 Good afternoon. Today I'm presenting my annual report for 2022 and this report sums up the main activities of our alliance in the last year. 2022 was a pivotal year for our security. Russia's illegal war against Ukraine is now entering its second year. President Putin made a big strategic mistake when he invaded Ukraine. He expected Kiev would fall within days and the whole of Ukraine within weeks. Are standing strong and united and providing unprecedented support for Ukraine. And he wanted less NATO, but he has got exactly the opposite. More NATO. In response to Russia's illegal war, Finland and Sweden decided to apply for NATO membership, which will double the length of NATO's border with Russia. At the NATO summit in Madrid last June, all allies took the historic decision to invite Finland and Sweden to join. Both countries have addressed Turkey's legitimate security concerns and delivered on their commitments under the bilateral memorandum agreed in Madrid. Turkey is now ready to ratify Finland's membership of NATO. I welcome that decision and I look forward to the Grand National Assembly ratifying Finland's accession before the upcoming Turkish general election. I also welcome that the Hungarian parliament will vote on Finland next week. The most important thing is that both Finland and Sweden become full members of NATO quickly, not whether they join at exactly the same time. And I will continue to work hard to ensure that Sweden becomes a full member as soon as possible. Because the accession of Finland and Sweden will make them safer. Our line is stronger and demonstrate that NATO's door remains open. President Putin wants a different Europe. He sees democracy and freedom as a threat and he seeks to control its neighbors. Så, even if the war in Ukraine ended tomorrow, the security environment has changed for the long term. Putin's invasion last year was a shock, but it was not a surprise. It was the culmination of the pattern of aggressive action. And in response, since Russia's illegal annexation on Crimea in 2014, NATO has implemented the largest reinforcement of our collective defence in the generation. So when Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine, we were ready. Within hours we activated our defence plans from the Baltic to the Black Sea. We put 40,000 troops under NATO command with a significant air and maritime presence. And doubled the number of NATO battlegroups from four to eight. At the same time, NATO analysers have provided Ukraine with significant support. Supplying advanced weapon systems and ammunition to help Ukraine defend itself and regain territory. We are also in the process of agreeing new capability targets for the production of battle decisive ammunition. And engaging with industry to ramp up production, to support Ukraine against Russia's aggression and for our own defence. NATO is increasing the protection of critical national infrastructure, including undersea cables and pipelines. We have set up an undersea infrastructure coordination cell here at NATO headquarters. And established a joint NATO EU task force. At our summit in Madrid last June, NATO analysers agreed a further fundamental shift in our deterrence and defence. With new plans assigning specific forces to defend specific allies. High readiness, more stocks and more pre-positioned equipment. And even stronger command and control arrangements. We agreed a new strategic concept the first in a decade. To guide our lines in an era of strategic competition. It identifies Russia as the most significant threat to our security. Along with the ongoing threat of terrorism. And makes clear that China challenged our interest, security and values. 2022 was the 8 consecutive year of increased defence spending across Europe and Canada. Last year defence spending increased by 2.2% in real terms. Since Allies agreed the defence investment pledge in 2014. European Allies and Canada have spent an additional 350 billion extra on defence. Many Allies have also announced significant defence spending increases since Russia's invasion. Now these pledges must turn into real cash, contracts and concrete equipment. Because defence spending underpins everything we do. Since 2014, Allies have increased defence spending and we are moving in the right direction. But we are not moving as fast as the dangerous world we live in demands. So while I welcome all the progress that has been made. It is obvious that we need to do more and we need to do it faster. At our summit in Vilnius in July I expect Allies to agree a more ambitious new defence investment pledge. With 2% of GDP as a minimum to be invested in our defence. In this new and more contested world we cannot take our security for granted. It is our security that underpins our prosperity and our way of life. Our latest polling shows that 82% of people across the 30 NATO Allies believe it is important that North America and Europe work together for our shared security. And 61% agree that NATO membership makes an attack from a foreign nation less likely. NATO has enabled Europe and North America to live in peace for almost 75 years. But today's world is as dangerous as at any time since the Second World War. The years to come will be challenging and NATO must continue to rise to the challenge. And with that I am ready to take your questions. Ok, we will start with Reuters. Secretary General, can you tell us how many