 Chapter 1 of Reminiscences of Forts, Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 Introduction Now that the prejudices and bitter partisan feeling of the past are subsiding, it seems a fitting time to record the facts and incidents connected with the first conflict of the rebellion. Of the eleven officers who took part in the events herein narrated, but four now survive. Before the hastening years shall have partially obliterated any circumstances from my memory, and while there is still an opportunity for conference and friendly criticism, I desire to make from letters and memoranda and documents in my possession a statement which will embody my own recollections of the turbulent days of 1860 and 1861. I am aware that later and more absorbing events have caused the earlier struggles of the war to recede in the distance, but those who were in active life at the time will not soon forget the thrill of emotion and sympathy which followed the movements of Anderson's little band when it became its duty to unfold the flag of the union against a united south in arms. I know how difficult it is to write contemporaneous history or even to give a bare detail of facts without wounding the susceptibilities of others, but whenever I have felt called upon to give my own opinion I have endeavoured to do so in the spirit of Lincoln's immortal sentiment, with malice towards none, with charity for all. The summer of 1860 found me stationed at the headquarters of the first United States artillery in Fort Moultrie, South Carolina. I was captain of Company E and second in command to Brevitt Colonel John L. Gardner, who was Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment. The regimental band and captain Truman Seymour's Company H also formed part of the garrison. The other forts were unoccupied except by the ordnance sergeants in charge. Charleston at this period was far from being a pleasant place for a loyal man. Almost every public assemblage was tinctured with reasonable sentiments and toasts against the flag were always warmly applauded. As early as July there was much talk of secession accompanied with constant drilling and threats of taking the forts as soon as a separation should occur. To the South Carolinans Fort Moultrie was almost a sacred spot, endeared by many precious historical associations for the ancestors of most of the principal families had fought there in the Revolutionary War behind their hastily improvised ramparts of palmetto logs and had gained a glorious victory over the British fleet in its first attempt to enter the harbour and capture the city. The modern fort had been built nearly on the site of the ancient one. Its walls were but twelve feet thick. They were old, weak and so full of cracks that it was quite common to see soldiers climb to the top by means of the support of these crevices afforded to their hands and feet. The constant action of the sea breeze had drifted one immense heap of sand against the shore front of the work and another in the immediate vicinity. These sandhills dominated the parapet and made the fort untenable. Indeed it was originally built by the engineers as a mere sea battery with just sufficient strength to prevent it from being taken by a coup domain. As an overpowering force of militia could always be summoned for its defence, it was supposed that no foreign army would ever attempt to besiege it. The contingency that the people of Charleston themselves might attack a fort intended for their own protection had never been anticipated. Our force was pitifully small, even for a time of peace and for mere police purposes. It consisted of sixty-one enlisted men and seven officers, together with thirteen musicians of the regimental band, whereas the work called for a war garrison of three hundred men. The first indication of actual danger came from Richmond, Virginia, in the shape of urgent enquiries as to the strength of our defences and the number of available troops in the harbour. These questions were put by a resident of that city named Edmund Ruffin, an old man whose later years had been devoted to the formation of the disunion lodges and who became subsequently noted for firing the first gun at Fort Sumter. His love of slavery amounted to fanaticism. When the cause of the rebellion became hopeless, he refused to survive it and committed suicide. In the beginning of July, Robert Barnwell Rhett, another Ultraman in Charleston, made violent speeches to the mob, urging them to drive every United States official out of the state, but as many influential secessionists were enjoying the sweets of Federal patronage under Buchanan, we did not anticipate any immediate disturbance. To influence his heroes still more, Rhett did not hesitate to state that Hamlin was a mulatto and he asked if they intended to submit to a Negro vice president. It is an interesting question to know how far at this period the Secretary of War himself was loyal. Mr Dawson, the able editor of the historical magazine, is of opinion, after a careful investigation of the facts, that Floyd at this time was true to the union and that he remained so until December 24th when it was discovered that he had been advancing large sums of money from the Treasury to contractors to pay for work which had never been commenced. To make the loss good, nearly a million of dollars was taken from the Indian Trust fund. Finding that he would be dismissed from the Cabinet for his complicity in these transactions, and would also be indicted by the grand jury of the District of Columbia, he made a furious secession speech, sent in his resignation, and suddenly left for the South. Mr Dawson founds his opinion in this case upon the statement of Fitz John Porter, who was a major on duty in the War Department at the time, and therefore apparently well qualified to judge. Floyd's actions towards us, however, were not those of a true man, and I am of opinion that his loyalty was merely assumed for the occasion. He sent 17,000 muskets to South Carolina when he knew that Charleston was a hotbed of sedition and that in all probability the arms would be used against the United States. Greeley says in his American conflict that during these turbulent times Floyd disarmed the government by forwarding 115,000 muskets in all to the Southern Confederacy. In addition to this, he sold large quantities of arms to S. B. Le Mans of Savannah and other secessionists in the South on the plea that the muskets thus disposed of did not conform to the latest army model. Just before his resignation, he continued the same policy by directing that 124 heavy guns should be shipped from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania to Ship Island, Mississippi where there was no garrison and to Galveston, Texas. Yet this was the official upon whom we were to rely for advice and protection. This was the wolf who was to guard the fold. A commander Colonel Gardner had done good service in the War of 1812 and in Mexico, but now owing to his advanced age was ill-fitted to weather the storm that was about to burst upon us. In politics he was quite Southern, frequently asserting