 of a major foundation, or foundation, which would provide assistance for the cohesion of the West, getting our normal, democratic allies to talk more effectively together at a different generational level than we do with the leadership role. And we are pursuing that today as a result of that conference last October. There are ego-driven women who know it's to have been with us today, but he is stricken with non-Negliosus, and we all, at his age, that's what he suggests he always gets to his work lately. And we regret that learning of ego-driven could not be with us, Mr. President, but he sends his best wishes, and we've asked Secretary Brock, who's been very much involved in these discussions and architected many of his ideas, if he would then introduce this topic to you at this point in the meeting, Mr. Secretary. Well, we really just want to begin, Mr. President, but the, you know, the people, here we've got American business, American labor, American foundations, American government people. We've got individuals from Japan, France, Great Britain, Australia, and it is a fascinating subject, I think we're trying to develop the possibility of putting together in several different countries a foundation that would work to reunify the West, to establish those basic values of freedom, the United States. We've been talking about the fact that a lot of people in this country don't remember Vietnam, much less Korea and World War II, and they don't know why we put together some of the institutions that we have to hold the free world together. And there are, you know, there are members of Congress who are good and well-intentioned and honorable people, but they may not have the sense the heritage behind our relationships with other countries and the need to strengthen that relationship and hold free peoples together in common purpose. We have an awful lot of people in this world who, you know, really don't even want to look outside our own borders, but that's how we got into wars before. And I don't think any of us wants to repeat that. The strength of the Western Alliance is the most important single strength we have in preserving peace. So what we're talking about is the possibility of, they've already begun to put together a foundation in Great Britain which they, who else and others who are prior or are putting together, we are discussing the possibility of doing it here, perhaps in other countries as well, with a view to seeing if we can't have a permanent, large institution that would have as its central and sole purpose maintaining the cohesion of Western philosophy, Western ideals and values in Western free nations. And I thought it was a pretty exciting thing. We really wanted to just expose you to the idea and get your initial reaction. And you remember one of the great speeches I think I've ever heard was your speech to the British Parliament about four years ago, was it now on June 8th? And we've talked in that speech about maintaining support for democratic institutions around the world. And out of that speech, we formed the National Amendment for Democracy which is now on going, Wayne Kerprin's on the board, John Richardson is impressed about it. But you've been such an advocate of this sort of thing and we wanted you to have a sense of what we were talking about and where we're going and maybe get some reaction from you if you would share some thoughts with us. But I'd be very pleased to have Bill as an ornament and distinguished friends here. I can't tell you how significant I consider your work to be. When I made that speech at the Parliament, what my head and mind was that the whole world, the free world is beset constantly with subversion being the principle weapon with an ideology of the world that is contrary to everything that democracy stands for. And how come we're not just as busy, and big missionaries for the right side? I'm sure you know that for many years, I've been concerned with the manifold dangers to our precious freedoms. The Atlantic Alliance and the broader community with our friends in the Pacific formed the indispensable heart and core of any serious equity protector and extended democracy in the free way of life. If our precious community of common values and shared interests, we rose blind to the prospect for freedom in a world where we bleak indeed. If our people's young and old are not comprehend well, the fundamental importance of our democratic values and institutions and do not strive constantly to preserve and enlarge our freedoms and those of black-minded peoples that our Western community will indeed falter. What you're doing, seeking to project the free Western vision into the 21st century, is an absolutely vital task. Governments have an important role to play in promoting this great vision. As you know, this administration has sought, might at least, to buttress the forces of democracy around the world and foster the ties of community among the Western peoples. They greatly expanded inter-MIs youth exchange programs and product of close cooperation among governments. And with the private sector constitute an excellent example of what is needed and what can be done. I'll continue to ask our allied partners to join in every greater governmental efforts of this kind. But I must tell you frankly that at this moment, the continuing capacity of the United States government to play its full role in its constructive work and to meet in every area of the management of our relations with other countries is in jeopardy. In a zeal to curb expenditures, our Congress has drastically and mistakenly cut this country's foreign affairs budget. These cuts must be restored and soon, or our world rule could be gravely impaired. I'm sure that our foreign friends around this table are as concerned as we are with the implications of this crisis. You must