countries are currently meeting the 2% target according to your latest report? And if that number is still relatively small as a part of the total. Can you comment on do you have any concerns about the fact that even almost ten years after that goal was agreed most Allies aren't meeting that target? We have all the numbers and the figures updated in this report both graphically but also in tables where you can look into the details for each and every Ally. And it shows that seven Allies now spend 2%. We actually expected that to be slightly more earlier but because GDP has increased more than expected for a couple of Allies. Two Allies that we expected to be at 2% and now slightly below 2%. So as I said we welcome the progress. We welcome the fact that all Allies have increased that more Allies now spend 2% of GDP on defence. And more and more Allies are actually coming closer to 2%. Having said that there is no doubt that we need to do more and we need to do it faster. The pace we have when it comes to increase defence spending is not high enough. So my message to Allies is that they are welcome what they have done but they need to speed up, they need to deliver more. In a more dangerous role we need to invest more in defence. Then let me add that of course it is important that Allies meet the 2% guideline. But of course it also helps that those Allies who have been close to 1% now are at 1.5 or moving towards 2%. For instance, Germany has significantly increased defence spending over the last years. They are still not at 2%. But the increase in German defence spending makes a big difference because of the share volume of the German economy and the German defence budget. And Germany has clearly committed to be at 2% soon. Ok, we will go to the Associated Press. Secretary-General Lauren Cook from the Associated Press. You just met with the Hungarian Foreign Minister and I understand from some remarks that he's made in Brussels that you intend to go ahead with a ministerial level meeting at some point NATO Ukraine. And I wondered why you've made that decision to go ahead despite what I understand to be existing Hungarian objections. And if I could briefly I'd be very interested in any remarks you might have about the Chinese peace plan that President Xi and President Putin are talking about at the moment. Thank you. First on the peace plan. It is for Ukraine to decide what are acceptable conditions for any peaceful solution. And China therefore needs to start to understand Ukraine's perspective and to engage with President Zelensky directly if it wants to be serious about peace. We also need to remember that China has not been able to condemn the illegal war aggression by Russia against Ukraine. Having said that, of course I will welcome any initiative, any plan that can lead to a just and sustainable peace. China's peace proposal includes some positive aspects and elements which are support. For instance, the importance of nuclear safety of protection of civilians and not least underlying importance of sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. And of course any peace solution for Ukraine must be based on these principles to the respect of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. And this is also the main element of the peace plan that President Zelensky put forward some months ago. And of course any durable lasting peace has to respect Ukraine as a sovereign independent nation in Europe in accordance with the UN Charter. And a ceasefire or any solution that doesn't respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine will only be a way to freeze the war and to ensure that Russia can reconstitute, regroup and re-attack. And that will not be a just and sustainable peace. It will only help Russia to hold on to territory it has illegally occupied. So again I welcome initiatives that can lead to a just and sustainable peace. At the end of the day it has to be up to Ukraine to decide what are the acceptable conditions. What we should do is to support Ukraine in the right to defend themselves, a right which is enshrined in the UN Charter. And they are defending themselves against Russia's illegal war of aggression. To Ukraine commission, yes my plan is to convene a meeting at our foreign ministerial meeting in a couple of weeks. I do so because I think this is a platform to demonstrate our support to Ukraine. Ukraine is an enhanced opportunity partner, but at the same time I'm aware of the issues related to minorities. And this is an issue that has also been discussed directly with Ukraine in previous meetings. And I guess that will continue to be, I expect that to continue to be part of a dialogue with Ukraine. Politiker. Thank you very much Secretary General. You mentioned that you will be advocating for a more ambitious defence investment pledge. I was wondering if you could share perhaps a bit of detail of what you would be advocating for at Vilnius. Would it be again a ten year pledge? Will the number still be 2% just as a floor? Or would you be advocating for a different number? Thank you. So first of all, it will be up to 30 allies or soon to be 32 allies to decide what will be the language of the defence investment pledge. But I will advocate in favour of a more ambitious pledge than the pledge you made in 2014. Simply because yes, the war started in 2014 with the illegal annexation of Crimea and Russia going into