 Mae'r drws iawn gyda'r hoffa i foch yn rhan ni'n gyffredinol i'r hyn o'r amser. Yn ymgylchedd cyfnod o'r gilyddau yn y rhan o'r gwahodau o'r ymgylchedd ei g시�tio'r cyffredinol, oherwydd o'r hyn o'r hyffredinol i'r hyn o ddiddordeb ar y cyflwynedd o'r hyffredinol, oherwydd o'r hyffredinol i'r ddiddordeb ar y cyflwynedd o'r cyflwynedd, oherwydd o'r hyffredinol i'r hyffredinol i'r cyflwynedd o'r hyffredinol. Felly, mae'r cymaint gyda'r llefwyr yn ysgol iawn. Mae'n cael ei ddweud yr athesiaeth, a byddwch i'n cymaint cymaint gyda'r llefwyr. A'r cymaint gyda'r llefwyr yn ysgol iawn, ac mae'r cefnod yn ysgol iawn. Mae'r celydd i'r ffordd o'r llefwyr. Mae'r clywed i'r ysgol iawn, ac mae'r cefnod i'r cymaint gyda'r llefwyr yn ysgol iawn. O'r bod oedd angen i'n hoffa yng Nghaerwch, rwy'r hoffa iddyn nhw rydw i yw iddyn nhw eu hoffa i'w hoffa'u ddefnyddio am ein bod nhw'n diolch yn dylunio, ac mae'r rhyngw会 i gweithio'r diwrnod o wmpbau'i merthyng返 softly o bleddiol. Rwy'nEE'n hoffa hoyd—no'n hoffa o wych i wneud, maen nhw'n maen nhw'n neud oedd eich bod y cyfysig am y rhai cofnod. ac mae'n gweithio i'r ddechrau'n dwylo, y dweud o'r ddiolch yn ddod yn hwnnw, ac mae'r gweithio i'r awl yn dweud o'r Dynny'r ddod. Mae'n gweithio i'r ddod yn rhoi'r perthynau'n gweithio'n dylunio'r ddigwadau yn dweud o'r ddod o'r ddod. Felly, eu meddwl i'r ddechrau'n ddod yn y fforsgri, ac mae wedi gysylltu'r ddod yn dddangos i'r ddod yn oedd o fyldaeth yn eisteddol, I didn't like that, I thought something was wrong, but it's always been worth it to study forestry. When I was at university, a huge controversy about planting trees in a so-called full country, of peatness in Scotland, and this is an aerial view of the so-called full country. Now I'm glad to say I'm not campaign against this, I'm glad to say I'm out of vindicties because we're having spent millions of pounds of public money planting these trees and I spent millions of pounds of public money to pick them all out. And this is one of the largest carbon sinks in Europe, these deep people. So the volume of them for a column story is now recognised, and the volume of them for the natural heritage terms, in terms of the habitat they provide, particularly for birds like red-footed and black-footed byword, is now recognised, in fact it is a campaign to make more world heritage sites. At that time, this was a cheap band, and people like Howard Cyniglings and Teddy Wogan, Sherwin Porter, were being advised to invest in money from a buying band in the far north of Scotland and plant it with trees. They got tax breaks for this, quite generous tax breaks, and they got public money in terms of grants. And when I was at university, a chief executive of the company that was previously responsible for this, a company called Ferns and Forestry, came to give us a lecture, and I hope we didn't remember much of a lecture with people in it, but at the end of it, I asked him why is the government spending millions of pounds of tax breaks for rich people in London to buy a band of cake next to plant trees? Why doesn't it use money that's for going and tax revenues to pay grants to the farmers on the land that's already on that land to plant trees? I can understand why he wanted to plant trees, and that's kind of convincing to do it. I don't remember the answer, but after a professor pulled me to a side and said, he didn't think it was a good idea to ask such a political and controversial question. I was genuinely not aware that this was political and controversial, that quickly became aware that it was. And as soon as you asked questions about land and power and money, some thought that I'm comfortable, and I enjoyed that feeling of making people continue to ask those questions. I also read quite extensively at university. You'll know that this is, of course, in what you said here. John Johnson. You know a wonderful book called History of Working Classes in Scotland. He was very keen of story him. And he's got a chapter in that book called The Reading of the Common Lines, in which he talks about the common lines of the royal boroughs, the extensive coins of the villages, hammers, pastures and craze angles, runway tenses. He concludes we shall be rather under the overestimating of common acreage in a latter part of the 16th century, if we were not the entirety of Scotland. The number of half of Scotland was held in some form of common ownership of common usage. I was clear to you of my idea that that was no longer a case, and so I was intrigued as to what happened in the intercommunic years. So the people like Tom Johnson, who dealt quite deeply into Scottish history in a way that some professional historians now don't know what they're doing that got me on this journey. I then read other books I'd call in Scotland by John McEwen. I was involved in big environmental campaigns to restore places like Glenfessie. We highlighted this as an example of northern governments, arrogance and hypocrisy when they went to the real earth summit in 1992, demanding that countries like Brazil would stop deforestation of the Amazon and yet presiding over a rampant deforestation in places like Glenfessie and right across the north of Canada, Russia and Scandinavia. So what is all this about? What are we talking about? Well, we're talking about land tenure, so we're talking about the basic rules by which land is held. We're talking about land ownership, so that's more than the land tenure, that's more than the laws, that's about the character aspects of the people and the institutions that actually in fact do own land. Of course it could be myriad and it could be all sorts of permutations put about it. We're talking about land use, that's how land is actually being used. And we're talking about change, we're talking about potential to change the way in which land is being used and that's the process of land reform. So fundamentally, as Mary said in her introduction, this is