have three work strengths that seems to be something magical about three. So the first work strength is the systematic examination of direct the variation Swahili with the focus on more for syntax so that that's really maybe takes us apart from traditional scholarship. And then the second one is examination of community linguistic repertoires to identify possible instances of contact and choose change so we're interested in but but the intention of different languages and different language users. And how that results in the variation. And then finally the examination of how Swahili usage and variation I used to establish and negotiate different speakers identity so that's taking us very much into the social linguistic. So we're struggling if you like more more traditional descriptive of syntactic studies. And then looking through that at the social linguistic context. We have six target areas, if you like, at least for the moment. And so we have an exclamation has really spoken six target areas incorporated coastal and mainland locations, urban and rural locations and predominant in monolingual areas, and as well as those which Swahili has been in sustained contact with Bantu and non Bantu languages so we have a little map that would show us these locations so we have to coastal situation at coastal locations Lamu and Zanzibar so northern and southern coastal situations and also therefore varieties of course there's also lots of dynamic change going on at the moment. And then two Tanzanian location Moshi in the north and Eringa in the south and Eringa, we would expect the contact situation mainly with other Bantu languages. And whereas the further north we go other languages play a role as well. And then the Kenyan to other Kenyan locations like sumo, where we'd expect quite a bit of influence from a lot of languages and to the other Bantu languages. And then Nairobi which in some sense stands on its own as a sort of very urban, very diverse, very dynamic place where people talk about metrolingualism, hyperdiversity. And so that place role there as well. So tied to the to the three work strengths, and we then have different work packages. So in work strength one we're going to look at the initial perceptual dialectology. Professor Thomas work on that already and just continue in that. And we want to identify key features of dialect and then one of the key empirical basis of the project is the development of a Swahili dialect syntax survey. Hopefully, working with 30 to 35 different more for syntactic features which you want to trace them to these different locations and ideally actually even wider their presidents and lots of lots of languages mainly European languages I think at the moment would have very detailed dialect syntax surveys and they would have brought very interesting results. So this is something we want to harness for our work strength one. And then this we get to elicitation of naturally occurring speech. And in work strength two, we have comparative analysis of features with those of the wider language ecologies and contact languages that takes us into more analytical area. We look at broader social linguistic dynamics and levels of multilingualism. And that then leads very naturally into work strength three, where we look specifically at language use, attitude and identity. So we use questionnaires for that. But we also have interviews with speakers to better understand language to perpetuate us, domains of use and attitudes to what language and identity is. And about it's the old question about what people do when they speak, what they think they do and what they think they ought to be doing. So to have these layers of focus, if you like, I think that was, oh, I'm here. Hello. I think we are done with the methodology, but not quite with the talk. No, no, sorry. In order to unmute myself, I had to quit the sharing. Of course, yes. Because now I'm ending over to Teresa. Apologies for that. But I think I'm sharing again now. Yes? Yeah. Okay, great. Apologies for that. And thank you, Hannah and Lutz. So we'll now continue to show you some examples of what we mean by morphosyntactic variation so that it's not so abstract. And some variation that has already been attested that we are hoping to expand on. So one example, which many of you might have come across before is in expressing the habitual. So perhaps if like me, you studied Swahili at school or university, you learned the hoof or huenda, hufanya for habitual. But here we have examples of the suffix ag or aga that expresses some sort of habitual meaning. So in example one, if from Ruge Malia 2010, you can see una kulaga huapi to ask where do you usually eat? So rather than una kula, una kulaga. And to sort of cement the use of this feature, we also have the lyrics of Bongo Flavor singer Sumali in Hakunaaga. So even in the title, Hakunaaga has the ag for sort of habitual or ongoing. So this is an example of a variation that has been mentioned by quite a few people is sometimes used. And we are interested in who, when, how uses it, which varieties, whether it has to do with the language contact, whether speakers who use this feature maybe speak other Bantu languages which have this feature, or does it come into Swahili in other way? So this is just to give you one of the examples. Another one, again, which I think some people here will be familiar with is the diminutives. So when you want to express that something is small. So I think in standard Swahili, sort of the use of the key class is often mentioned as a way to make something small like Kijiko or Kijiji. But quite often, we can come across examples of this ka, non-class. So in example three, Kila'antu anahitaji kashamba kake. So everyone needs his own small field. So you can see the ka here being used also in agreement with this class 12, which we say non-class 12 because this is something present in some other Bantu languages or also in Proto-Bantu historically. But it now seems to be used at least in some Swahili varieties. And the second example is from Sheng. So again here you can see ka-mano, again the ka on little man and the agreement of this non-class on the demonstrative and also on the verb. I'm just going to check how we're doing for time. So these are just two sort of quite a few example of variation that has been tested already. And we have a third one that has to do with expressing locations. But also to