 I'm going to present on results on formalization experiences from Southern Africa. Like Louis said, the work that we did was part of a wider study by CFO on behalf of the European Commission to understand the reasons for formalization and its impact. In Southern Africa, we focused on four case studies, one, the bulb of tree, which I'm going to present. We also focused on amarula, which is used to make liqa, hudya, used in the pharmaceutical industry. Then lastly, we also focused on the pelagonia plant, which is also used in the pharmaceutical industry. But for this presentation, I'm going to focus on the bulb of tree. Okay, just to give you some background on the bulb of tree or the bulb of industry. Over the years, a number of bulb products have become commercialized. In particular, the fruit commercialization came about after the European Union awarded the bulb products the novel status. And that opened up a very big market for the EU. And then in the states bulb products, bulb fruit products were granted what is called generally guarded as safe status. And those two global blocks have given bulb products from bulb products. The value of bulb products from Southern Africa is now about a billion dollars per year. And then there's also a flashing market for bulb crafts, especially in South Africa for tourists. And because of this new market for bulb products, resource degradation is crept in and saw a skewed distribution of benefits from bulb abuse. Therefore, according to the state, there is need to find pathways towards attainment of conservation of natural of the bulb products and livelihood improvement for those that use the bulb of tree. That was the main reason why the government decided to come in and formalize the bulb sector. However, there has been other factors that have been driving the formalization process. One has to do with the black suit disease which affects the bulb tree. And it is so far indications that the tree succumbs to this disease if it is overused. And collection of bug predisposes this tree to the black suit disease. And then to ensure social justice, like I said earlier on, to make sure that benefits are equally distributed across board. Then it's also a source of revenue because there is a lot of money involved. It's also potentially a source of revenue for the states through a raft of taxes that I'm going to explain later on. Then there was a bit of chaos in terms of how the resource was being used so the state wanted to restore order. In terms, I'm going to give you an overview of what has taken place. There has been a raft of eggs put in place or that were in place but are now being used to regulate the bulb industry. I will draw your attention to three such key eggs. The rural district council, for example, gives the rural district council which are the local levels, state authorities, the power to collect revenues from use of natural products including the bulb tree. And then it also gives the district council authority to set up local levels, structures that will coordinate management of natural resources. This is a super imposition on traditional systems that have been in place since time immemorial. Then I will also draw your attention to the communal lands forest projects act. This act is interesting in that it criminalizes commercial use of natural products. Use of natural products is confined to on use beyond that you need to get a permit and the forest act authorizes the forest commission, a government arm to each odd permit. I'm going to explain how the permit system works. Then maybe I also need to draw your attention to the fact that while these eggs are being put in place and used there has been a lot of unfolding social and economic processes. In particular I want to draw attention to this operation, operation to move fields or operation in Rambatrina. This was an operation that was done in 2005 by the government ostensibly initially to clear urban areas of illegal structures. But later on it was taken to rural areas and this indeed affected the bulb industry in that we had the structures, that were aligned up along the highway for marketing bubble products. These straws were destroyed in the name of trying to formalize not only urban settlement but also the natural resource management and use. To those who affected the destruction of the marketing straws went beyond that it was also a demolition of life and the future. Then there was also the issue of the land reform. As some of you might be aware of we had the historic if not somewhat controversial land reform from 2000 up to the recent past. And the demand around land reform was that land is the economy and the economy is land. And to people who were using the bulb up trees the land is everything that was on it that is on it had to be used anyhow in order to generate income and to improve the local economy. Anyway I'm going to then focus on just a brief background in terms of what has been done in an effort to formalize the bulb up sector. And I'm now going to focus on what the impacts have been. I'll start off with social impacts. Women have been left out of the lucrative export market for crafts. I said earlier on crafts have a big market in South Africa and in the past what men and women used to take their crafts there. But when the government came in and tried to regulate women have now been left out largely because there is a raft of payment systems that have been put in place. And the way it affects women is that at the border you are required to pay a lot of money and you have to oil hands. There is a lot of corruption involved to the extent that some of the officials at the border post reportedly asking for sexual favors from women so that they can expedite the movement of their crafts. And the morality issues aside in a country where until recently HIV AIDS stood at 25% it will be full had to have extra