that the South had been treated outrageously in the question of the territories and defrauded to have heard just rights in other respects. He acquiesced however in the necessity of defending the forts should it be attacked, but as he lived with his family outside the walls he could not take a very active part himself. Indeed on one occasion when a secession meeting was held in our immediate vicinity accompanied with many threats and noisy demonstrations he sent word to me to assume command at once in his place. He now found himself in a peculiar position. The populace was becoming excited and there was every probability that a collision accidental or otherwise might occur at any moment between the troops and the mob outside if not between the mobs and the state militia. The dilemma which confronted him was either to make a disgraceful surrender of his command or to take the other alternative and fight South Carolina single-handed without the aid or cooperation of the general government. He thought the difficulty might perhaps be solved by removing the garrison to Smithville, North Carolina having received permission to do so in case the Yellow Fever which approved so disastrous the previous year should break out again. Strange to say some of the most ultra papers in the Southern interest in New York and Charleston ridiculed the proposed movement. They probably feared that our absence might deprive the conspirators of the prestige of an easy victory. By the middle of August the country people began to be quite violent in their language and made many threats of what they would do in case of Lincoln's election. While the rebellion was thus drifting onward the North remain quiescent, utterly refusing to believe in the existence of any real danger. Yet it was publicly known that although the Southern states had refused to commit themselves to secession they were pledged not to allow South Carolina to be coerced and this practically amounted to a powerful league against the Union since it was a combination to prevent the enforcement of laws which bound the states together. As we were liable to be attacked at any moment we desired to get rid of the sandhills which dominated our walls. To this end we applied to the quartermaster general, General Joseph E. Johnston, for authority to hire citizens and labourers, but he declined to accede to the request on the ground that the work did not properly appertain to his department. He was a nephew of Floyd and soon went over to the enemy. With the exception of Robert E. Lee he subsequently became the most noted of all rebel generals. We were gratified about the first of September at seeing some signs of life in the Secretary of War which seemed to show that he appreciated our dangers and difficulties. He ordered First Lieutenant and Brevitt Captain John G. Foster of the Engineers to repair Fort Maltry and put that and the other defences of Charleston Harbour in perfect order. The reason privately assigned for this was that we were drifting into complications with England and France with reference to Mexico. For one I gave the Honourable Secretary very little credit for this proceeding in as much as he had just previous to this forwarded to South Carolina the means of arming and equipping 17,000 men against the United States. I therefore came to the conclusion that the forts were to be made ready for active service in order that they might be turned over in that condition to the Southern League. Two young Lieutenant's of Engineers G. W. Snyder and R. K. Meade were soon sent to Foster as assistance. And here it may be well to speak of the officers of our command as they were at that period. The record of their services afterward during the rebellion would constitute a volume in itself. Colonel John L. Gardner was wounded in the war with Great Britain in 1812. He had also engaged in a war against the Florida Indians and the war with Mexico receiving two brevets for the battles of Cerro Gordo and Contrias. Seymour Forrester and myself had also served in Mexico as second-left tenants on our first entrance into the army and Davis as a non-commissioned officer of an Indiana regiment. John G. Foster severely wounded at Malino de Rey and breveted captain was one of the most fearless and reliable men in the service. Captain Truman Seymour, twice breveted for gallantry at Cerro Gordo and Cern Busso, was an excellent artillery officer, full of invention and resource, a lover of poetry and an adept at music and painting. First Lieutenant Jefferson C. Davis, brave, generous and impetuous, the Boy Sergeant of Buena Vista, won his first commission in the regular army by his gallantry in that action. First Lieutenant Theodore Tolbert, when very young had shared the dangers, privations and sufferings of Fremont's party in their explorations to open a pathway across the continent. He was a cultivated man and a representative of the chivalry of Kentucky, equally ready to meet his friend at the festive board or his enemy at ten paces. Dr. S. Wiley Crawford, our assistant surgeon, entered the service after the Mexican War. He was a genial companion, studious and full of varied information. His ambition to win a name as a soldier soon induced him to quit the ranks of the medical profession. Hall, Snyder and Meade were recent graduates of the Academy who had never seen active service in the field. They were full of zeal, intelligence and energy. In one respect we were quite fortunate. The habits of the officers were good and there was no dissipation of drunkenness in the garrison. The majority of the men, too, were old soldiers who could be thoroughly relied upon under all circumstances. There was also one civilian with us, Mr. Edward Mowell, who was the clerk and brother-in-law to Captain Foster. His services were subsequently very valuable in many ways. Fearing that in the course of events our correspondence might be tampered with, I invented a cipher which afterwards proved to be very useful. It enabled me to communicate through my brother in New York much valuable information to Mr. Lincoln at Springfield, Preston King, Roscoe Conkling and other leaders of public opinion in relation to our strength and resources. Situated as we were, we naturally desired to know how far Mr. Buchanan's cabinet was willing to sustain us. William H. Trescott of South Carolina was Assistant Secretary of State at this time and frequently corresponded with his brother Dr. Trescott in Charleston. We, therefore, naturally thought the views of the latter might indirectly reflect those of the administration. The Doctor was of the opinion there would be no attempt at coercion in case South Carolina seceded, but that all possible telegraphic communications would cease, and a man of war would be placed outside to collect the revenue. This arrangement would leave our little force isolated and deserted, to bear the brunt of whatever might occur. In October the disunionists became more bitter, but they were not disposed to be more aggressive, as they thought Buchanan would be relied upon not to take any decisive action against them. Colonel Gardner would not at this time