just give you a taste a little bit on some of the methodological challenges and just things involved in looking at a variation. We would like to ask you and here I just have to figure out my technical skills. If you can help us by now taking part in a replication of a bit of a study that I'll come back to. And in a second, I think maybe Tom has put or will put the link also in the chat. It should be in there now for a day. Great, great. We'll ask you to judge a couple of three Swahili sentences and to think whether in the Swahili that you speak or you learn or study, whether you think that sentence is a very good example, something that you can imagine saying or not a good example. So something that sounds wrong. You don't think anybody would say that in Swahili or somewhere in between. Maybe you wouldn't quite say that way, but you think in a certain situation it could be said. So either you can use the link in the chat or you can go to slido.com and insert this code or you can also scan this QR code, very modern. And hopefully you should be able to now give us your opinion on the first sentence, which is Peleka Majembe Quashamba. So perhaps not a sentence that you would use on day-to-day conversation. So bring the host to the field. And you can now tell us whether you think this is a good example, not a good example, or you have mixed feelings about it. So there is no such right or wrong answer. This is exactly about variation. So yeah, just whatever you feel about the sentence. You can put it in. I can see some answers coming in. Maybe I'll give you another couple of seconds if some more people want to engage. And great. So maybe we can start having a look at a result. So Theresa, just to say we still see your PowerPoint slide. We don't see the slider. Oh, no. So I think you just need to stop share and then share a different screen or window. There is a limited. It just says share screen. But I'll try again. Now? Great. Yes, thank you. Yes, great. Thank you for letting me know, Hannah. OK, so this is what has come in so far. You can continue sort of giving your opinion on that. Yeah, OK, so here at the Baraza on the ends, it seems that sort of a split, actually. So majority things is not a good example, but actually quite also a significant number is somewhere in between. And some people are quite happy with the sentence. So I'll come back to these examples, but I'll take you through other two sentences. So we'll now switch to the second sentence. So Waomini, Wa-Me-N-Da-Kan-Nisa. So the followers have gone to church. So again, still using the same link or any of these, you can give us your opinion on how the sentence feels to you. I'll give you a little bit more time. It's great. Thank you so much for engaging with this, indulging us with our little linguistic study. OK, and we can have a look at what it's looking like. So again, interesting that none of these seem to be straightforward, at least among the Baraza audience. So yeah, you can see most people, again, think it's not a good example, but similarly like previous one, quite significant number somewhere in between. And there are people who are quite happy with that. OK, we can see mixed feelings going up. Great, perfect. OK, and then just a third sentence. And that's Wa-Lien-Da-Kua-Yuma. So they went to Juma's place. So again, you can let us know what you think. OK, just another couple of seconds. And then we'll have a look at the study and these sentences again. OK, great. So let's see. OK, so here we can see it's a little bit more straightforward. So most people are happy with this being a good example, still some uncertainty and a smaller number. Not happy with it. OK, so I'm going to stop sharing this now and just go quickly back to the slides. OK, so the reason why we asked you about these three specific sentences, they might have seemed a bit unusual, but they came from the study that Hannah and Lutz, also with our colleague, Julia Staggi, and with Christina, he'll conduct it with students in their salam. And this was looking at how we can express location in Swahili. So either using the preposition in Kua, such as Kua-Juma, or using the locative ni, Shuleini, Nibani, Kanissani, et cetera, or sometimes just using a noun on its own. For example, if you said Peleka Majimbe Shamba on its own. And there's quite a lot that came out of it, and we don't quite have the time now to go into details. But what is interesting is that there is definitely some variation going on there. So while in Kosto Swahili, and I think also what I've learned as standard Swahili, the Kua preposition, for example, was used or is used just for people, so for animate nouns like Kua-Juma, while wouldn't be used for non-animate such as Shamba, or Niumba, Kanissa, Shule, it does seem that this is occurring in some varieties of Swahili. So you could say, for example, Ninaenda, Kua-Soko. Or you can see even here, so this is the result of the study in Dar-Salam, with Peleka Majimbe Kua-Shamba, more participants said it could be said than the participants for whom this was not a good example. And there were more nuances to do with animacy, so also the fact that Kua-Soko is more sort of used than Kua-Shamba, but perhaps we can come back to this in the questions if someone is interested. But so we know that there is some variation that the Kua is being used also for non-animate nouns, and again, the interest is in how is it being used, by whom, what sort of variety is language contact in any way relevant or what is happening there. And similarly also with the use of the locative me, what came out is that there's variation in which nouns you can use without it, such as when the Shule, or which ones without it are not really thought of as good examples in the study, like Ponisa, while some others were more straightforward, such as Waleekwenda, Kua-Drumma, this was accepted anonymously as a good example. So there's a lot to say in the variation that came out in this, but I think in the interest of time I'm now just gonna summarize. So as we, as has been said, the project is in the very initial stages, but it aims to investigate dialectal variation in Swahili, it's linked to language contact and multilingualism and its role in constructing speaker's identity. Rather than lexical or phonological features, we are focusing on morphosympathetic features like examples we have gone through. And yes, we are using what has been