Eastern Donbas. But of course the full fledged invasion that we saw last February has made it difficult and dangerous and challenged the security situation even more dangerous and even more challenging. So if there was a need to increase defence spending back in 2014, it is even more obvious now. And of course we also have to build on the progress we have made. Back in 2014, the majority of NATO allies were reducing their defence budgets. Total defence spending across Europe and Canada was going down year by year. So we are on the downward trend and only 3 allies spent 2% or more on defence. Since 2014, that picture has totally changed. Now all allies have increased defence spending and in totality we now have 8 consecutive years of more defence spending across Europe and Canada. So we are in a totally different place than we were in 2014 when things were going down. Now they are going up and they are going significantly up defence spending. So of course we then agree a new defence investment pledge at the summit in millions. It has to build on the progress we have made and take into account the fact that we live in a more dangerous world. So what I will argue in favor is that when we refer to 2% in the pledge we made in Wales at the NATO summit in Wales in 2014, we refer to that as something we should strive towards, more like a kind of a ceiling. But now we should refer to 2% more as a floor, a minimum. And of course then we had a kind of 10 year perspective 2014 to 2024. Now I think we should be all understand that this is going to immediate need to be there. Actually the reality that the majority of allies could be able to be at 2% very quickly. Regents Hans Press here. Thank you very much. Thank you, General. Just returning to the issue of China. Do you have any more information on whether China is planning or is actually supplying arms to Russia for the war in Ukraine? And more specifically what is your message to President Xi as he meets with a leader who is now accused of committing war crimes. Thank you. So first, we haven't seen any proof that China is delivering little weapons to Russia. But we have seen some signs that this has been a request from Russia. And that this is an issue that is considered in Beijing by the Chinese authorities. And therefore our message has been that China should not provide lead laid to Russia. That will be to support an illegal war and only prolong the war and support the legal innovation of Ukraine by Russia. That's something that China of course not should do. Then of course the meeting that takes place in Moscow is part of a pattern we have seen over the last years. Where China and Russia are coming closer and closer. We have to remember that just a couple of weeks, a few weeks before the invasion last February, President Xi and President Putin met in Beijing. Where they signed the joint declaration, promising each other a partnership without any limits. And we see how China and Russia are coming closer and closer in the military domain. They have joint exercises, joint patrols, naval air patrols in the economic domain and also in the political and diplomatic domain. So the meeting in Moscow is part of that pattern where China and Russia are working more and more closely and building a stronger and stronger partnership. Slovenien TV, over there, yeah. Igor Yuric, Slovenian television secretary general, just a short question. How do you see and of course also comment the latest development in relations between Serbia and Kosovo, especially after this awkward meeting of both leaders? Well, also I welcome the agreement and the important thing now is the full implementation, the speed and full implementation agreement between Belgrade and Pristina. And of course we strongly support the EU facilitated dialogue. We NATO allies and NATO provides political support. We have been in close contact with the EU but also with Pristina and Belgrade. And of course we support also the efforts to find a peaceful solution through our KFOR mission, close to 4,000 NATO troops in Kosovo. So we welcome the agreement. The message is that it has to be fully and quickly implemented by both parties. Frank Fuldtage, minne. Lotto Thomas Kuska, Frank Fuldtage, minne. Zeitung. Two questions. The first is for clarification. Has Hungary formally agreed to another meeting of the NATO-Ukraine Commission? And the second one is on ammunition. Yesterday EU foreign and defence ministers took the decision to provide Ukraine with one million artillery shells within 12 months. Commissioner Breton is also working with industry to get around bottlenecks in the production, hoping to speed it up. I'm just wondering what specifically is NATO's role in speeding up delivery and production of artillery shells. What specifically can NATO do? Først on the speeding up delivery. NATO has many tasks. First of all, it's for us to set the guidelines and we started last year to revise our guidelines, not least for battle decisive ammunition, which includes artillery shells, to ensure that Allies started to ramp up production, both to replenish the stockpiles, which they have depleted to provide support to Ukraine, but of course also to be able to continue to deliver support to Ukraine. We met with the defence industry, we met with our armoured directors, and the message was very clear, ramp up production, and I welcome that all the several Allies have signed