marital affairs. Then there has been demand for accountability from district councils by local resource users. Local resource users are required to pay a number of levies. For example an annual marketing fee of $10 and local people are saying we can only pay if what we pay is commensurate with services that we get from council. If council doesn't deliver which it doesn't do with all the taxes. There has been resistance from local people to pay. There has been demand for accountability. There is a erosion of local practices. Before government came in local customer systems were in place to regulate use and management of the bob up tree. But now the state is coming in a half way I should say. So some customary practices have stopped to regulate use of the bob up products. The state's approach has been one of carrying a big stick but working softly. Sometimes it comes in heavy ended but at times it assumes it tends to soften its stance and as it says local officials say to show a human face. So sometimes they say ok people you can go and have this but in a sustainable way. Then there has also been some ecological costs and benefits. Trees have become more debak because of the health taxes that people pay. They claim it gives them payment of the taxes and lefis. It gives them authority to go and debak trees for example as much as they want. So a number of trees are now debakking has gone up. There is a removal of germplasing from the area. A lot of fruit trees are collected from bob up producing areas and crushed into oil or exported to or taken to urban areas. So that's the removal of germplasing from bob up producing areas. And then we have noted a trend in that heavily debak the trees tend to produce less fruits. We have use of kumblemender tree products. The number of kumblemender tree products in Bikimia, Akesia that are used to dye maids or crafts made from bob up maids and there has been an increase in the use of these trees. Economic costs and benefits, lost revenues, craft makers and resource harvesters. In the past a study that was done indicated that it also would get about $352,500 a year. But now it has really gone down and the state also has lost out in the process because of resistance from potential taxpayers who are not happy with the way this process, the formalization process has been done. Then the complex regime takes us in the country. It's quite complex. You need, if you want to harvest because I said commercial use is criminalized through the communal forest produce act. But if you decide to, but there is a leeway for one to commercially harvest and that entails engaging the forest commission which is located 130 kilometers away from in the case that I'm presenting on. It's located 130 kilometers from the community and one is to pay an inspection fee of $20 to the forest commission who come and assess if it makes sense for you to go ahead and harvest whatever you want to harvest. Once you have harvested you have to pay another $20 which is called the movement fee to move your product from where you have harvested it to a point where you want to process it. Then if you want to export some products, for example crafts, you have to pay $10 export fee on the Zimbabwean side and then you also have to pay $10 to the minister of agriculture, the inspectorate department to get a fumigation certificate which you never get anyway. Then when you get to the South African side you have to pay an import jute of $8, 8 cents a meter or something like that. So there has been a raft of tax regimes put in place. Then in terms of overall costs and benefits of the formalization process young and educated men who are able to export crafts to neighboring countries are the main beneficiaries because it's quite lucrative to export your crafts to neighboring countries and it's only young and educated men who are now able to bid the system as it were. Then corrupt traditional leaders are also benefiting through charging expedite fees. Of course the status come in but traditional leaders are still regulating use and for you to be able to harvest they can also charge you a small expedite fee. Then some shorty dealers or towns at border points they charge you if you want to illegally cross your export goods they will charge you some fee and it's quite a lot of money about $200 which is about $20 and depending on the value of your goods then the rule of this council has lost and to date when I checked the resist they had only recovered about 20% of potential revenue that they could, they only collected 20% of potential revenue and this arising from the fact that people are resisting to pay the taxes and revenues. And then formalization by way of conclusion I would say formalization of the Babab trade has had multiple and standard consequences. For example by commission or omission state laws are used to exploit the resources without any concern for local cultures and the resource base. And then problems of Babab formalization seldomly fall snugly in the pay view of either the state or a traditional system of governance and this cause for hybrid of both systems to be in place. Customer systems because both systems have their own weaknesses and strengths for example customer systems seem to be weakening due to main factors politics politicization of traditional leaders was supposed to be guardians of customer systems economic challenges some of you might be aware until recently our inflation was over 500 billion percent when you have a situation like that they say necessity knows no law sometimes customer systems couldn't cope then the state is also weakened by its bad images popular policies, operation remove fuel being an example or a case in point and the state is also poorly resourced located 130 kilometers away and with only one vehicle it's not impossible to effectively monitor and implement policies in place. Thank you.