already tested as a starting point. We'll conduct an initial perceptual dialect survey, we'll hear a little bit more of what that is and how it can play out in the next presentation, we'll develop the Swahili syntax as Luz has mentioned, questionnaire, sorry, and collect data in the six areas. What is important is that we really want to have a look at this variation, but also study it in the context of language contact, multilingualism and different social linguistic patterns. And as been said, the last sort of part of the project is really then looking at the social linguistics and how these varieties play out in speaker's attitudes, construction of identities. And maybe I'll just leave you with saying that we're really also hoping, aside from understanding, better understanding the present day variation in Swahili, also to sort of broaden or shift a little bit the understanding of like micro variation major languages because this is so far dominated by work on European languages. So by drawing on Swahili as a major African language, we're hoping that they will broaden quite a lot our understanding of all this phenomena. And hopefully I didn't go too much over time, as Santé Nisana and do please stay in touch with us. If there's anything you'd like to know or share with us about varieties or dialects of Swahili, we'll be very happy to hear from you. Oh, thank you very, very much, Theresa. Thank you, that was really good. Thank you, Lutz Azal and Hannah. I find this fascinating. I grew up in Morogoro, which is mainland Tanzania with a mother from Zanzibar. So I would go to school and say, Sisi atupendagi hivi, Sisi Tunaendaga shule, and come home and be told, no, Tunaenda, Tunaipenda, you cannot say ga. So this will be fascinating. I'm really looking forward to your research and presentation. We'll move on to the next. So I've got things all over the place. I'm reading here and I'm reading elsewhere and all that. Okay. So our next presenter is Tom, sorry, Tom. I was looking to like to read 10 names and there you are. So it's Tom Japke from SOS and he will be talking about a perceptual dialect study of Shang. Karibu Tom, are you there, Tom? It's a banner. Okay, yes, you know. Okay, sweet. Sorry, then I had to go and just play up a little bit. Okay, let me show my screen. Okay, can you see the presentation? We hope. Yes, please. So I'm just presenting now on my MA research that I conducted while I was doing my Masters in Linguistics at SOS. I'm now working on the project that was just presented about. The research all took place during COVID. It was all remote. So it's maybe not too robust. So please cast a generous eye over it. I don't have too much to say in the background because I wanna mainly just talk about the results. But perceptual dialectology as was sort of outlined in the previous talk investigates non-linguists perceptions of variation in language. It can be useful as a sort of first sketch for more linguistic sort of dialectological work on variation. And I was really interested in doing this on Shang, particularly confined to Nairobi because generally perceptual dialects to these look at the variation across a regional or national level. There's no work done on such a small geographical area as a city. And in general, little work done in Africa. And although there is a good study on Swahili which references Shang. And I think you can get that through the Swahili forum on 2017. The reference will be at the end. Let me just check how I'm doing. Okay. So to get straight on with it, I spoke to some friends just to get a bit of an idea of what was going on. And also a former colleague who was a linguist, Duncan Amanga, on where they believed different dialects of Shang to exist within Nairobi. When I first asked, I just said, where do people speak differently in Nairobi? And this was of course, met with some very blank expressions, especially because it was all being done online. So it took a little bit of refining, but eventually with my first pilot study response, who's just a friend, a guy in his early 20s from Nairobi, he gave me this little map. So I sent him a blank map of Nairobi and using the Instagram software. I don't know if people are familiar with Instagram. Basically you can draw over pictures as he is done here. You can see these blue loops are where he sort of said, particular dialects of Shang might exist within Nairobi. So we had Eastley, English, Sahili, Shang, Arabic because of the influx of Somalis. So these are his words, which he sent through. Lavington Scientist, Kesuhili, English, Shang. Karran's English, Kesuhili, it's posh. Kiambu County is Kikuyu, the influx of Kikui population, Kassarani people rise, Kikuyu, Shang, Sahili. Too many Kikuyu's there. Machakos is Canva, Sahili. So as I was sort of anticipating initially, there's this consciousness of the multilingualism of Nairobi, how that impacts on Shang, also some sort of class or socioeconomic consciousness of how that relates to language. Talk about Karran, English and Sahili because it's posh. And also its word influx that pops up. So like a real awareness of migration into the city. And I didn't really get too much into that but I definitely think that kind of side of it would be something interesting to look at more in detail. Another pilot study, this was with my old colleague Duncan Amanga. He sort of said that these Eastlands estates around here, Keiole, et cetera, are where the real deep Shang is like the birthplace of Shang. Then he said around Kawangware, it will be more influenced by Luya. Karran Machakos County will be Canva. And then he also spoke a lot about Kibera and its relationship to opposition politics and how the Shang would be really marked by Luyo because of its association with opposition politics there. So the pilot study was good. I mean, it told me at least that people were aware of variation on some level within Nairobi. The Instagram idea of getting people to draw on the blank map was proven to be quite fast. So I designed an online questionnaire in its place. So the questionnaire asked where people were brought up. Question two was seen as a sort of necessary evil. Are there differences between the Shang spoken in different estates of Nairobi? It's obviously an incredibly leading question to ask. But sort of having spoken with various people, it seemed like a necessary evil because otherwise people just had no idea what I was actually