mount the guns or take any precautions whatever. He alleged with reason that the work was all torn to pieces by the engineers, that it was full of debris, and that under the circumstances he was not responsible for anything that might happen. We had been promised a considerable number of recruits, but they were kept back, and we now ascertain that none would be sent until late in December after the crisis was over. In the latter part of the month I became quite unpopular in Charleston, partly on account of my anti-slavery sentiments, but more especially because some very offensive articles written from that city had appeared in the northern papers and were attributed to me. It seems that at this very time an abolition correspondent from the New York Tribune was employed in the office of Rhett's paper The Charleston Mercury. This man professed to be the most loudmouthed secessionist of them all. In conversation with me afterward he claimed to be the author of these articles referred to. In truth these were days of extraordinary prescription for opinion's sake. I heard with profound indignation of the case of a poor seamstress from New York who had been sent to jail in Charleston simply for stating that she did not believe in the institution of slavery. On appealing to the then mayor of New York, Fernando Wood, he replied that he was rejoiced that she was in prison and hoped she would be kept there. Towards the close of the month the South Carolina leaders began to fear that the southern states would not join them and were engaged in discussing the subject of a French protectorate. The Negroes overheard a great deal that was said by their masters, and in consequence became excited and troublesome, for the news flew like wildfire among them that the mass of Lincoln was coming to set them free. The enthusiasm of the muddied men in Charleston began to cool when they reflected upon the enormous expenses involved in keeping up a standing army in an agricultural state like South Carolina. At the request of some Union men, Captain Seymour made a startling exhibit showing the large amount required to maintain even a moderate force. It had a good effect upon the merchants, and indeed if other southern states had not promptly sustained South Carolina, the movement must have soon collapsed from its own inherent weakness. Although the secession leaders were preparing to meet coercion, if it should come, I will do them the justice to say that they determined to commit no overt act against the Union so long as the state formed an integral part of it. They soon found however that the mob did not recognize these fine distinctions. It was easy to raise the storm, but once under full headway it was difficult to govern it. Independent companies and minutemen were everywhere forming in opposition to their wishes for these organizations from their very nature were quite unmanageable. The military commanders much preferred the state militia because they could control it by law. A gentleman from the country who had joined the minutemen came in one day to the Charleston Hotel with a huge cockade on his hat, expecting to be received with great applause, but to his astonishment he was greeted with laughter and ridicule. On the 29th of October General Scott wrote his celebrated letter to the president, recommending the strong garrison be placed at once in all southern forts. Undoubtedly this was good advice, but as our army was widely scattered all over the west to protect the frontier settlements from the Indians, only five small companies were available for the purpose. The suggestion therefore had but little practical value. November had arrived. The muttering of the storm was heard all around us, and yet not one word of counsel or encouragement came from Washington. Colonel Gardner began to feel uneasy at this studied silence and determined to place the responsibility of any disaster that might occur where it properly belonged. On the first of the month he made a full report to his next superior officer, General Wool at Troy, New York, to be forwarded to the Secretary of War in relation to the dangers that threaten us and to our imperfect means of defence. He notified them that our provisions would be exhausted by the 20th of the month, and that we were very deficient in ammunition and military supplies generally. The Secretary in his answer to this communication simply expressed his regret that he had not been informed of all this before. The sympathy was no doubt very gratifying, but being of an entirely passive nature did not benefit us in the least. Colonel Gardner at our solicitation directed that the guns which had been dismounted to enable the engineers to make their repairs be remounted at once, and Seymour's company and mine soon placed them in position. It was of little use, however, to have our armament in readiness unless the approaches to the fort could be carefully watched. This it was impossible to do by the ordinary system of guard duty, but I suggested a plan which enabled us to have an ample number of sentinels without exhausting the men. It was done by placing each man on guard for a single hour between Tattoo and Revelli, allowing him to sleep for the remainder of the night. End of Chapter 1 Recording by F.N.H. Visit www.bookranger.co.uk Chapter 2 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by F.N.H. Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday Chapter 2 Preparations for Defence The United States arsenal in Charleston is situated on the banks of the Ashley River. It looked feasible to go there in a boat without attracting attention and procure a full supply of cartridges and other articles which were very much needed. Captain Seymour volunteered for the service and was sent over with the small party early in the afternoon. Notwithstanding, he took every precaution. Some spy belonging to a vigilance committee followed him and reported the facts in the city. Seymour at once found himself beset by an excited mob and wholly prevented from accomplishing the object of this mission. Colonel Gardner wrote to Mayor Macbeth for an explanation. The latter apologized politely for this unexpected occurrence and, speaking for himself and other city officials, stated that so long as they stayed in the Union, they desired to remain faithful to its obligations and that no further obstacles would be thrown in the way of another expedition. Colonel Gardner, however, did not send out again, thinking perhaps the mob might be beyond the control of the mayor. Since his arrival, Captain Foster had been hard at work on the fort. He had hired labourers from the vicinity of Charleston and had sent to Baltimore for a large number of masons who had formerly worked for him. In spite of his efforts, we were still in a very weak condition and unable to defend ourselves. It is true the sand had been removed from the sea face of the work, but as that front had no flanking defences, the angles in the wall were torn down to enable the engineers to construct double capions there. This left great gaps through which an assaulting party could penetrate at any moment. Perhaps