contracts. Of course that is a national decision to sign the concrete contracts with the industry, but we also have done for many years, including on ammunition, we are doing joint procurement, partly with groups of NATO Allies, but also through the NATO support and procurement agency. So joint procurement is something we have done for many years, we will continue to do joint procurement, including of ammunition, for instance the NSBA now is working on both, or have project both on artillery, but also air defence ammunition and all the types of ammunition. So I welcome of course of the fact that EU is now also engaging in joint procurement, but the most important thing is not whether the joint procurement is a group of nations, or EU or the NATO procurement agency, or whether it's done by individual Allies. The most important thing is that contracts are signed with the industry, so production can be increased, and we have already seen more contracts being signed, and we welcome all the different initiatives in different formats for joint procurement, because we think that can help to speed up and also utilize the economy of scale. But again it happens in different formats, including through the NATO support and procurement, and procurement agency. So far NATO Allies have delivered military support of 65 billion euros, a lot of that comes from the United States, but also Canada and European Allies are providing significant military support to Ukraine, and this is not least to finance the delivery of ammunition. Well it's my prerogative to convene the NATO-Ukrain Council, and I do that because I think the time has come. Of course I always try to have Allies to agree, but when we cannot fully agree then it's still my prerogative to convene a meeting, so the North Atlantic Council in different formats, and now I do that. Swedish radio, here. Thank you, Mr. Secretary-General. What does it mean in concrete terms that Swedish NATO membership is a top priority, as you said yesterday, and the second question, how included is Sweden for NATO future plans for the Baltic Sea? Do Finland is approaching NATO membership faster than Sweden? I didn't get the last question. How does it mean in concrete terms for the NATO plans for Baltic Sea that Finland is approaching NATO membership faster than Sweden? I'm absolutely confident that also Sweden will become a full member of this alliance. Second, it is a top priority for me, meaning that I really believe that it will be good for NATO, it will be good for Finland, it will be good for Sweden, it will be good for all of us to have Finland and Sweden in as quickly as possible. That's also the reason why I worked hard to get the agreement last year, which was the historic decision at all NATO allies, also Turkey and Hungary made to invite Finland and Sweden. And since then, since June last year, we had the quickest accession process in NATO's modern history, because we have to remember that Finland and Sweden applied in May, already in June they were invited. And since then Finland and Sweden has had a totally new position in NATO because they now have the position as invitees, meaning that they sit at the NATO table, we integrate Finland and Sweden more and more into NATO's civilian and military structures, and this integration process will take some time with military planning, with capability targets, and that integration process has not been postponed by the fact that the ratification has taken a bit more time than we hoped. So the military integration goes on, regardless of the fact that Hungary and Turkey has not ratified, because part of being invitee means that you can be integrated into NATO's military structures, including interim capability targets. So the military planning, the integration process is something which is moving on, not delayed by the ratification process. Second is that for me this is a top priority, meaning that I spent, so I did what I could together with President Sao-Lin Indisto at that time, Prime Minister Madalena Andersson, and with the new government in Sweden we have continued to work together closer to ensure the agreement, the invitation, and now the integration into NATO's civilian and military structures, and then the ratification. So far 28 has ratified. I went to Ankara, I think it's now three or four weeks ago. We had a good meeting with President Aduran. That was the meeting where he made it clear that he is ready to, or Turkey is ready to ratify Finland, and I welcome that. We now see progress on the ratification of Finland, and hopefully that will happen very soon. Then on Sweden, President Aduran in the meeting agreed to restart the process, and also in the meetings of what we call the permanent mechanism, where Finland, Sweden, Turkey meet, and they met under my auspices here at the NATO headquarters a few days ago, and that also then led to the formal announcement of the decision to move on with the ratification of Finland. But of course in that meeting we also then are able to address how to make progress on the ratification of Sweden, and we will continue to meet. I spoke again with President Aduran on Friday, and we again agreed to continue the presentations and the meetings to ensure that we can also make progress on the ratification of Sweden. Then I spoke this morning with the Foreign Minister of Hungary, and he also confirmed that there will be a vote on the 27th of March