asking for. That's not to say that the study wouldn't also be good without that question because you would sort of just get a more honest appraisal of what people thought variation was at what level they believe it to exist, which is still interesting, but it wasn't specifically what I was looking for. So then we had, where do people speak Shang similar to yours? And by sort of mapping this to question one, I was maybe hoping to get some sort of perceptual dialect study, perceptual dialect areas. Where do people speak Shang different to yours? Can you mention any specific differences? And then these just basic demographic questions, age, gender, home, language. I never really got into age or home language. I did a bit on gender, which I won't touch on too much. But again, if I had more data, I think this would be really, really good stuff to look at. So the question I got about 40 responses, I sort of found that six main perceptual dialect areas were referenced the most. These being Eastlands, Westlands, Kibera, Calanguari, or Kangemi, and then sort of South Nairobi. So that's the kind of wealthier estates, you know, like Karen and around there. And then some sort of outline Northern estates that people referenced, but they were kind of only infrequently referenced. As you can see, Eastlands is really like the heartland, the Shang heartlands as it exists in people's minds. 90% of participants referenced Eastlands at some level. So whether that's just referencing Eastlands or specific Eastlands estates. And the next highest after that was Westlands with 20%. So yeah, Eastlands really seems to be the sort of key area in people's minds. And using geographic information systems very awkwardly, I was able to come up with this little map. The shapes you can see are not particularly graceful. For those of you unfamiliar with the software, you basically get a blank map and you can overlay shapes onto it to create the areas relating to however you want. So ideally there would be some pre-existing shape files I could download from the internet relating to the various estates in Nairobi. Or if you have the technological expertise which I did not, you can create them yourself. I use the shapes that you can see here are relating to the electoral wards of the city. And the shading of each color. So each color reflects a different dialect area and the shading within that color shows the frequency with which that particular estate was selected. So the only place where it's really relevant was Eastlands. And again, we have these kinds of areas around Peole. That's where it was most frequently selected by participants or not selected but most frequently referred to by participants as having some sort of unique or specific shape or remarkable in some way. So that was kind of the main part of the study was to look at perceived variation in shape. Through the open-ended questions I got a bit of sort of qualitative data and I also followed up with three interviews to ask a few more questions. So the data coming on the following slides is a mixture from the questionnaires and the interviews. So sort of attitudes towards Shane but again, we've got this sort of class consciousness or socioeconomic consciousness. So we've got the lower income estates, deeper Shane with coded lingo for the specific area and high income estates, mostly English with a little Sahih mixed in. Then another participant said, there's uptown Shane and many downtown Shane's and the downtown Shane's are changing every year. So again, there's this association between, well, to me, I am further uptown and the downtown is like a Western's Eastlands split. So sort of socioeconomic split. I'll be interested to hear if people would infer similarly. And again, there's this perception of sort of less perceived or lower perceived varieties being more vulnerable to change, changing more frequently. And we also had some very positive attitudes. This was one of the interviewees who was really a dream interviewee in terms of speaking about Shane. We will start with having Shane as an official language of Kenya and then an official language of the UN. And he was really, really proud to be a Shane speaker and to talk about Shane. So I also wanted to ask a little bit about the origins of Shane or what people believe to be the origins of Shane. Sort of perceptual dialectology within both linguistics is generally interested in just non-specialists beliefs about languages, be that the origins of language, attitudes, beliefs on variation. So I think the origins of a language like Shane, in a relatively new city like Nairobi, that's changed a lot in a relatively short space of time will be quite interesting. So we had, again, some different opinions shown here. So we've got the differences between Westlands and Eastlands, Shane. It's basically that in Eastlands, originally there are more communities that all contributed to the development of the language. But when you move to the other side of Westlands, there's less communities contributing to Shane and hence the difference. So this idea that the deep Shane as it were in the Eastlands is really born out of this multilingualism. Another participant said, people who are living in informal settlements is their normal way of communication. We are all deeply rooted in our Shane. I'll come back to that one shortly. So we've got this idea of the multilingual influence of Shane. And then a more negative attitude that came to light, the people with the most complex Shane, according to my experience, are criminals. And this goes back to the idea that Shane came about as a way of not being understood by, you know, this idea of like an anti-language, whether that be, you know, kids not wanting to be understood by their parents or authority figures or people not wanting to be understood by the police. There's this idea that, yeah, Shane is used to avoid being understood. So I also wanted to know who in their opinion speaks Shane. So one participant, when you're having informal conversations with neighbors, friends, basically anytime I'm not at work or at school, I will be speaking in Shane. So this idea that Shane is quite a common part of life, but in formal settings. Got this awareness of like an age split. So the younger the person is, the more the interest in Shane is. And the conch part of it is adolescents because they have a lot to hide. Again, going back to this idea of