in one sense it added to our security, for there was no glory to be acquired in capturing a fort which was wide open and defenceless. Crowds of excited countrymen wearing secession cockades constantly came to visit the work, and on the 3rd of November they formed in procession and marched around it, but did not offer any violence. It may not be improper to state that I was the only officer of the command who favoured Lincoln's election. As regards my companions however, there was no difference of opinion in regard to sustaining the new president should he be legally elected, and they were all both willing and anxious to defend the fort confided to their honour. In view of the probable success of the Republican candidate for the presidency, Governor Gist called the South Carolina Legislature together to meet on Monday the 5th of November. In his message he recommended the immediate formation of a standing army of 10,000 men and that all persons between the ages of 18 and 45 be armed for immediate service. In consequence of this recommendation, by the 9th of November the whole state was swarming with minute men. The spark came at last, which was to set fire to the magazine. The startling news of Lincoln's election reached Charleston on the 7th of November, as this event was sure to lead to secession, the disunionists were wild with delight. In their exuberance of spirits, they ran through the street shouting, Hurrah for Lincoln! The United States District Court, which was in session, at once broke up and its Judge McGrath sent in his resignation. In the evening of the same day, Edward Ruffin, who had also been referred to, made a fiery secession speech to an immense audience at the capital of the state. The legislature, inflamed by public sentiment, called a convention to meet on the 17th of the month to decide the question of secession. Governor Joseph E. Brown of Georgia also called a convention there for the same purpose and the excitement in each state constantly reacted on the other. In the early part of November, 150 masons arrived from Baltimore to work on the forts in the harbour. They were undoubtedly good workmen, but it is much to be regretted that they were also not good unionists. Captain Foster at this time did not believe that any serious complications would arise from the attitude South Carolina had assumed and did not therefore think it necessary to pay any attention to the politics of his labourers. Had he selected zealous union men, their arrival would have been a most opportune reinforcement for the garrison. Unfortunately, most of them sympathised with the South and their coming was rather a source of weakness than of strength so far as actual fighting was concerned. They rendered us, however, great and timely assistance by their labour. The first thing that attracted the eye of the stranger upon approaching Charleston from the sea was Fort Sumter. It was built on an artificial island made of large blocks of stone. The walls were of dark brick and designed for three tiers of guns. The whole structure as it rose abruptly out of the water had a gloomy, prison-like appearance. It was situated on the edge of the channel in the narrowest part of the harbour between Fort Maltry and Cummings Point, distant about a mile from the former place, and 1,200 yards from the latter. The year before, it had been used by us as a temporary place of confinement and security for some Negroes that had been brought over from Africa in a slaver captured by one of our naval vessels. The inevitable conflict was very near breaking out at that time, for there was an eager desire on the part of all the people around us to seize these Negroes and distribute them among the plantations, and if the government had not acted promptly in sending them back to Africa, I think an attempt would have been made to take them from us by force on the ground that some of them had violated a state law by landing at Maltryville. As Fort Sumter had considerable historic renown, it may not be uninteresting to relate another incident connected with it, although it is not your main to my narrative. In 1859 after the Negroes were taken away, the fort remained in charge of an ordnance sergeant who lived there alone with his wife and two little children. Supplies were sent to him regularly, but in case of emergency, he could only communicate with the shore by means of a small boat. One wild stormy day when the wind was blowing aglow, he was suddenly struck down with yellow fever. His wife saw that if he did not have immediate medical assistance, he would die. She herself could not go, as he required constant attention, and the children were too young to be of any service. A day passed on, and it became evident that he was growing worse. In a frantic state of mind, she rushed up to the top of the fort, waved a sheet backward and forward, and raised and lowered the garrison flag repeatedly in hopes of attracting the attention of some passing vessel. But although several went by, no one seemed to notice the signals, or if they did, they would not stop on account of the tempest, which still continued. She then took the desperate resolution of putting her two children into the small boat, and trusting to the flood tide to drift them somewhere in the vicinity of Charleston. She placed a letter in the hand of one of them to be given to the first person they met, imploring that a physician might be sent to her at once. It was a terrible experiment, for the children might easily have been swept out to sea by the ebb tide before they could make a landing. They succeeded, however, in reaching the shore near Mount Pleasant. A doctor finally arrived, but too late to be of any service. Foster wanted forty muskets to arm some of his workmen, as a guard for the powder in Fort Sumter, and for valuable public property in Carstinal Picney. This was approved by Washington, but the moment he obtained the guns from the arsenal, the Secretary of War hastily telegraphed him in the middle of the night to send them back again immediately. And yet, at this same period, two thousand additional United States muskets were forwarded by Floyd's order to South Carolina, and the Charleston courier stated that five thousand more were on their way. This did not look much as if the administration intended to sustain us. While the Honourable Secretary was thus supplying our enemies with arms, and leaving the United States arsenal in Charleston full of military stores without a guard, he was very solicitous to ascertain whether our garrison duties were accurately performed and sent an assistant inspector general Major Fitz John Porter to make a thorough examination. As the Secretary intended neither to reinforce nor withdraw us, and he made no effort at any time to remedy defects in our armament, this inspection seemed to us to be a mere pretense. It resulted, however, in relieving Colonel Gardner from his command on Porter's recommendation, Major Robert Anderson being ordered to take his place. Mr. Greeley was at this time the head of the Republican Party, and one of the great leaders of Northern Opinion. His immense