about power. It's about how power is defined, how it's distributed and how it's exercised. In fact, one of the quotes I'm trying to do is a quote by Tony Ben, I think during the debate on the Master's Treaty in the 1980s in the House of Parliament, where he said, if anyone claims to have any power asking these five questions, what power do you have? Where did you get it from? Who's interested in exercising it? To whom are you accountable? And finally, he said if you can't answer this final question, you don't live in a democracy, how can you go rid of you? And those are the five questions that are part of any system of governance. Who are you? What power do you have? To whom do you exercise it? To whom are you accountable? And how can you go rid of you? And that applies as much to land as it does to any other aspect of life. So land reform is fundamentally about changing the relationship between land and society. In my view, it's got three principal components. The first is a legal relationship that's land tender, so that's the basis in which you own property, whether it's a house or a farm, the basis in which you occupy a factory or the basis in which you drive along the road, as a public highway. Those are all aspects of land tender, the law relating to property rights and how they're defined. It's a physical relationship, and I have to do with taxation in a relationship to property we'll come back to that later. And it's also a political relationship, that's a very decision making in areas like, for example, planning. You cannot do what you like with your property. We nationalised development rights in 1947 and said if you want to change the way you use your property, you must ask for permission. Public access rights, obviously, and environmental regulation. These are all political relationships that we have superimposed on a system of property rights to see in the local, the house, you need permission, or you're not allowed to put that burden, that burden, etc. So a land reform review group that was set up by the Scottish Government in 2014 is a very good report, actually, if any of you work at what's probably your interest in this public, recommend it. They define land reform as measures that modify or change the arrangements governing the possession and use of land in Scotland in the public. So, and also, land is not just dry stuff, it's also wet stuff. So the sovereign territory of Scotland extends to 12 miles out from the coast. That was in the territorial waters, that's legally Scotland. So 54% of Scotland is under water, under salt water. And then with 200 mile limits, which is another limit that's delegated in these yellow lines here, and that's the exclusive economic zone. So if we look at that area, Kingdom has got certain exclusive rights, principally to mine, minerals, etc. That has impacts as well on fishing rights, etc. So it's flat to cover the entire earth, even the high seas are governed by land tender, so the high seas are governed by the European Convention, the high seas, which defines who has rights in the high seas. So everywhere on the surface of the earth is governed by some system of land tender. And then it was up and down as well. So if you own property ticket to many people here who own their own home, I would assume, and if your home is on a square house, sitting on land, maybe with a meter of garden, you don't want to just own that square, you actually own all the land down to the centre of the earth, so you own it in a dirty pyramid. So you own the land heading up to the top of the sphere, actually. So you have an embarrassing pyramid, it's actually your ownership rights, and that of course matters for things like minerals. So who's got the right to, and this has come up in the fracking at the gate, who's got the right to send whatever you do when you frack three kilometres down. And Scotland, those are property rights. So everyone actually does want to frack in Scotland, but I don't have to ask because 30,000 people living in centres a year in the folk art for permission are going to pass a wall, nationalising rights, do you call it a thing? Which is not very clear. And obviously up in the years, where civil aviation began, if you wanted to fly from London to Edinburgh, before the Civil Aviation Act of 1922, I think it was, you had to actually ask permission of every single landowner who's landed a route to fly. And again, so that was nationalised. And they also actually extend to outer space, so I don't want any clock to give myself, I do want an acre of land on the moon. And this is my title deed, Codran charring. Now actually, the first thing I do on the moon is an interesting question that I've got to ask all evening, but fundamentally, the United Treaty on the outer space is a normal shorthand for the 1967 treaty. I was passed in order to criminalisation of space during the Cold War between warrants, weapons and space. And it's principle reasons. So actually, it prohibits states from appropriating celestial bodies. It's illegal for the UK, France or the United States to claim ownership of anybody in space. That doesn't mean to say it's illegal or unlawful or prohibitive for any individual part. And so this came to my first Olympic way when the Schumacher probe which went up to this asteroid called Eros, probably 20 years ago now, died the satellite. The truth is that the battery ran out when it did die. Meanwhile, a company in California had registered a claim to the ownership of Eros in the California courts and has sent an invoice to NASA for parking charges. And this might be quite funny, it isn't quite funny, but this is the next frontier of proctorates because there are companies like Elemos, Space X, who now lease one of the space platforms at Canaveral, obviously launching rockets and stuff. And our good space in these asteroids are precious metals in abundance, available potentially with the right technology to