in the Hungarian parliament on the ratification of Finland, and we will continue then to work on making progress on the ratification of Sweden. Interfax Ukraine, the red scarf. We have a marker of wonder. Thank you, Ukrainian news agency, Interfax Ukraine, Irina Somar. Follow up on NATO-Ukraine Commission. Secretary General, is it mean that we can see from now on that such kind of meeting will take place regularly on the regular basis, and even that participation of the President, Ukrainian President, Mr Zelenski Vilnius also will take place in this format, NATO-Ukraine Commission. And the second question is, don't you think that time came to denounce NATO-Russia Room Agreement, which established also NATO-Russia Council. Thank you. NATO-Alla has worked for a meaningful dialogue with Russia for many, many years. Russia has walked away from that dialogue, so that's not functioning. It is not possible to have a meaningful dialogue with Russia when they are conducting a legal war of aggression against Ukraine. But we used the NATO-Russia Council up till the invasion. We had to remember that we actually met in this building in January, just a few weeks before the invasion, to try to convince and to try to use all diplomatic and political channels to prevent President Putin, Russia, from implementing to follow through on their plans to invade Ukraine. So the NATO-Russia Council was an important instrument in our efforts to try to establish some kind of meaningful dialogue with Russia. We used it to try to prevent the invasion of Ukraine, but since the invasion, this has no meaning. We cannot have any meaningful dialogue with a country that is responsible for an illegal war of aggression against the neighbour Ukraine. So we don't have meetings of course in this council now. Then, when it comes to the NATO-Ukraine Council, we have a council, we have a council, we have a council, we have a council. The meetings of the NATO-Ukraine Council, the commission, sorry. og møtene av Nato-Ukraine-konsultaten og formødelsene, men jeg har medvetet klart at jeg vil invitere President Zelenski til summet. Hvilke formødelser vil vi møte som ikke har vært besluttet? Brunberg. Det er Natali Dresdjakk fra Brunberg. Jeg vil se på siden av Sveden. Hvilke formødelser vil vi svekt Sveden til å være rattet av både Turkiske og hundre? Og sikkert om begge fagter og polon og Slovakia. Hvilke formødelser vil du ha på battlefielden? Hvilke formødelser vil du ha på de delverier som du har? Sjælpe med skjønne. Takk. On Finland, based on what has been announced both from Hungary and Turkey, the two others that have not yet ratified the Finnish accession protocol, I expect that they can become members before the Turkish election. Because Finland, sorry, Hungary has made a clear that they will vote on this in the Hungarian parliament on the 27th of March. So that's based on what they have publicly said and also told me. And also Turkey has made a clear that the plan is to ratify before the Turkish parliament goes into recess ahead of the Turkish election. Of course, I cannot guarantee on behalf of the national parliament, så til denne dag er det næsjere parlemanser som har gjort beslutninger. Jeg har vært en parlamentarier, og jeg har vært en parlamentarier. Jeg er alltid veldig kærlig ikke å spise på behalf av parlemanser. Parlemanser er søvrende bodden. De har gjort de erne beslutninger, men at least det er det som har vært annonce. Og jeg, based på de planene og de annonce, Finland er en gang veldig snart, og før de turkiske eleksjoner, eller før de turkiske parlemanser går til recesser, baser på det de har sagt. Og så på Sverige. Jeg vil ikke give deg en eksempel vis, men jeg vil bare si at dette er en top prioritet, og jeg vil jobbe hård for å sikre at også Sverige blir en fullt mæmper, og at ratifikasjonen kan finne ut så snart som mulig. Det er denne som jeg har travelt til Ankara. Det er denne som jeg har spennet i Stockholm, i Helsinki, og jeg har også sikkert at det er en trallattrølning mekanismer her i NATO, og vi fortsetter å enten ganske med alle disse landene, til å sikre at vi har den snartest mulige ratifikasjonen også av Sverige. Hansa, løsene, ja. Ja, sorry. I det Mediterranean migration is reaching a level unseen since the 2015 crisis. Italy has recently linked this phenomenon with an intentional rational destabilisasjon strategy, and as you know the strategic concept states at 360 degrees approach to security and see the map as a critical theater. Now the question is, do you accept that the southern border can be at risk because of migration used as a hybrid weapon, and is NATO ready to do more in that area? And secondly, if I may, would you be available for a second mandate? I mean for a prolongation again of your mandate, maybe. First on the south, while NATO has significant presence in the Mediterranean and in the south, to address instability, to fight terrorism, and we also support efforts of the European Union to deal with the illegal migration. We for instance have enabled presence in the Aegean Sea to help to implement the agreement between Turkey and the European Union on illegal migration. We have been there since for several years. We're also working with partners like Mauritania, like Tunisia, and others to help them build their defence and security institutions to stabilise their own countries. That's to address the root causes of the migration challenge. So