not wanting to be understood. And then going back to that other quote. So it's about what's common amongst us because the Shane I speak, I have a friend who's challenged in a number of friends who are Luolui different tribes. We're all deeply rooted in our Shane. So again, this idea that people speak Shane as a way of sort of downplaying their ethnicity as a marker of being Kenyan or from Nairobi, whatever it may be. So there was a lot to sort of get into again because of the scope of the study. I didn't really get too much into this stuff. This is more just what came about through the interviews and a few answers in the questionnaires. Another idea is this, that Shane is a variety of Kenyan Swahili. This is something that has been said by various scholars, notably my former teacher, Chege. And he argues in his book that Shane is a variety of Kenyan Swahili, which is itself a distinct variety of Swahili. This wasn't really born out in the sort of perceptions of my participants. So first interview, he was a young professional in Nairobi. Said that her Shane was most closely related to English. Interviewee two, who said interestingly that she didn't speak Shane, even though she'd grown up in Nairobi, she was a young mother. She spoke more about Shane in relation to her sort of family language policy and whether her kids would be speaking Shane or Swahili or whatever. She said that poor literacy in standard Swahili could be a reason for the emergence of Shane. So there is more of a relationship between Shane and Swahili. And interview three, who was the guy who said about Shane being a UN language. He said that his Shane came from Hikuyu. And when I sort of pressed him on that, he was quite adamant that it wasn't from Swahili. That Shane around where he was from was really Hikuyu. So the last little thing I have to say is just a, one thing that comes up quite a bit in the more recent literature in the last 20 years or so is this gendered difference in the use and sort of willingness to associate with Shane. It's not only Shane, but all sort of non-standard languages. We come back to this idea of like a covert prestige that men are afforded cultural capital in the ways that women aren't when they use non-standard language. This was present to a certain extent in my study. 65% of the respondents were men. I did reach out, I tried to reach out to as many men as women, whether they saw that or not is, you know, the sampling wasn't the most robust. So I won't, I'll take that with a big grain of soul, but certainly in terms of the more qualitative aspect of the study, the ways in which men and women seem to relate to Shane were very different. So we had the mother from Nairobi downplaying the idea that she spoke Shane at all. And yeah, the sort of in the questionnaire responses, there was much more detailed information coming from the men respondents, which could suggest a sort of lack of willingness for women to seem to be associated with Shane, even though it is really proliferating across Kennean society. But again, I don't really have any data enough data to support that. That's just one potential idea that came about, which I would, I hope can be invested to get more deeply in the future. So yeah, that's all I really have to say. Thank you all for listening and to everyone for organizing. Anya, I'll go back to you, Eda. Oh, thank you so much. That was really amazing, Tom. I really enjoyed it. I'm really sort of intrigued by the gendering of Shane. And I wasn't aware, so I mean, I'm sure people will ask you later about how Shane is different in Karen and in Isli for instance. I had no idea. So I'm sure we'll get some questions later during question time. And Chege is around, so he will have to defend his position about Shane being Swahili or not. I'm also hoping that people like Aditya Fabdalla and Ahmed Rajab would also come in and follow up to Pan and tell us if Shane is Swahili or not. So let's spice it up a bit. The next presenters, thank you very much, Tom. That was really good, brilliant. The next presenters are Makoto Furumoto, Niko Nassenstein, and Daisuke Shinagawa. And they'll be talking on demonstrative systems in different Swahili varieties, investigating cross-viroital developments. You're welcome. Karibuni Sana. Awesome, Danny. Can I share my screen? Yes, please do. And Swahili has diverse varieties from different backgrounds. And I'm working on some coastal varieties, coastal dialects, and Niko Nassenstein is a specialist of the pigeonized varieties in the Western periphery. And Daisuke is interested in Swahili-based armored language registers. And an important point is that each variety is apparently similar to the standard variety or standard Swahili, but it has developed a unique linguistic system. In this study, we would like to unveil such systematic uniqueness focusing on demonstratives. And we intend to provide new perspectives on variation across Swahili varieties. We will be dealing with these varieties. Now, let me... These varieties. I'm talking about a coastal dialect called Kimakunduchi. And Niko will describe the demonstrative in Bunya-Sahiri, which is a Western variety. And Daisuke will introduce his findings on the demonstrative in Shen. And before starting the discussion of demonstratives, we would like to share basic information of each variety. The first variety is Kimakunduchi. And several language varieties in the coastal areas of East Africa seem to be genetically closely related and categorized as Swahili dialects. According to Nars and Hinnebush, these varieties are traced back to Swahili and then to Sabaki. And Kimakunduchi is one such dialect spoken in the southeast part of Nguja, of Zanzibar. And the Makunduchi district, where Kimakunduchi is mainly spoken is marked with a circle in this map. I call this dialect, Kimakunduchi, but its endonym is Kikae. And in some old materials, it's called Tihadimu. Assuming a division of the coastal dialects into northern and southern dialects, Kimakunduchi has been classified as one of the southern dialects. And the next variety is Bunya-Sahiri, Niko. Please go ahead. Thank you. What is Bunya-Sahiri or Ituri-Kingwana? As the name tells already, it's spoken in and around the city of Bunya in the Ituri forest in northeastern Congo. I think it's the, at least to our knowledge, most restructured and most deviant variety of Swahili that we have come across so far. How did it