mine and bring to Earth for the radius of some far-west environmental damage in the mining cobalt and nickel and blackmail and titanium and lithium and all, things that we rely on and what about on planet Earth. So this is important stuff, but there's a lot of money on that by diversion. So to the history, we've got to where we've got to and I think it's important to try and understand how we've got to where we've got to as an africontest in any field of life, in any field of public policy. So in my book, The Good and the Bad, I talk about six land grabs, this is a very popular term, but fundamentally this is about a really, really long time ago, there were no proctorates, proctorates are a modern concept, and then you should exist. There was a concept moving there and you should be able to imagine that. And today in Aboriginal society, it's still not possible, and there's good reason for that. But as societies evolved, I wouldn't say developed, as societies evolved, as poorer structures became settled with settled agriculture, people began to claim exclusive rights over land. And so in Scotland, the first big land grab was was feudalism, which was not where there was pictured here. It was introduced by King David I in the 11th century. And feudalism was a concept whereby the crown went everything, and everybody was a vassal of the crown. But the real picture of Bruce here, of course, is that Bruce didn't fight battle back when he lived in Scotland to make an independent country. He couldn't hear about that. He fought because he was a powerful noble, and if he won the battle, he got the crown and that was a valuable thing, he won in Scotland. So that's what drove and rehabilitated those days. There wasn't any sense, of course, I'm confident we're saying this, now that we've spoken to the guy about you. In terms of how the nobility behaved and how many people viewed that, these were not about the kind of independence campaigns and I think of political debate, these were making power grabs. And if his interests were to be better served scale as a vassal member at the first, he'd have done that. As it happens, he was successful in the battle background and Scotland literally became his, and with that came a fantastic amount of power that he could use on a personal basis to convert half of the number of people he supported and grant funeral charters to his supporters all around the country. And even at that time, these funeral charters could be revoked anytime if you fell out with the kind of funeral charter that was gone. That then evolved, of course he could only revoke the funeral charters on death. Death in those days was easy to organise. It then became heritable and that's the start of the idea of modern property rights and the funeral charters became heritable which is why land in law is called heritable property and everything else, my pen is called movable property. So that was feudalism, the first land around. The second one is not much talked about of studies and that's the impact of the Reformation in Scotland which came late in 1560. But prior to 1560, the Old Cuck as I like to call it was a substantial landowner and this is Cruffrago Abbey in the year in Ayrshire. Mable, yes, sorry, Mable. And there's a famous story of the roasting of the Abbot here of the Christian Abbot as a commender but the bottom line is that the church owned 95% of the county of Ayr and that wasn't on-typical in Scotland at the time. And the locals coveted all the lands of the church. They took it up to get the relatives or sons of their nephews in what's called commendators so they were the county detective of the Abbey who adapted the finance and all the other things. In any Abbey you go to Scotland to be we'll have a commendators' house. And simply they began signing over charters themselves and to the relatives under moves to the old brothers in the Abbeys. And that was then thought about and turned into made law as life-rents and later feudal grants by law, by parliament. So they basically stole the lands of the church and a big motive for the Reformation came from the nobility who wanted the overthrow of the old church and the introduction of the new church so that they could give their hands on the valuable land of the church. So of course it was a protestant Reformation by John Robson people but it was massively supported by the nobility. So that was the second one round. The third round was really the 17th century the last time we had a Scottish Parliament and it spent most of its time passing laws to protect the rights of the party from the eyes of the new years of the killing Highlanders. So at the beginning of the century we had the 16th, 17th registers of Scottish register which introduced the Ceasim register where property rights were recorded. Scotland has one of the oldest, and that was introduced in substantial part actually to overcome the difficulties of the Reformation where people had been buying and selling the same piece of land to all sorts of different people and people were fighting the crew actually really on that. So they said well fine, we set up a new system you get your charter registered and the register of Ceasins and the register of Ceasins is yours. And it no longer starts out for 20 years that's called the prescriptive period then the title's actually fortified. There's a lot going on in disputes about who owned land as much as anything else. By getting what's called publicity, I don't know what you said, but publicity to people if you can expect the register to find out who owned it and some of the local land that you thought was yours, well that was tough. And the century ended as there were many other acts, the Act of Entail for example which allowed landowners to have their land exempted from the claims of predators. It was really really important and only finally abolished by the last remnants of a rule that was finally abolished by the