services in rousing the public mind to the evils of slavery cannot be overestimated, but some of his views were too hastily formed and promulgated. In this crisis of our history, he injured the cause he afterwards so eloquently advocated by publishing an opinion on the 9th of November that the South had a perfect right to secede whenever a majority thought proper to do so, and in another communication he stated that the Union could not be pinned together with bayonets. General Scott was also at one time in favour of letting the wayward sisters depart in peace, and I have heard on good authority that at least one member of the Cabinet and one leading general, appalled by the magnitude of the conflict, were willing to consent to a separation, provided the border states would go with the North. Greeley's article went further than this, for it seemed to favour a simple severance of the North and the South. This was not only a virtual abandonment of the rights of Northern men who had invested their capital in the southern states, but it amounted to giving up all the sea coast and magnificent harbours south of New Jersey, including Cheeps Peak Bay. It was expressing a willingness to surrender the mouth of the Mississippi, the commerce of the great Northwest, and the capital at Washington, to the control of a foreign nation hostile to us from the very nature of its institutions. In fact it was a proposition to commit national suicide. The New Northern Republic would have been 3,000 miles long and only 100 miles wide in the vicinity of Wheeling. A country of such peculiar shape could not, as every military man knows, have been successfully defended and must inevitably have soon broken up into smaller confederacies. We objected with reason to the formation of a European monarch in far off Mexico, but the proposed separation would have created a powerful slave empire with its northern border within 18 miles of Philadelphia. Once firmly established there and along the Ohio, the Southern Army could have burned Cincinnati from the opposite shore and have penetrated to Lake Erie by a single successful battle in March, permanently severing the east from the west. These unexpected views of Mr. Greedly strengthened the hands of the disunionists. They were everywhere quoted as evidence that no attempt would be made to interfere or coerce the South. The fearful and wavering were thus induced to join the clamorous majority. I think too that the publication of these sentiments did much to influence the after conduct of Major Anderson. He was not a Republican himself and he may very well have thought if the Republican leaders did not deny the right of the secession, there was little use in his sacrificing his small command in a feeble attempt to make South Carolina remain in the union. The sky darkened after this, for Georgia voted a million of dollars to raise troops and it became evident that other Southern states would follow in the same direction. By the 18th of November, we considered ourselves reasonably secure against a coup domain. Our guns were up and loaded with canister and we had a fair supply of hand grenades ready for use. With a view to intimidate those who were planning an attack, I occasionally fired towards the sea an 18 inch howitzer loaded with double canister. The splattering of so many balls in the water looked very destructive and startled and amazed the gaping crowds around. I also amused myself by making some small mines, which would throw a shell a few feet out of the ground whenever any person accidentally trod upon a concealed plank. Of course, the shell did not have a bursting charge in it. These experiments had a cooling effect upon the harder of the militia who did not fancy storming the fort over a line of torpedoes. End of Chapter 2 Recording by FNH visit www.bookranger.co.uk Chapter 3 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Recording by FNH Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday Chapter 3 Preliminary Movements by the Secessionists It was now openly proclaimed in Charleston that declarations in favour of the Union would no longer be tolerated, that the time for deliberation had passed, and the time for action had come. On the 21st a new commander arrived and assumed command. He felt as if he had a hereditary right to be there, for his father had distinguished himself in the Revolutionary War in defence of Old Fort Moultrie against the British and had been confined a long time as a prisoner in Charleston. We had a long-known Anderson as a gentleman, courteous, honest, intelligent and thoroughly versed in his profession. He had twice been breveted for gallantry, once for services against the Seminole Indians in Florida, and once for the battle of Molino del Rey in Mexico where he was badly wounded. In politics he was a strong pro-slavery man. Nevertheless he was opposed to secession and southern extremists. He soon found himself in troubled waters for the approaching battle of Fault Moultrie was talked of everywhere throughout the State, and the mob in Charleston could hardly be restrained from making an immediate assault. They were kept back once through the exertions of Colonel Benjamin Hugo of the Ordnance Department of the United States Army, as he belonged to one of the most distinguished families in Charleston he had great influence there. It was said at the time that he threatened if we were attacked, or rather mobbed in this way, he would join us and fight by the side of his friend Anderson. Colonel Memminger, afterwards the Confederate Secretary of the Treasury, also exerted himself to prevent any irregular and unauthorized violence. An additional force of workmen having arrived from Baltimore, Captain Foster retained 120 to continue the work on Fault Moultrie, leaving his assistant Lieutenant Snyder 109 men to finish Fort Sumter. On the 1st of December, Major Anderson made a full report to Secretary Floyd in relation to our condition and resources. It was accompanied with requisitions in due form for supplies and military material. Colonel Gardner before he left had already applied for rations for the entire command for six months. Previous to Lincoln's election, Governor Gist had stated that in the event this State would undoubtedly secede and demand the forts, and that any hesitation or delay in giving them up would lead to an immediate assault. Active preparations were now in progress to carry out this threat. In the first week of December, we learned that the cannon had been secretly sent to northern extremity of the island to guard the channel and oppose the passage of any vessels bringing us reinforcements by that entrance. We learned too that lines of counter-villation had been quietly marked out at night, with a view to attack the fort by regular approaches in case the first assaults failed. Also, the 2,000 of the best riflemen in the State were engaged to occupy an adjacent sand hill and the roofs of the adjoining houses, all of which overlooked the parapet, the intention being to shoot us down the moment we attempted to man our guns. Yet the administration made no arrangements to withdraw us