reach up there in the Ituri forest? Well, there are three factors and they can be named very shortly, actually. Stanley's, Henry Mountain Stanley's Manema troops, so local recruitments and, or slaves, porters, and so on coming along with the Sanjibaris settling in the Ituri, missionary work, mostly descriptive, not prescriptive, for example, as you can see below by Studd and Grubb, and so on, Heart of Africa mission. And then also a language contact with non-Bantu languages around the Kilomoto gold mines in Ituri. Next slide, please. Wait, next. Go again. It's not coming. It's not coming. Try to go, to click maybe instead of using the arrows down somewhere, down in the left corner. Sometimes it's stuck somehow. Or click back and then forth again. How was that? I'm seeing the next slide, but it's not. I'm not seeing it yet, no. Wait. Okay. We didn't want to tell the audience that we only had three slides, but no, you know. Yeah, okay, perfect. Here you see it on the map, the Ituri forest. Why not Kingwana or Ituri Kingwana? Simply because of the fact that speakers themselves do not relate or refer to it as Kingwana. It's mostly a label used by missionaries and colonial agents who used it derogatorily. That's it. Then I give back to... Right, thanks Niko. So now our third variety of our concern is Shen. And Shen is actually generally or classically defined as an album mix code emerged in post-colonial Nairobi. As described in Absurdis and Osinde, Shen is based primarily once for his structure with a left from drone from Swahili English and the various local languages. Shen has also been widely cognized as one of the representative African urban youth languages as mentioned in Kisling and Mao's Tamil paper, stating that Shen started presumably around 70s to mark youth identity. But these days Shen seems to be acquiring the status of an urban language. In this line of observation more recently in Chege's 2019 book, Shen is identified, clearly identified as a more general urban sociolect that is placed in the continuum of varieties of Kenyan colloquial Swahili. From a formal linguistic point of view, Shen has been a subject of structural analysis for a couple of decades and several descriptions including both cities of online have pointed out its structure uniqueness, especially found in the morphology and phonologies. Next please. All right, and now we are moving on to the main discussion about structural and functional variety of the demonstratives in different Swahili varieties. We have two main points to discuss. One is about characteristics features of the distal forms, especially focusing on its discourse related functions. The other one is about unique development of class eight forms. Let me start with the first point, which is the discourse related function of the distal form in Shen, and especially it's about the word order. At least to our traditional understanding the canonical word order between the demonstrative and its modifying noun in Swahili, I mean in standard Swahili, is now followed by demonstratives like into Huyu, this person as stated in Ash in 1944. It should also be noted however that the reverse order can also be possible, especially when a noun phrase can be regarded as definite. But still it has long been accepted that the canonical word order of the demonstratives is now followed by demonstratives, right? However, a current study has revealed that the reverse order, which is now preceded by demonstratives is becoming dominant at least for locative demonstratives. Broomstrom 2015 argues that the tendency can be seen as motivated by the focusing effect, which means that noun demonstrative word order has become the marked word order and thus regarded as a focused expression. While demonstrative followed by noun word order has nothing to do with the focus marking and thus used as a marked frequent word order. Next please. Having these things in mind, we will look closer at how the demonstratives are used in the text of Compensation in Shen, otherwise noted all the data investigated here is taken from the corpus based on an interview article cited in the contemporary literature journal, which is called Kuanin. It is very famous literature journal published in Nairobi. Next please. Right, according to my initial survey based on the corpus, it is clearly shown that Shen prefers demonstrative noun word order, demonstrative noun word order, which is not canonical word order and pre-verbal syntactic position. Table one shows the ratio between noun demonstrative word order, which is traditionally considered to be canonical versus demonstrative noun, which is non-canonical word order. As expected, noun demonstrative word order is clearly preferred in proximal forms and slightly outnumbers in media forms. However, it is striking that the reversed order is dominant and noun demonstrative order is almost disallowed in these forms. This tendency is paralleled with the Bruno Schwem's argument, but significant point is that it is not limited to locative classes, which means that this is a general tendency in Shen. On the other hand, table two shows the relation between the word order between the demonstrative and its modifying noun on the one hand and syntactic position in relation to the verb on the other. While there is no clear tendency of distribution in proximal forms, probably due to the scarcity of tokens, demonstrative noun order is apparently preferred in the case of media forms relevant to the relative order with the verb. But more strikingly, almost all these forms appear in the proverbial position. This may suggest that together with the definiteness or a non-focus effect induced by the demonstrative noun word order, these forms tend to be associated with this course topicality, which is naturally related to the proverbal or course initial position. Next, please. These features are well reflected in these examples as for two digital forms, which are in one C and one E are used with the topic element, wheezy. And they appear as an initial argument, of course. Moreover, both of the noun phrases denote contrastive connotation between fifths who are there in those day, who they wheezy before, fifths who are there in those day, and those who are not. So the function can be termed as speaker-oriented discourse anapolicity because the digital forms used here serve a contrastive function that is motivated by the speaker's memory or discourse