century ended by the 1595 Act of the Division of Cognitive and that's the Scotland's program to be in closure acts in England. And that was a fourth land grant because every parish in Scotland had extensive common land. I asked an act that made it very very easy for the heritage and the parish to the Sheriff Court a surfer of division that would be a population by the Sheriff that they could plan divided all of and the commons would disappear. Whereas in England you had acts plural of enclosure for every single common and England had to have and occasionally there were a number of commons that went together but typically each common had its own act and that's why there's somewhere around 700,000 acres of common land still in England and there's no acres of common land left in Scotland because we instituted a reasonable process of division. The 1595 Act allowed for the division and it said for preventing the discourse the rise of the commons and the more easy and expedited side view of them coming etc. But except to the commons going to the Cain so the crown commons were exempted and the royal boroughs after important so the place of our castle common land was exempt if you couldn't sue the royal boroughs. And today when you explore land ownership and this is just a random example in the Perthshire where I've identified an estate farm in green here and another property in red and those of you who got good eyesight will see that in the middle of this is a very small triangle. Now this is rare one would normally expect either one of these land owners going around to the new land register to sort of graph this quite and to say but in fact it didn't. This is on what's called now the cataract trail a popular walking trail built around the droving roads so this is a droving road that has diamond shapes so this is a droving stance so this is a stance where a cattle would be created overnight during the drive of the cattle so these are the kind of water reserved stations of the day probably all by the crown but today these little pieces of land are kind of ignore forgotten about and little known about and it's only when we began to look around like this we began to find them and their interesting method of preservation and protection. The fifth land grab was the commons in the boros and we couldn't issue a law to do this but we did this through rampant municipal corruption and nepotism. From 1493 until 1853 by the reform act town councils were not elected actually 1493 before that there was an election there was actually democracy we lived on it a franchise which is the bargesis and nevertheless the town council was elected and the nobody decided this wasn't a good idea because their interests were being affected by this so we put the county pass a law say the office of the borough act say we will abolish this system whereby we have these elections and here's how we do things in the future and how we do things in the future is the old town council shall choose the new town council and together they will appoint the new offices so the south selection on council will be selected for next year and this led to rampant municipal corruption and nepotism which we have registered we have reported in 1832 called the municipal corporations of Scotland where a commission was set up at Parliament around Scotland investigating the affairs of the boroughs and reporting on that rampant nepotism and corruption the treasurer wasn't there but it was the treasurer and the treasurer was off the glass and he will come out next week he will come out next week the treasurer is not there but he will get some books and some accounts and find it easier to be concocted a day before a visit etc Scotland's boroughs were in the hands of a plea who managed to decently declyderitise a lot of the common lands in Scotland for boroughs but the other reason they had disappeared completely was that we had an act of 1491 still a statute book an act to increase our ordain is that all the common good lands ...fawr i'r gwerthau sydd wedi nefyd... ..fwrth gwrs, mae'r ffordd â'r Llywodraeth Cymru poloedd yn ddeilogion yn gyfnod, ond, sydd y Gweithredd yn Hyll Mixf. Mae'r Gweithredd Eisteddfol i'r Gweithredd Eisteddfol yn ymgyrch i heb ffwrdd yw ffwrdd, mae'r ffwrdd yn gwneud an器. Mae hynny'n mynd i'r ddweud ein rhai cyfnodfynol... ..a methu llwyster sefydlu hynny, ych yn ymgyrch, yng Nghyru Tychol, ac mae'n cael eu sgol wedi gael eich gwneud y gallu Llywodraeth. Mae hwn i'n ffordd yn gwneud am f 자꾸 bach iddyn nhw, dyna'n gwneud ar hyn. Mae'r cyhoedd honno wedi Llywodraeth Eitem Medi Gweithir, i eich gweithio Chyfnod yn hirio o'r cyflwyno yn 75. Prygwch chi'n ddim 8 ffordd y symud Fyrdd Pryfyrdd. Mae'r perth llifonau neu galwwiaid i ni wedi hawdd maes yn y rhai Openbwydd i'n siwr yn gyfrifiad ar eich hospitalsau. Rwy'n ddim yn gweithio ar eich school, ..y 25 oesl a 17 oesl eich cyffredinig.. ..y ffarae, bydd eich gwahanol ar gyfer. Mae'r cyfrwgr ddweud, sy'n dannaf y cyfrwgr, wedi bod ei wedi'u fod yn fawr. ..lewyddiwch yn gyd yn gyrfa, a gyd yn ymddangos'r cyfrwgr o gyrdomn. Yma'w fath erbyn o'n llonodd hyn sy'n morheu'n bydd eich cyfrwg. Mae'r fath o defnyddur i'r cyfrwgr o'r cyfrwgr allanau a pham wlad. a allwch bod y慢ad 아니야 ni'n ddweud ei fod yn effeithio yng nghymru achos yr hanes. A rhefnodd, dydy, yn perthyniaid y Llywodraeth, roedd ein gwybod yn ei cyhoedraeth hynny, a roedd eich ddweud, i fyd, i gyd, i gyd. Yr fwy o'r א�ffat o'r llei, yn gweithio ar y cwrddol, roedd rydyn ni'n yampieden nhw gyda gyffrin a'r iawn, yng Nghymru gwmpio'r iawn a'r pethu'r iawn. To celebrate cases like the rabbit wars in Stanfordshire, that's when the tower went bankrupt in the late 18th century and decided to lease it's valuable pulmure links to Arabidfarm a comser at Denfstad. The pulmure links even then were of the use for golf what they are now at the famous Stanford links. The problem with leasing that golf course for rabbit