and no effort to reinforce us, because to do the former would excite great indignation in the north, and the latter might be treated as coercion by the south. So we were left to our own scanty resources, with every probability that the affair would end in a massacre. Under these circumstances the appropriating of $150,000 to repair Fort Maltry, and $80,000 to finish the fort sumped by the mere order of the Secretary of War without the authority of Congress, was simply an expenditure of public money for the benefit of the secessionist, and I have no doubt it was so intended. Forts constructed in an enemy s country and left unguarded a built for the enemy. Congress met on the 3rd of December, but took no action in relation to our peculiar position. As usual, their whole idea was to settle the matter by some new compromise. The old experiment was to be tried over again. St. Michael and the Dragon were to lie down in peace and become boon companions once more. The office holders in the south, who saw in Lincoln s election an end to their pay and emoluments, were secessionists to a man and did their best to keep up the excitement. They tried to make the poor whites believe that through their reopening of the African slave trade Negroes would be for sale in a short time at $30 a head and that every laboring man would soon become a rich slave owner and cotton planter. To the timid they said there would be no coercion. To the ambitious they spoke of military glory and the formation of a vast slave empire to include Mexico, Central America and the West Indies. The merchants were assured that Charleston would be a free port, rivaling New York in its trade and opulence. They painted the future in glowing colors, but the present looked dreary enough. All business was at an end. The expenses of the state had become enormous and financial ruin was rapidly approaching. The heavy property owners began to fear that they might have to bear the brunt of all these military preparations in the way of forced loans. For a time a strong reaction set in against the ret faction, but intimidation and threats prevented any open retrograde movement. Among those who were reported to be the most clamorous to have an immediate attack upon us was a certain captain of the United States Dragoons named Lucius B. Northrop, afterward made Paymaster General of South Carolina and subsequently through the personal friendship of Jeff Davis promoted to be Commissar General of the Rebel Army. He had resided for several years in Charleston on sick leave, on full pay, but before urging an assault he should have had the grace to resign his commission, for his oath of office bound him to be a friend to his comrades in the army and not an enemy. I am tempted in this connection to show how differently the Rebel General Magruder acted under similar circumstances when he was a captain and a brevick colonel in our service. He said to his officers the evening before he rode over the long bridge at Washington to join the Confederates, if the rebels come tonight or give them hell, but tomorrow I shall send in my resignation and become a rebel myself. Amidst all this turmoil our little band of regulars kept their spirits up and determined to fight it out to the last against any force that might be brought against them. The Bricklayers however, at work on Fort Sumter, were considerably frightened. They held a meeting and resolved to defend themselves if attacked by the Charleston roughs but not to resist any organized force. On the 11th of December we had the good fortune to get our provisions from town without exciting observation. They had been lying there several days. It was afterwards stated in the papers that the captain of the schooner was threatened severely for having brought them. On the same day the enemy began to build batteries at Mount Pleasant and at the upper end of Sullivan's Island guns having already been sent there. We also heard that ladders had been provided for parties to escalate our walls. Indeed the proposed attack was no longer a secret. Gentlemen from the city said to us, we appreciate your position it is a point of honor with you to hold the fort but a political necessity obliges us to take it. My wife, becoming indignant at these preparations and the utter apathy of our government in regard to our affairs, wrote a stirring letter to my brother in New York stating some of the facts I have mentioned. By some means it found its way into the columns of the evening post and did much to call attention to the subject and awaken the northern people to a true sense of the situation. She was quite distressed to find her hasty expressions in print and freely commented on both by friends and enemies. I may say in passing that the distinguished editor of that paper, William Cullen Bryant, proved to be one of the best friends we had at the North. George W. Curtis who aided us freely with his pen and influence was another. They exerted themselves to benefit us in every way and were among the first to invoke the patriotism of the nation to extricate us from our difficulties and save the Union of the States. When we returned to New York they had their friends give us a cordial and heartfelt welcome. To resume the thread of my narrative the fault by this time had been considerably strengthened. The crevices were filled up and the walls were made 16 feet high by digging down to the foundations and throwing up the surplus earth as a glasses. Each of the officers had a certain portion given to him to defend. I caused a sloping picket fence technically called a phrase to be projected over the parapet on my side of the work as an obstacle against an escalating party. I understood that this puzzled the military men and newspapers in Charleston exceedingly. They could not imagine what object I could have in view. One of the editors said in reference to it, make ready your sharpened stakes but you will not intimidate free men. There was one good reason why our opponents did not desire to commence immediate hostilities. The delay was manifestly to their advantage for the engineers were putting fort Sumter in good condition at the expense of the United States. They, the rebels, intended to occupy it as soon as the work approached completion. In the meantime to prevent our anticipating them they kept their two steamers on guard to patrol the harbour and keep us from crossing. These boats contained 120 soldiers and were under the command of ex-Lieutenant James Hamilton who had recently resigned from the United States Navy. The threatening movements against Fort Moultrie required incessant vigilance on our part and we were frequently worn out with watching and fatigue. On one of these occasions Mrs Seymour and Mrs Doubleday volunteered to take the places of Captain Seymour and myself and they took in turns walking the parapet two hours at a time in readiness to notify the guard in case the Minutemen became more than usually demonstrative. In December the Secretary sent another officer of the Inspector General's department, Major Don Collus Buell, to examine and report upon our condition. Buell bore written