intention. Along with the syntactic feature of the form as a pseudo-reducer advisor, this discourse-related function may be regarded as a uniquely developed semantic feature of the best of demonstrative in Shen. On the other hand, typical proximal forms are used to denote discourse diagnosis. That pinpoints shared attention in the ongoing discourse. So he, in to be, shows the discourse function to refer to the word Shen as a word that you have just mentioned. While the meaning of shall we he in three A is the very reason that we have just talked. The function of these proximal forms is clearly contrastive with the discourse-related function denoted by the distance demonstrative. Next please. Let me move on to the second topic, which is about class eighth form of the distance demonstrative. As is widely accepted in Shen, as well as in many varieties developed through language contact, the noun class concordance system is drastically reorganized. For example, in Shen, the agreement is basically reduced to a bipedalized contrast between one two, class one two for human head nouns, versus class nine 10 for minus human head nouns. This tendency actually holds for proximal forms. However, non-proximal forms show a different element pattern, which is in addition to class one two, versus class nine 10 agreement, class eight forms are also frequently attested. It is however not surprising in the cases of media demonstrators, because most of the class eight forms, which is hedial, are part of lexical idioms like behavior. But it looks quite striking that in distal system, the class eight forms are productively used to the extent that more than one-third of the total occurrences are in class eight forms. So what is the reason? Next one, please. One of the clear reasons we can find out in the corpus is the fact that the class eight distal form, bile, is frequently used as a head of a vertebrous, which expresses a manner of the action denoted by a vertebrous. So as in example four and five, a bile is used as a head of pseudo-lethal course, constituting a nominal course with a meaning manner, like how you listen to a piracy, the bile in a Scyanga piracy, or in a way you heard, comma bile with Scya, both of which can be almost left to be translated into standard Swahili by replacing bile with synthetic relative form like Livia Scya, right? However, the following example seems to show an ongoing development of grammatical functions of the form. For example, bile Ilybio in example six, clearly seems to correspond the standard expression genes Ilybio, suggesting that part of the idiomatic expression genesy has been replaced with grammatically more productive bile. The example seven, that's the natural course headed by bile, behaves as at least functionally an adverbial subordinate course, rather than a nominal course with a meaning manner, as in examples four and five. Finally, in the example eight, which is not a straight example of bile, but is equivalent in that the veneer is also a typical relativizer in Shen, the class eight relativizer veneer actually modifies the adverbial word Vigumu, which may not be directly expressed through relative to formation strategy in standard Swahili, in that sense, this may be seen as a grammatical development through expansion of the function of this or the most of it, which may be quite calculated in Shen or Kenyan colloquial Swahili. That is for my part, for me, what's going on. Thank you, Daisuke. Let's take a brief look at formation patterns in Bunya Swahili. There is a reduction simplification. There's only one single demonstrative form, le, kitule, mutule, and so on. So the distal, it has been retained. The others are no longer there. The E is often dropped, omitted, so ele becomes le, which also happens in central Sudanese languages, for example. When elicited specifications occur, so you can say very often, kitule apa, yelitokanguka, kitule pale, kitule kule, and so on. So that thing that I saw yesterday, this thing over there and so on, especially with elicitations in free speech, not so often, at least not in this position. Next slide, please. So here we see the formation patterns. So generally, you see, it's always the same form, but with the first class and the second class as pronominal forms, you have lele, yele, and pale, and so on, otherwise it's always le. So whenever these, in these cases, for example, but in other cases, the specifications occur very often syntactically. Next slide, please. Yeah, when not elicited, they remain often in their original syntactic position, meaning that apa or pale or kule remain in the sentence and not necessarily in the noun phrase, where they are. So for example, example 12, Maninuea elección, apa, kubunya, le, kukungo, le. Electoral problems here in this bunya, in this kongo, and so on. So they do not have to be shifted to become part of the real demonstratives somehow. That's interesting because hypothetically, we could assume that maybe these local adverbial demonstratives, the bus here, the child there, and so on, replace in the end the real demonstratives in bunya, swahili, because we have examples, 14, 15, 16, for example. We only have adverbials that express the diaxis, but no real demonstratives anymore. I mean, they are demonstratives, but they are used of course, very often lexicalized or as adverbials. Next slide, please. So we also are modeling this on the suggestions that Daisuke brought up for Sheng. The word order is also interesting here because generally bunya, swahili, displays more head of the noun phrase followed by the demonstratives than demonstratives preceding the noun phrase. In pre-verbal position, the demonstratives more often precedes the head of the noun phrase actually, and in post-verbal position, the opposite is the case. We find a relation between word order and anaphoricity or, well, a higher degree of anaphoricity. Ashton observed something like that also for ECS. In bunya, swahili, anaphoric reference to antecedents seems stronger with the word order found also in ECS. So the demonstratives following the head noun actually, reducing ambiguity. I will just read this example here. When I you abatotokwendaonabafilmle, yababamapendole, ilebatukwapendana. So those people, they laugh each other. Bikwafanya tendoyandoa, they do marriages and so on. So if you said batule here, it would be ambiguous according to speakers. It also is also triggered