realize that these new budgetary constraints would seriously affect our ability to work with governments and peoples to build a strong community of the free, which we also earnestly desire. My own fellow citizens, here I can only urge that you study and ponder this great problem and make your views urgently open. At a time when financial constraints are, in any case, great, it becomes all the more necessary, indeed, vitally so, that nongovernmental forces in our Western world play the fullest possible role again. Bill, you've emphasized that the foundation you're proposing is a private initiative. Well, this aspect of your work also is a deep personal importance to me. Early in this administration, we took steps to reappraise the role of volunteerism, charity, and private initiative for public purposes throughout the United States. In the field of international affairs, we saw special opportunities for private commitment. Governments and private forces in the countries represented here joined with us, for example, in greatly increasing the exchanges of our youth, so that they would understand from personal experience how precious are the ties which bind us together. I've often thought all the young people in the world could get to know each other. I don't think anyone would ever be able to produce a war again. So I believe strongly that when you own the University of South Carolina are sponsoring is not only for a strategic and noble end, but that you've chosen the right means. Your action is in the spirit of Western tradition, namely the right and indeed the duty of private citizens to act on their own initiative to serve important purposes of the community. The community you seek to serve comprises nearly one billion free citizens who carry with them the hopes of mankind. Gentlemen, I salute you and I. Wish you Godspeed in this historic enterprise, and I assure you of my warm understanding and support for your efforts. I mentioned in my remarks here our own stepping up of the encouragement of a private initiative in these days. And last year we saw the results of that. We set an all-time record for private financial contributions to worthy causes and charities and so forth. $79.8 billion, which is more than the national budget, so over two-thirds of the country's in the world. And it's just going back to an early pioneer heritage, where the people don't wait anymore or don't automatically turn and look for a government to do it, they see it properly, and the next thing you know, a committee has been formed. They go after it. So, well, again, as I say, heart and soul are interested in this. I appreciate what you said, Mr. President. I'm going to introduce you for a contribution. I've got a whole five minutes. I can stay here. Well, maybe we could get one of our friends from my demon to talk about what they're doing, man. James, sir. Good morning, David. Good morning, David. He had his shot. Why don't you give us a little perspective? Yes. Well, Mr. President, I listen very carefully to what you have to say, and I agree so much with what you say. And I think it is up to the private sector and the private individuals to play that whole part. What has happened, I think, in recent years is that the generation of which most of us are on this table for a part have had good connections and have understood the problems. But we now talk to ourselves, and I doubt very much whether we actually disseminate what we think down to a lower generation or a new generation that's coming up, either lucky enough, 25, 30 years ago, to have a Smith-Mont foreign leader come to this country. And that made an enormous impression upon me, and there's a never-be-ever sense to keep contacts with friends here that otherwise I never would have made. Now, I doubt whether, and that's an example of an Englishman who would have always had close contacts with American friends, but I doubt whether the same thing is happening now in the way that it should, with a new generation of politicians, a new generation of businessmen and public leaders throughout the Western world. And again, I think we have now a number of institutions where we talk from country to country. For example, in Britain had a very good relationship through the mechanics went to conference with Germany. Now, that was instrumental, I think, in helping us to become a member of the European community. But since that time, it's really rather lost some of its impact. And I think that sort of institution needs to be renewed and helped by a greater institution, a foundation, which could, as it were, draw these things together rather more, and disseminate that information to a much larger and wider group of people than was possibly perhaps 30 or 30 years ago. And so I think from Great Britain's point of view, we want to play our part. We are ready to play our part. I think St. David came to see me nearly two years ago on this particular subject. And I think that we should certainly wish to support fully what we're doing. We have a slight problem in that our laws regarding the giving of my charity in order to get tax relief on the gift restrict us very much to an educational background. We can't do it for anywhere to be over political purposes. And so we have to be a little bit careful in a way that we would join in your endeavor here. But I don't think that would be something we can't overcome, but it's something we have to watch all the time. We've got the same restrictions. We've got the same restrictions here. Some, but it isn't fundamentally what we're talking about education. When we're really talking about educating our teachers to teach Western values and Western community, we're talking about educating our politicians to get to know each other and to communicate that as long as we express it in that way, we can all fall apart. We've been having