orders which were presented on the 11th directing Major Anderson not to provoke hostilities but in case of immediate danger to defend himself to the last extremity and take any steps that he might think necessary for that purpose. There would appear to be some mystery connected with this subject. For Anderson afterwards stated to Seymour, as a reason for not firing when the rebels attempted to sink the Star of the West, that his instructions tied his hands and obliged him to remain quiescent. Now, as there are no orders of this character on record in the War Department, they must have been of a verbal and confidential nature. In my opinion, Floyd was fully capable of supplementing written orders to resist by verbal orders to surrender without resistance. If he did so, I can conceive of nothing more treacherous, for his object must have been to make Anderson the scapegoat of whatever might occur. Buell, however, is not the man to be the bearer of any treacherous communication. Still, he did not appear to sympathise much with us, for he expressed his disapproval of our defensive preparations, referring particularly to some loopholes in the near-guard house, which he said would have a tendency to irritate the people. I thought the remark a strange one under the circumstances, as the people were preparing to attack us. I had no doubt at the time, in spite of the warlike messages he had brought, that Buell's expressions reflected the wishes of his superiors. I have ascertained recently that Floyd did have one or more confidential agents in Charleston, who were secretly intermeddling in this matter, without the sanction of the President or the open authority of the War Office. It appears from the records that another Assistant Adjutant General Captain Withers, who joined the rebels at the outbreak of the rebellion and became a rebel general, was also sent by Floyd to confer with Anderson. It is not at all improbable, therefore, that some one of the messengers who actually joined the enemy may have been the bearer of a treasonable communication. It appears from Anderson's own statement that his hands were tired and no one that knew him would ever doubt his veracity. Yet, if he really desired to retain possession of Charleston harbour for the government and Floyd's orders stood in his way, why did he not, after the latter fled to the south, make a plain statement to the new Secretary Judge Holt, whose patriotism was undoubted and ask for fresh instructions. It looks to me very much as if he accepted the orders without question, because he preferred the policy of non-resistance. I shall have occasion to refer to this subject again in the course of my narrative. We had frequently regretted the absence of a garrison in Carstinal Picney, as that post being within a mile of Charleston could easily control the city by means of its mortars and heavy guns. We were too short-handed ourselves to spare a single soldier. The brave ordnance sergeant Skillon, who was in charge there, begged hard that we should send him a few artilleryists. He could not bear the thought of surrendering the work to the enemies of the government without a struggle, and would have made a determined resistance if he could have found anyone to stand by him. We talked the matter over, and Captain Foster thought he could reinforce Skillon by selecting a few reliable men from his masons to assist in defending the place. He accordingly sent a body of picked workmen there, under his assistant, Lieutenant R.K. Mead, with orders to make certain repairs. The moment, however, Mead attempted to teach these men the drill at the heavy guns they drew back in great alarm, and it was soon seen that no dependence could be placed upon them. So Carstinal Picney was left to its fate. As the general government seemed quietly to have deserted us, we watched the public sentiment at the north with the much interest. There was but little to encourage us there. The northern cities, however, were beginning to appreciate the gravity of the crisis. At the call of the mayor of Philadelphia, a great public meeting was held in Independent Square. For one, I was thoroughly dispirited and disgusted at the resolutions that were passed. They were evidently prompted by the almighty dollar and the fear of losing the southern trade. They urged that the north should be more than ever subservient to the south, more active in catching fugitive slaves, and more careful not to speak against the institution of slavery. As a pedant to these resolutions an official attempt was made a few days afterward to prevent the eloquent Republican orator George W. Curtis from advocating the northern side of the question. Chapter 4 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by FNH. Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Abner Doubleday. Chapter 4 The Removal to Fort Sumter On the seventeenth a bill was passed to arm the militia of North Carolina. On the same day the Charleston convention met and chose General D. F. Jamison as their president, and on the twentieth of the month the secession ordinance was duly passed and South Carolina voted out of the Union amid screams of enthusiasm. Immediately afterward there was a great competition for possession of the immortal pen with which the instrument was signed. At the close of the war I heard it was for sale at a very low figure. The new Governor Francis W. Pickens signed the ordinance very gladly and issued his proclamation on the 24th declaring South Carolina to be a free and independent nation. He had served as a member of Congress from 1835 to 1843 and as a minister to Russia in 1858, but he was not considered a man of decided ability. He was very impetuous in his disposition and according to a statement made by him in one of the congressional speeches which attracted much attention at the time he was born insensible to fear. Soon after the state seceded that stern old patriot Judge J. L. Pettigrew of South Carolina came over with one of his friends to pay us a final visit to express his deep sorrow and sympathy he felt for us in our trying position. As he knew the arrangements were being made to drive us out he bade us farewell with much feeling. The tears rolled down his cheeks as he deplored the folly and the madness of the times. He had been previously asked in the city if he did not intend to join the secession movement. He replied, I should think not South Carolina is too small for a republic and too large for a lunatic asylum. At a later period of the war it is said he was called upon to give up the property of his northern clients for confiscation under a law which made it treason to refuse. He positively declined to comply with the demand and said with much spirit, Whenever the time comes for me to choose between death and dishonour I shall have no difficulty in saying which of the two I shall elect. It is much to be regretted that he did not live to witness the final triumph of the cause which was so dear to him. Four of Buchanan's cabinet, Floyd, Cobb, Talsy and Thompson, were now open and avowed disunionists. On the 23rd a defocation of $833,000 were discovered in the