or triggers topicality or non-canonical word order here. Trigger is triggered by discourse topicality and also contrastivity very often. So sasa ule view, in example, 18, palele. So that guy, that old man in his place and so referring to what has been said before also has to do triggers this non-canonical word order for demonstratives. Next slide, please. We also find these examples or these forms of hivi of class eight, even though the proximal demonstratives otherwise not used in Boonea Swahili, meaning something like this of this kind, we find vile, meaning to or also, maybe from Swahili, standard Swahili, vile, vile, and as a modifier in the noun phrase, moia hivi, moja hivi, certain such sum. So is this a reintroduced feature as our question? Is it retained? Is it an acrolectal reference maybe to the standard? All this is possible. Next slide. What are the possible factors for variation here? External factors, language contact with central Sudanic. Some central Sudanic languages have, of course, demonstrative forms, but have also a determinative. So having only one demonstrative form actually and no other distinctions looks like a determinative, like Ashton says the in English, the Apple fell or something like that. This at least could be explained with replication from central Sudanic. Internal factors, of course, Le has shows a tendency as also shown, for example, in clitization, otherwise in Buñez-Swahili, when it's added behind, for example, and almost clitisized to the head of the noun phrase. And then social factors, lateral variation. Some speakers, ethnic Hema and Landu, are said to speak like this. Others turn it around and Babira speak differently and so on. And I give back to Marco. And my part is very short, so no worries. So I'm talking about Kimakun-Duchi. And Kimakun-Duchi is very similar to standard Swahili in that it makes three, four distinctions. However, the forms differ between the two varieties. And furthermore, Kimakun-Duchi differs from standard Swahili in that it has redeployed it and contracted forms. Oh. So, like for example, so this table, their forms is summarized in this table. And for example, you know, the prokishmaru you know is corresponding to Huyo in standard Swahili and the Uyo and Yuria correspond to Huyo and Yure respectively. And additionally, Kimakun-Duchi has compound forms. The compound forms can be decomposed into two parts. The first part is the prokishmaru or medial demonstratives from class one to 11. And the second part is likely to be derived from the prokishmaru around the medial forms of the locative classes, that is class 16 and class 17. And if the first part is a prokishmaru form, the second part is also a prokishmaru. And if the first part is medial and the second part is also a medial. And the important point is that the additional forms such as contracted and redeployed and compounded forms are restricted to the prokishmaru and the medial demonstratives. So the distal demonstratives differs from the prokishmaru and the medial forms in that it lacks the additional forms. But the more the distal demonstratives differ from the prokishmaru and the medial demonstratives in that it cannot function to identify the reference in space. When pointing to a distant object, the compound form, not the distal form is used. This is shown in 26. And 27 is an example in which the distal demonstratives can be used. So this example is not LCA from a natural speech, but the distal demonstratives is very frequently in natural speech. Okay, let me give you a brief summary of the whole talk. And through the description of the demonstratives in the three varieties, we have realized that further investigation is necessary for two points. The first point is related to the distal forms. As I explained in Timakundochi, the distal layer is deviant in the demonstratives system formally as well as functionally. And for Vunyasa theory, it only retains lay forms. Ashton, she associates the medial all with anaphoricity rather than prokishmity and differentiate it from the prokishmity and the distal. In contrast, Timakundochi and Vunyasa theory suggests that the distal, but not the medial can potentially be differentiated from the prokishmity and the medial demonstratives. And considering that the distal can have an important role in discourse as Shen suggests, it's likely that the distal can be re-analyzed as a discourse marker, which causes the change and the deviancy. But this is my position, but Niko suggests it is also necessary to consider the possibilities that distal can be differentiated because of its formal feature. And the second point is related to the cross-edge forms. In Shen, non-cross distinction of the demonstratives is reorganized. However, the cross-edge distal and the medial forms are actively used. The cross-edge distal theory seems to be developing into an adverbial relativizer. In Vunyasa theory, the cross-edge demonstratives, which is exceptionally retain original forms and distinctions have acquired new adverbial functions. The cross-edge demonstratives can be referred to manner in addition to the concrete object since cross-edge is associated with the concept of manner. So we are thinking that this feature is related to the unique development and the categorization of the cross-edge demonstratives in Shen and Vunyasa theory. That's it. So they are references and they are our acknowledgement. Asante Nisana. Asante, Sana, Sana, Sana, this was fascinating. I'm sure during question time, we'll all ask a lot of questions, especially about Swahili. Buñe Swahili really fascinated me. With all the French, I could see Fidel and all that and also the Kima Kunduchi, I know there's a lady called Rukia Ramadani. Yeah, Namjua. Yeah, Namjua, Basindu. Yeah. I think it's good to have a voice that will be heard. Yeah, it is. It's good to have a voice that will be heard. How do you understand it? See, Sana, I can understand it. I can understand it. But when I hear the Kima Kunduchi, I can understand Sana. I can understand the Kima Kunduchi. I understand it. I understand it. Okay, Asante Sana. So let me just invite our last speaker before we have a video presentation. This is Nassra Habibu Ali. Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, Nassra Habibu Ali, I can get it. I can get it. I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm I'm So e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e