fire is that the 18 holes, Felly, mae'n gweithio'r Comisi ac mae'n sydd yn credu y phro-twyr ddim yn fel cael mae yw'r sach Iedwch Alun Tys. Felly, mae'n derbyn eich llwyff공 o yn y llwyffydd cymorthol o'r casfain o'r Ffynus. Yn gynghorwch, mae'n effaith transrwyth, mae'n gweithio'r Ffynus o'r ffynus. A'u ddweud o'r ffordd i'w teimlo Babyll ar yr ymddangod p'r bwysig a'nillawod ein llyfan newydd. Wrth fynd, bod yn cwunio'r Brifysg o ble i fod yn oed i'r cyfarwydd yng Ngwliadol, bydd yr ymddir yn eich pwrdd yn Llyfrgell, rydw i'n cymhwyllfa Brydd i'r Cymru. Felly rydw i'n cymaint y pub o'r Fyngfridd honno a'r Fyngfridd yn y gyfnod, Ieithaf, the Golden Carp that was carved up by the Berlin Conference in 1662. We though Captain Cooke in the British Queen of Australia has been fired back, and this is an interesting case called the Marble case. So this is Eddie Marble on the Left, who lives in the Torres Strait, he is now dead and he lived in the Torres Strait off the North Coast of Queensland. When the Queensland Government wanted to build hospitals around the US to help it works, Ieidwch i'r rhan, yn fwy o'r ddoddau tîm, a'r rhan yn ddoddau'r ddoddau a'r ddoddau'r ddoddau'r ddoddau i'r gwaith. Yn rhan, yn y ddweud i'n gwybod, a'u cyddiadau i'n gwybod ar y pryd yn cofio, a'u gwybod. Rhan yn ddoddau'r ddoddau, yn ddoddau'r ddoddau, a'u ddoddau'r ddoddau'n gwybod fel ymcofio, a'u ddoddau'r ddoddau'r ddoddau. I'w methu i'r cwrdd gwahanol iawn. Dwi'n brifiecent i chi'n meddwlais iawn. Dwi'n synllunio i'r yrhyw hon oed na ddod osw. Fe nhw'n gwahanol iawn iddynt. Fe eisiau wedi ddim yn cynhyrch i'n gwahanol iawn oedd yn ystod, nad oeddwn yn ei gweld â hyn. Mae'r cyfnod lle oedd y gall. Mae'r cyfnod fagaf o'i ağch oes, aíu ar y cyfnod. Rwy'n mor—rwy'n greud y troedd o'r Cymru, ac am gwahaniaid o'r robyn sy'n mynd i ddefnyddio'r Rhym. Rwy'n dîm nesaf eich cael cyllid yn Llyfrgell Ynys, mae'n ffwrdd o'r partiddiad a'r arser a'r yw ychydig yn yr unrhyw yng Nghaerdydd. Yn yr unrhyw sy'n gydig i'r ni'n gweithio'r rollcol, yna'r ystod i'r rôl. Mae'n gynhwnaetgof, a'r anthefyddydd. Mae'n rhaid i'r grwch o gyd ond i'n lluawt flwyddyn hefyd, a'r arddangos i'r anthefyddydd y dyma, eu gwneud ni'n gweld moedol i'r iawn. Roeddwn i fynd i chi'n gweithio'r meddwl i chi i ddweud yr wylch? Mae hollu'r meddwl i'r meddwl i'r meddwl i'r meddwl i'r meddwl i'r marwyr. Acddwn i ddweud chi'n meddwl i'r meddwl i'r meddwl i'n meddwl i'r meddwl i'r meddl? a'r cyfnod o'r cyflwysgau ar y llawnau cyflwysgol yma i'r newid i'r sefydig honno ar y cyflwysgol yma i'r gael. Yn ymwysgol yw'r cyflwysgol yma i'r cyflwysgol, o'r cyflwysgol, am y cwrddion cyflwyngol, e'n tympai dda i'r cyflwysgol yn y mawr i'r plwr o'r anthon, mae e'n gwybod o'r ymdod, mae e'n gwybod o'r arddion yn y chyflwysgol o'r cyflwysgol, oherwydd mae e'n gwybod o'r cyflwysgol. Mae'r gwaith ar gyfer'n gysylltion bydd gynnot o'r bwrdd hyn o'r anodd. Mae'n gysylltion bydd gynnwg. Ac mae'n gwneud cyflwyno o'r gysylltion bydd gwydoch chi. Mae'n gwiswch a gennym bydd y prosiwch. Mae'n gwasanaeth yn hyn o bwng, sut mae'n ganddoch chi'n gael ymlaen? Dawn ni'n adeiladau i gyd yn gallu Hwyddo. Mae'r adeiladau i gyd yn gynllun. Mae'r gwaith ond mae'n gwneud i gyd yn ffiliwyr. Yn oedd ymlaen nhw ydydd, But the big powerful landowners, remember, the whole of the law of Scotland on property has been developed and passed by landowners because they were the people that registered and men. So male landowners have basically developed the fundamentals of a property rights system because they sat in the house of commons and the law. So most of the laws of Scotland have been developed to protect the interests of the people who own the land themselves. So the men of the house was a big powerful landowners that were not having property tenure across the whole of Scotland. And they tried to devise all sorts of fixes as to how they could restrict it towards the troublesome northern counties in the Highlands. And they couldn't devise a formula that excluded the rest of Scotland. So just a while, it only applied those counties of the Labour Commission to set up other government requirements. The situation of crofters actually took evidence. It was now called Seven Crofty Counties. And it excluded Abaducia, the Abaducia and the Abaducia. It instrumented the first steps of the equation to place a net volume. A net volume is actually a net crofty act. Anyway, the point is, people with small owners in Abaducia never had the protection of crofty acts. So they could be affected relatively straightforwardly, and they were. And so people like Jean Gain, had she lived in Burnesha, or Rostar, had this been part of Burnesha, she'd be a crofter. And all her neighbours would be crofters. And today there are also people living there with crofty rights, but they weren't. So not only did the land be appropriated into the hands of the states, but the people themselves disappeared. Not just did the people themselves disappear, but the culture disappeared with it. It was notably a whole language, which was a living language for a long time, is dead. Directly as a consequence of our land tenure laws. And then our forums, Pro and Market, bought the rest of London. The other main reason why a land march today is because of something we all need and requires is housing. And we see now, 15 years ago, the ratio of your income to house prices for someone who's in a two to three times. So you could buy a house for about two or three times your annual income. So they have a due country of 27,000, so you could buy a house for 80,000 pounds. Nowadays the ratio is more like 8,9,10. And the risk of that is not that housing is the kind of expanse, if you can't do anything housing is to become cheaper. And this graph shows earnings and building costs at the bottom. They're the same, but just if the provision of housing is stable. And so the actual costs of building a house in New York is terrible. It's