some problems education-wise. And some of you have a poll watching this about remembering the war. I was shocked the other day when some people interested in this, and we've been moving. It's not just standing in static in education. We've found that some of our college students, and given the names Hitler and Churchill, couldn't identify who they were or what, where they figured in history. And forgive me some of you here, but they also found that they could not point on a map to England, France, or Germany. They couldn't locate them on another map. So it was a little neglected. Geography, they could do a lot of other things, but we're moving to on that. And the other hand, I encourage you, one of these, a couple of years ago when the economic channel was in Germany, and I was taken up to a castle where there was a great youth meeting going on, and there were 10,000 young Germans. And I spoke to them with an interpreter, interpreting everything that I said, and when that finished, I couldn't have said another word because suddenly 10,000 young Germans in my language sang our national anthem. And then there was a delegation of them waiting to talk to me actively. And what they wanted to know was, why couldn't there be more student exchanges? Why couldn't more of our children go there and there are young people come here? And so I came home fired up to find out why. You know, there are a lot of people that believe that the break of Egypt when they, Sadat got together, if you remember with the Israelis, that that had its genesis when Sadat came to the United States on the exchange program in the 1950s and it covered his whole belief about this country from that day forward. You used to talk about that. I really do believe that it works. One of the principle things of this whole project was the student exchange program and the movement of the Soviets to do such a much better job getting students into the Soviet Union than we do by a hundred-fold. We need to do a much better job of that than we have to do. And you know, even there, their youth, Suzanne Massey, who was in and out of Russia and connected with the Harvard School of Russian Studies and so forth, was here the other day. And she was telling me about what she was seeing and her experiences over there. She speaks fluent Russian and has done a number of books on Russian history and so forth. She said the young people in Russia don't have any place to hang out like our young people do. There are no things of that kind. She found out what their substitute is. It's the bank of the river. She said they gathered out to the thousands and just sit there and watch the bridges go up to the whole thing and so forth. But she said this last trip, she was amazed. They were all wearing blue jeans and tennis shoes and so forth. And she even saw some of them doing what's called break dancing here. They were probably in New York and all of this. She was amazed at this, but she was more amazed when an old gang of them started singing in English. The song that was the revolutionary song here in this country a few years ago, we shall overcome. Where they found or learned it. And she said there's something stirring there and those young people that need to take a band with it. I think so. I'd be tired of them all, so that'd be great. Mr. President, we know you have to leave, but if you will recall, because of your interest in the youth exchange, we started the President's International Youth Exchange, which you took up at the very size summit with the other economic summit countries. We tried out the idea by having each head of state designate some people who came to Paris in May just before the June summit. It looked like it would work. You took it up to the summit. It did work. We put the thing together. We've had over 15,000 American exchange students participate in thousands of others. We strive with seven companies for up to 20 some now. We raised over $4 million probably. We had a committee of over a hundred large national corporations. It might be that those summit leaders recognized the shared values and their relevance to these stirring times are embodied in the same thing we're talking about. Perhaps at your next economic summit, we can pull these things together and have these heads of state endorse the private sector to go forward with these values that are enshrined in why we're all free countries and in selling this thing, promoting the kinds of funds we need and the type of motivation and commitment from others. I think this thing would really fly very well if you feel that that would be something that you could earnestly advocate. Well, yes, I can. And you might go up against the number. I am just the next few minutes going to speak to a group that's called the National Fraternal Organization, made up of some 200 various organizations. And it's 100 years old, celebrating its 100th anniversary. And it is dedicated to this whole private thing. And now, for the first time, in France, shortly, there is going to be an international meeting on the whole subject of privatization and this type of thing. November 24th. I know I have to go, but just to tell you, since we mentioned, we know that philosophy is opposed to what we're talking about here. And he said, well, suppose it was a politician? She said, that explains it. Science would have tried it on mice first. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you all. I'm sorry. Thank you. It encompasses the fundamental concept of caring, upon which all of our societies are based. Fraternalism are supported of your grass root private sector initiative. Last year, a lot of our communities have been affected by this. We've had a lot of people who have been affected. We've had a lot of people who have been affected. Last year, at least a million hours, a volunteer service to their communities. And you can see why we are justly proud of this. The situation does remind me of a story. I find that increasingly things remind me of stories. This was one about the fellow that was the only survivor of the gender that he said, oh, that'll be fine with me. And he told us here what he'd been doing all these years speaking about that great... That fellow's second on the left in the first row is named Noah. And each year, as you have been told, you are members of your vote. It's now 36 million hours of volunteer work. Early in the last century, the French observer Alexis de Côteville wrote these words about volunteer efforts in America and our country. On behalf of the grateful nation, I commend you. And if I may say so, I think you owe yourselves a round of applause. But now, since as I said a moment ago, you're experts on tourism in our society. As a result, an international conference on private sector initiatives will be taking place in Paris-France this month. This ought to... In fact, I don't, and I don't think you, intend to rest until Nicaragua at last experiences true freedom and democracy. Here at home, a profound change is the success in foreign policy and newly patriotic and self-confident nation. Why should this be? Well, the quote you necessary, in order to defend our Republic and demonstrate to friends and adversaries alike the seriousness of our arms. Yet beyond all the programs, there's something more basic and round by junkies. They're the people who pay higher insurance rates because of such robberies. And they're the people who pay higher prices for goods of all kinds because drugs in the workplace have illegal drug use. As I've said before, no drug network will remain alive. But the point I want to stress before you today is that while government can accomplish certain that you've been doing since 1971, I know that the organizations represented here, as I say, are already in command you for that. And I'm grateful to know that we can continue to count on your support in the months to come. So please, continue helping all Americans say no to drugs. Mr. President, we have a plaque for you here, and I'd like to read it for presenting it to you. The national paternal... President, this is Corporal David Nies. Yes, sir. Yes, sir. We're going back to the Greenberg Station. Well, thank you for everything here. Good luck to you. Shall we... Thank you. Sometimes you may put on civilian clothes for the next time or something. Yes, sir. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, sir. Mr. President, for your good friends, Lynn, Don, Sonny, Mr. President. Nice to see you. Why don't we turn around here and get a picture? Why don't you get one here? Thank you. Thank you. She told you how we'd do, sir? Oh, she's told us what all the time she says. How great it is. How wonderful you've been. Good morning. Hello, Mr. President. Mr. President. This is Ed, Julie Fawley. This is Kate. Kate? This is Abigail. This is Jed. This is my wife, Julie. This is President. Oh, that would be terrific. You're all in front, in the middle of it. Here we go. That way, there we go. That looks terrific. Look up. How does this little clip shine? No, it doesn't. Are you fine? I'm nice. Well, now, I know that this is a belated goodbye because I know you're all already in place of me. I'm at work. There's a little charm. What are you saying, girl? Thank you. Thank you so much. And a tie bar for you. How about that? Thank you very much. It's just a little souvenir of the Oval Office. I appreciate it. I feel guilty taking your valuable time, but it gives me an opportunity to say thank you for the opportunities and the experience I've had, and doing it because these people have made sacrifices. The missed dinners and the weekends and the late hours, and I wanted to let them have a chance to say hello and tell you what a fantastic opportunity it's been, how proud you are to be able to help you do what you do. Well, thank you very much, and thank you for all that you've done and what you're continuing to do over. Now, it's just another building. All right, sir. He's worked very hard, for our country, for you both to grow up in. What were you going to say to him? Mrs. Reagan. Tell her that we all don't take care of her. So we say no, right? You say no, just say no. All right, I think that's all that's right. Dad, just say no back. She'll be very happy to hear that baby. Okay. Thank you very much. What happened to the hand? Oh, we never fell in love. Yesterday? I didn't know when I broke my mom. He didn't down me, and they weren't smart. Hmm. Fortunately, she's left-handed, so she can still do her homework. What, Steve and Steve Jr., Jackson? The president you can see is Steve. My family, this is my son, Steve, and my husband, Steve. They can't want Steve. I know who you're supposed to smile on. Thank you. There you go. I appreciate all that you've been doing, and I miss you. Did you think that? You can probably figure out what these are already. This is a little souvenir for you. Oh, thank you very much. No, thank you very much. This, it's really too early for him. But it's for him. But it's a giant, with a seal on it, and inside the jar are jelly beans. Oh, Steve. When you go to the family meat stage, what does it, will your dentist think of that, Steve? Well, we appreciate so much. Enjoy working for you, and we appreciate you doing this, too. As you know, the family is the one that doesn't get to do the fun things or anything, so we appreciate you having us in the days. Yes, we do. We're not a little bunch of play-down men and making some sports celebrities. There. Yes. We're very good. Well, thank you very much. Appreciate it. Appreciate that. Thank you. Can you say bye-bye to the President? Can you say bye-bye? You can only be stupid. Oh, thank you very much. Thank you, sir.