 Victor, North Korea is in the midst of a transition in the wake of Kim Jong-il's death. Kim Jong-un, his son, has been put in charge, nominal at least. Who's guiding him during this transition period, because he's so young? Well, I think the speculation, Maria, has been that because his fellow is not even 30 years old yet and has no experience, they've surrounded him with a group of regents, if you will, including his uncle, Chang Seong-taek, his aunt, who is Kim Jong-il's younger sister, Kim Kyung-hee, and then some of a younger generation of generals, somewhere in their 60s, that have been promoted over the over recent years. So I think that's the group that surrounds him. The problem, of course, is the plan was it should take about 10 years, this transition, and clearly they don't have 10 years. So I think they're kind of making it up as they go right now. United States and China obviously have a huge vested interest in what happens over the next period. Are they working in concert? Are they cooperating, or do they have different agendas at the moment? Well, I think there's been a lot of high-level dialogue, I think, in the aftermath of the announcement of Kim Jong-il's death. At the highest levels, there's been communication between the United States, the ROK, and China. But I think that the interesting period still is to come, which is after we're done with the funeral procession and ceremony for Kim Jong-il, and as we start hearing signs of what is going on in North Korea through press reports or intelligence or whatever it might be, you know, how the three countries that interpret that sort of information will be interesting to watch. Because their interests do not necessarily coincide on the peninsula. China very clearly wants to support this transition and would like to keep the peninsula divided. I think for the United States and South Korea, while they certainly don't support the next leadership and they don't want to see a total collapse of North Korea, they would like to see things move in a better direction. And that may not necessarily be what China wants. China may be happy simply to have stability under a leadership that continues the policies of Kim Jong-il. You've recently published a report on the possibilities of a North-South reunification. Does the death of Kim Jong-il make it more likely reunification happens or more difficult? Well, I think it's really hard to deny that the sudden death of Kim Jong-il does not take us closer to unification. It certainly doesn't take us to unification. But, you know, no one expected this to happen. In many ways, this is the worst scenario. It is the nightmare scenario for the North Korean leadership to see Kim Jong-il die suddenly when they're not ready for a transition. So that does take us, at least in some fashion, closer to unification than we were before the death of Kim Jong-il. But, of course, we don't know. There's still a long way to go here. But I do believe that, contrary to a lot of the popular press speculation, I do believe that there is—this is not going to be a smooth leadership transition. Anybody who believes that they had a clear succession and transition process all planned out before Kim Jong-il's death just is wrong, I think, because in the North Korean system there is no possible way that people could have sat down and said, let's have a plan for when the dear leader dies. That just doesn't happen in North Korea. So I think they're making it up as they go along. And the funeral procession and all the ceremony stuff is going fine right now because they've done this once before. They had to do it in 1994, so they have that playbook. What they don't have a playbook for is what comes after December 28th, and that'll be very interesting to watch. Great. Thank you very much, Victor. Thanks.