we are working in many different ways, and of course we also see that we see increased Russian presence in the south or in Africa, not least with the Wagner Group. So I think that it just highlights that NATO doesn't have the luxury of choosing to either focus on one or the other challenge or threat we face. We need to be able to deal with all of them at the same time. Of course they are in different nature and different intensity, but NATO has to deal with them at the same time. Also a lot of what we do on critical infrastructure is also related to the south. There are cables under the infrastructure also in the Mediterranean. But of course NATO is a military alliance. We have our tools, then the European Union, national nations have all the tools, so we don't have all the tools. So there are all the issues related to migration, but we support the efforts of the European Union and individual allies in different ways, and we continue to do so. And also step up our work with partners, for instance, or in Africa and also in Iraq. I met with Iraqi Foreign Minister yesterday, and we have a presence there, a training mission, to help Iraq to stay a Western country. That's also a way to address the root causes of the illegal migration. In Medin, Georgia. Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary General. Two questions about Georgia. First, as we are waiting for the new summit this summer, and for more support from NATO. What can you tell us more about it and overall evaluation of 2022? And also can you comment on recent developments in Georgia. I mean presentation in the Georgian Parliament foreign agent draft. And in two days it was voted down. So can you comment on this? Thank you very much. I welcome the decision by the Georgian Parliament to vote down or to withdraw the draft law on foreign influence or foreign agents. Because it's incompatible with Euro-Atlantic values and the protection of fundamental freedoms. So I welcome that this proposal was withdrawn and then not supported by the Parliament in Tbilisi. I encourage Georgia's political leaders to work together on reforms urgently needed. And of course NATO has also worked with the government of Georgia to implement these reforms to strengthen democratic institutions. To strengthen democratic control over the security services. And also to fight corruption. The Georgian people have made it very clear that they want a democratic prosperous Georgia that is integrated into the Euro-Atlantic region. And NATO will continue to be a partner to those aspirations. OK, we'll get to Icelandic national TV. Bjørn Montqvist from Icelandic national television. You've talked a lot about Ukraine. Understandably the focus of the alliance has been there for the... In recent months. Are you keeping focus on Russia's activities in the high north? Og hvordan er det som skjønnen i Sverige og Finland som skjønner denne norske flanken av the alliance? Finns og svenske mønke vil fortjente NATO i flere månge. Først vil det fortjente hele NATO. Fordi Finns og Sverige har kunnende skjønner. Gjønne, gjønne, moderne skjønner. Vi har jobbet sammen med Finns og Sverige for mange år. Vi har nævende, land- og vandforskere, som er høyre. Det vil hjelpe oss til å kjøpe vanskeligere. Vennene, også i høyre norsk. Først Finns og Sverige er norske norske norsk. De vet hvordan å oppvare og hver vand som er. Og det vil også kjøpe vanskeligere. Vi kan bruke vanskeligere spørsmål i høyre norsk. Og oppvare på bordene i norsk region. Ja, det er viktig for høyre norsk for Høyre og NATO. Men også for eksempel for norske norsk. Hvis du kører på mappet, ser du at forventning av norsk regionen blir veldig bedre. Og NATO er en bedre plass for å gjøre det med Finns og Sverige. Jeg vil velge at alle alle har velgjent dem. Finns vil snart være rettivet, baser på hva som har vært annet fra Ankara og Budapest. Og så fortsetter vi å arbeide høyre for en snart mulig rettivitet av Sverige. Høyre norsk har matet for NATO for mange år. Og derfor har vi en signifikant presens der. Vi har flere allierne, som er arktisk norsk, som er i Iceland. Vi har presen i Iceland med NATO-planser. I Iceland er det viktig når det kommer til monitorering. Fålger de rødselige militærene i norsk veldig høyre. De sommerier, skjøpene og planer. Alle er også investerende i norske mulig rettivitet, og det er en annen 5. generasjon fra etterkraft. Det er en signifikant presens til å komme til monitorering og norsk veldig rettivitet over hva som går i norsk veldig høyre. Vi har mer skjøpene, og vi har mer skjøpene. I veldig siden, jeg gikk sammen med President Unstof. I hvilken prime ministerie vil jeg støre til gas-plattformen i Norsk veldig høyre. Det er viktig for Norsk veldig høyre region, men også for energesupplyser til Europa. 10 % av Europa's gas-supplyser kommer fra denne plattformen. Norsk veldig rettivitet til norsk veldig høyre region er også viktig for norsk veldig høyre region. Norsk veldig høyre region er viktig for Norsk veldig høyre region. Norsk veldig rettivitet til norsk veldig høyre region er viktig for norsk veldig høyre region. The ice is melting. It's possible to operate more over the high north. Thank you very much. I know there are more questions, but this is all we have time for now. However, you can pick up a hard copy of the annual report on your way out. I hope to see as many of you as possible at the annual media reception. Thank you.