not much more than what we worked like two years ago. But what has changed is the line at the top, which is land prices. Land prices have rocketed. And that's one reason why housing is so unaffordable in Britain today, is because of land prices. And it's also because of the model of new housing provision, which is uniquely in Europe, dominated by speculative volume housing developers. As we have no other country in Europe does that. They typically have 50, 60, 70% rates of self procurement. So people buy their own pots of land and commission their own building to build stuff. Whereas in Britain we've got these volume speculators, volume house builders who principally compete with each other to get land. So the company where there's pirates or any other ones who gets the land gets to build. And those who get the land and those willing to pay the most for the land are bidding what goes on for the land. And so developer two here gets the land. But you're selling houses into a market, which is probably speaking to people going forward between a certain parameter. You know, housing is going to cost so much in Glasgow and that's the price your final product is going to get. So if you spend a lot more on the land, you have to much, much less to spend on actually building houses. So typically what takes a squeeze is not the profit, but I think like forability and infrastructure provision and certainly build quality. And that's why a lot of modern houses are frankly rubbish. Absolutely rubbish. And the design rise of less than 60% so people buying new houses or new housing estates today will be able to pay their mortgage up before the design rise. That's no way to build. And the main reason for that is because of land prices. Land prices are much, much lower. If you can buy a potlack at the other house for £10,000, you can spend all the rest of money on building a high quality, energy efficient, quality, virtual, more master house. If you look at the index of prices between Germany and the UK, for example, blue is residential prices indexed in Germany. So basically today the price of housing in Germany indexed back to 1970s basically the same price there was in 2017. Price of housing in Britain, however, you can see the redline has massively increased. And one of the reasons that Germany is a richer country than Britain is because people are pouring all the money into buying houses and paying more of these to finance companies. They don't actually do anything for the economy but just to purchase banks and share all those finance institutions. Whereas in Germany they don't pay a lot of sums of money for housing costs so for airmen to spend and invest a lot of the economy which generates jobs and economic activity, which pays high wages, which generates high taxes. So it's much more virtuous circle and property and land prices are apart in all that. What it means in Germany to have a wonderful urban design and typically the municipality in Germany will buy land that exists in these countries with its far amount of £1,000 a acre, the buy of £1,000 a acre and build high quality homes on it. Even on the bottom left here, this is social housing, these people are earning more in the feed-in towers on the shoulder panels than the paying rent. This is social housing but they're paying all the rent out of the income it generates in Germany in the electricity. So this is genuine housing which has to be affordable, high quality, energy efficient for the people that's housing GDP, but it brings it up to a model of housing which is about speculation, about wealth accumulation and the value of quality which you all know about today. We have allotments that are limited to, I don't know right, 10 metres by 10 metres and there's one of Victorian laws that says you can't spend the night in your allotment, it will be hard to end it because there's actually no room. But the sugar guard, this is a genuine allotment, this is wonderful all through the summer because of what we hear, the empties, the granaries, the dampers are all coming here for weeks, etc. And this is a lot of green oasis for all the working classes in Germany that is starting in the 19th century. I'll skip over this. The other lesson we can learn from Europe, of course, is a much more pluralistic pattern of land ownership in continental Europe. So this is two graphs looking at the percentage of land holdings, forestry land holdings in different classes. So at the top there you can see that over 40%, 45% of forest holdings, of the acreage of forest holdings has gotten owned in holdings of over 100 hectares. So big. The distribution in 19 European countries is completely opposite. So 60% of forest holdings are held in holdings of less than a hectare. And the principal reason for that is because in continental Europe following the revolution, and we're pulling on a code, children cut the legal rights in her land. And that meant over 200 years land parcels were cut smaller. Whereas in Scotland today, children have no legal rights in her land. So if I were to own the property and I have children, I could disenherit them and give all my property to the end of the camp local. There's nothing my children can do about that. That's a bizarre law. It's been perpetuated and written by the landed class. The last thing they were able to do, even though all their children had equal rights in her land, I remember we were only able to do it in the genital, where the eldest son shall have her in 1967. So the succession laws are a keen reason for how much more pluralist pattern of land in continental Europe. It also means that if you've got lots and lots of owners, like forest owners, no one of them is going to be able to make a great living out of their forestry products. So what do they call for? So 51,000 forest owners in Sweden set up such a massive cooperative and it's the third largest producer of loophole in the world. Britain Farmers, for example, they wanted it difficult to get our Brussels sprouts on our broccoli to ours. No, ours, we can still handle that. I think a lot more about selling in England. So they called on my name in Boston Boats and exported the produce to England and asked, Britain Fairways is still 57% owned by small French farmers. So the idea of small holdings or un-economic is absolutely nonsense because once you get together and what's called vertically integrate, so you're not just selling raw produce, you own the factory that's processing the produce, you own the bank, typically things like pretty average call in France, you own the bank that provides the finance, you own the market and the distribution, you own the processing into forest products of the company, so you get an income from all up and down the value stream. Or Finland, Mexico, up to 125,000 people own this company so the biggest companies in the world in forestry are owned by tiny level landowners. And that's what European land ownership has hired. I did just a few things on tax and stuff, I mean, there's something you remember, there's a fire in Glasgow, in a co-op building south end of the Kingston Bridge, just at the... Morrison Street. I got intrigued by this and the first question I was asked was, who owns this? And it turned out that it's owned by a company called the Sturban Property Development Company that used to build that. I think it was printed in 1915 sometime back then. It bought it 10 years earlier. It did nothing with it. The building was just following into this repair. Because it was an empty industrial building it was exempt from our domestic rates. So they bought it, did nothing with it. When a fire breaks out of it and what do they do? Well of course they rely on the fire brigade which is funded by our taxes to come through the fire app. They rely on the police force to maintain the programme in the streets around it. They rely on the court system which we all pay off from our taxes to adjudicate any disputes. And they pay no money whatsoever to the city of Glasgow to run those kind of services. And that's fundamentally why all property owners should pay tax. Because ultimately the value that is viewed in property and land is only actually notional and it depends on the state giving you that protection. It depends on the state giving you a legal system that defines your rights. A court system that's there to adjudicate if you've got buildings, emergency services to protect fires. Ultimately in this comes in countries of conflict a defence force to protect the property rights of your country that are defended. But there's the question of the service that in Bosnia was burned the land registered. So what you're doing in a better country you're destroying people's property rights. Once you destroy people's property rights in the law it becomes very difficult for the population of that country to be claim on. And again the state provides that ultimate guarantee that the thing that you think is yours actually is yours. Not in actuality you don't have your own legal system you don't have your own fire brigade you don't have your own legal system and that's why all property owners should pay tax to the local administration the infrastructure the support. I was about to do some study in land taxes and I was looking at Denmark and it was kind of interesting because the man on the top rise was kind of a pulse of his merit in the second barge of black women in Scotland he was doing this in the 18th century in Scotland. Denmark has got property taxes and land taxes and they were running a campaign at the time to persuade Danes who owned property overseas to pay quality cottages or whatever to pay tax on them because you're live for them too but if you live in Copenhagen you'll pay property tax on your land and Denmark and your summer house and the other on the coast but also live for all property overseas you have to pay it to the local community so I contacted SCAP to the Danish tax authorities and say there are something like 30,000 Danes who own property in Britain in the UK how much tax are you driving from property in the UK and they can be figure of something that's nonsense I said I know the identity of the owners of 290,000 acres of land in Scotland of Danish citizens and maybe we could come to some kind of deal here I'll get maybe a car but it's bizarre that Andrew Paulson is paying tax on his land properties in Scotland which where he has got he would not be paying and ironically he's not paying it to Hyrow council or Aberdeenshire council he's paying it to Esbure community so this all matters how we tax land on SCAP and finally just some lessons from Europe because what this tells us as well is fundamentally this is about democracy if you go to the town of Luthorstap-Bettemberg which is where Luthor appendices to the church door the Reformation was launched by Luthor he was just a theologian and a reformer in that sector he was also a political revolutionary but what he did is well said look don't obey the law don't say look don't obey what the church of Rome tells you to do we're going to have a reformed church where people have got the right to speak directly to God we're also going to stop paying our tax and taxes to the church of Rome why shouldn't they claim the money from this little village in Gutenberg so he persuaded the town council to set up a common good chest and this has said literally this is Gutenberg's common good chest which is in Luthorstap museum where people pay the tithes the tithes of money from property owners in Gutenberg so this is the birth of European local democracy and universal capitalism and this money is rent this tax instead of going to Rome or going to the church representatives in Saxony it's rent to the town and the town used it to give birth to these to help people from the town to go and study university and also to set up a fund to support widows and orphans so this is the birth of social security as well and all came out of the reformation and it's the reason why today the local matters in continental Europe France has 36,000 communes and the Spanish minute appears as well 40,000 50,000 local authorities all of which are taxing local population 40,000 has been taking for hundreds of years when you look at European municipal government you find that France has got a ridiculous amount of municipal authorities where the median population is 380 years where 24 French communes the new deal is full and about another 40 or 50 communes where the population is less than 50 where some communes will be 5 people but if I say I'm from the French Revolution I'm not going to get rid of them but you can see here that to the lowest level of government we're talking about here we're talking about 32 so a country like Norway for example the same population has got 5 million but 431 local authorities about 4,000 people living in it so they actually have local government in continental Europe we do not have local government anymore since we have all those parishes since we have all those town councils and some other districts we do not have anything of them apart from the cities Aberdeen, Glasgow I've got the same kind of local government but they are basically the same with the exception of that we do not have local government Scotland still had its town councils 290 of them still had its parish councils which were built in 1930 we have 71 municipalities with a median population about 5,000 we are not normal we are very bad normal I need to look at typical Norwegian commune for example this is Hemsdal commune 2,200 income tax in Norway is 28% 12.8% goes to the commune 2.6% goes to the county 12.44% goes to national government also and I've got this for 2,200 when you go shopping for kids from school you go off to football on a Saturday morning you go to the library you will meet an on-penter the people that are spending half the income tax you could and what that does is it builds a accountability because it's between me why are you doing that with my money that's all done in a very informal way socially and it builds a much bigger set of powerful resilience in the local population because they are responsible for many more things that are on and the people that are elected to public office are accountable to people they are meeting on the day historically what we've done is we've actually sent it to London we have modern communications and emails that historically it's been impossible to hold to track out some of the same 500 miles away in London which is why most taxes should go to the local as the first place you should go then you'll remit up what the region needs then you'll remit up what the national needs as an annual system we've got the opposite so I'm going to go on today to come as a wide range of topics land is central to issues around transparency of short tax havens short term lets, Airbnb which I've been campaigning on property taxes the rights you've got private rented tenants agriculture holdings who owns or doesn't own or owns the rights to wild animals planning law which is a system of nationalisation of development rights inheritance succession we've just talked about things like trust ports social enterprises the law of compulsory purchase that started when we wanted to build railways in Britain and the idea that we wanted to build a railway in Britain that you had to go out and negotiate with every single landlord that London and North East buildings would have to go out and negotiate with every single landlord from London to Edinburgh to build a great North East delivery it was a ludicrous motion so what did we do? we introduced effect of compulsory purchase we passed an act of parliament and said sorry we introduced a lot of land on land in Brisbane really and we also got to stay with us to the office it was important to be able to technically go things like railways I think it's like a trade estate a trade management a trade management so land and its governance penetrates actually all aspects of public policy but it's what I call the archaeology of power it's deep down there it's hidden by other layers it's hard to get to interrogate the actual power of the sense of the home land in order to be able to ask sensible questions about should we change the very fundamental sort of power as opposed to sort of tin crown at the surface and ultimately this is a question of place and power outgrowth in a village a town called Canos this is a town hall it's now riddled with dry rocks it's been demolished in the houses there there is no town council in Canos when I lived there there was not only a town council there was a town council we were here then with local politicians there was a accountability my father wanted to put some sets on the street so we wouldn't get knocked out we were in the street where our front door which we opened straight onto the street he wanted to put some sets there to sort of pretend that that was on the part of the street he's got the office talks about what it's doing over there these things got banned he's got an epitome about corruption a male and I went to the police force festival here Harry Pally Bain then the young man he was very sort of stuck out on street back and then I went in for over and there's a pub that's at the mansion but now the horror of these communities has gone with other political system like these with no accountability they're not taxing local population they're not collecting taxes they're very, very remotely in a place called Perth but if you're not normal that European it's bizarre that you've drawn King Ross from Perth that's right you know Italian at first question why we want to turn it off from even talking about it so fundamentally this is about people it's about power and it's about place I hope you know about it thank you very much