department of the interior while the secretary Jacob Thompson was absent from his post and acting as a disunion agent to represent the state of Mississippi. This dallying with treason in the cabinet was one of the most discouraging signs of the times. A circumstance now occurred which to my mind was proof positive that Floyd intended to betray us and the government he represented. I have no doubt it hastened our departure from Fort Maltry. He directed Captain Foster to have the guns mounted in Fort Sumter immediately. It was plain enough from the demonstrations already made that the moment this was done the rebels would seize the fort and turn its powerful armament upon us. There was no one there to resist them. It seems to me that Floyd's speech to the secessionists of Richmond made shortly after his flight from Washington was a pretty plain acknowledgement that he had violated his oath of office as secretary of war in order that he might advance the interests of the Confederacy. He said on that occasion, I undertook so to dispose of the power in my hands that when the terrific hour came you all of you and each of you should say this man has done his duty. Anderson had been urged by several of us to remove his command to Fort Sumter but he had invariably replied that he was specifically assigned to Fort Maltry and had no right to vacate it without orders. Our affairs however were becoming critical and I thought it my duty to speak to him again on the subject. He still apparently adhered to his decision. Nevertheless he had fully determined to make the change and was now merely awaiting a favourable opportunity. To deceive the enemy he kept at work with the unabated zeal on the defences of Fort Maltry. This exactly suited the purposes of the rebel leaders for they knew we could make no effectual defence there and our preparations would only increase the prestige of their victory. We were not authorised to commence hostilities by burning the adjacent houses and yet if they were not levelled clouds of riflemen could occupy them and prevent our men from serving the guns. Under any circumstances it was plain that we must soon succumb from overexertion and loss of sleep incident to repelling incessant attacks from a host of enemies. The fact that though the provident care of the Secretary of War the guns of Fort Sumter would also be turned upon us, inflating the two sides of Fort Maltry and taking another side in reverse, was quite decisive as to the impossibility of making a lengthened defence. Up to this time we had hoped, almost against hope, that even if the government were base enough to desert us the loyal spirit of the patriotic North would manifest itself in our favour in so much as our little force represented the supremacy of the Constitution and the laws but all seemed doubt and apathy and confusion there. Yancey was delivering lectures in Northern States as a representative of the disunionists not only without molestation but with frequent and vociferous applause from democratic masses who could not be made to believe there was any real danger. In making his arrangements to cross over Anderson acted with consummate prudence and ability. He only communicated his design to the staff officers whose cooperation was indispensable and he waited until the moment of execution before he informed the others of his intention. No one of course would deliberately betray a secret of this kind but it sometimes happens under such circumstances that officers give indications of what is about to take place by sending for their washing, packing their trunks and making changes in their messing arrangements. Without knowing positively that any movement had been projected, two circumstances excited my suspicions. Once while I was walking around with the major on the parapet he turned to me abruptly and asked me what would be best course to take to render the gun carriages unserviceable. I told him there were several methods but my plan would be to heap pitch pine knots around them and burn them up. The question was too suggestive to escape my attention. On the day previous to our departure I requested him to allow me to purchase a large quantity of wire to make an entanglement in front of the part of the work I was assigned to defend. He said with a quizzical look, certainly you shall have a mile of wire if you require it. When I proposed to send for it immediately he smiled and objected in such a peculiar way that I at once saw that he was no longer interested in our efforts to strengthen Fort Maltry. As a preliminary to the proposed movement he directed the post quartermaster Lieutenant Hall to charter three schooners and some barges for the ostensible purpose of transporting the soldiers' families to Old Fort Johnson on the opposite side of the harbour where there were some dilapidated public buildings belonging to the United States. The danger of the approaching conflict was a good pretext for the removal of the non-combatants. This all seemed natural enough to the enemy and no one offered any opposition. In reality these vessels were loaded with supplies for all the troops with reference to a prolonged residence in Fort Sumter. Hall was directed to land everything there as soon as a signal gun was fired. In the meantime he sailed for Fort Johnson and lay off and on waiting for the signal. Anderson had already broken up his own mess and on the last evening of our stay December 26th I left my room to ask him in to take tea with us. The sun was just setting as I ascended the steps leading to the parapet and approached him. He was in the midst of a group of officers, each of whom served silent and distraight. As I passed our assistant surgeon I remarked, it is a fine evening Crawford. He replied in a hesitating and embarrassed manner showing that his thoughts were elsewhere. I saw plainly that something unusual had occurred. Anderson approached me as I advanced and said quietly, I have determined to evacuate this post immediately for the purpose of occupying Fort Sumter. I can only allow you twenty minutes to form your company and be in readiness to start. I was surprised at this announcement and realized the gravity of the situation at a glance. We were watched by spies and vigilance committees who would undoubtedly fire upon us as soon as they saw the object of the movement. I was naturally concerned too for the safety of my wife who was the only lady in the fort at the time and who would necessarily be exposed to considerable danger. Fortunately I had little or no property to lose as in anticipation of a crisis I had previously sent everything of value to New York. Some of the other officers did not fare so well. The doctor, not expecting so sudden a denouement, had necessarily left his medical stores unpacked. Foster who had taken a house outside for his family was wholly unprepared and lost heavily. I made good use of the twenty minutes allowed me. I first went to the barracks, formed my company, inspected it and saw that each man was properly armed and equipped. This left me ten minutes to spare. I dashed over to my quarters, told my wife to get ready to leave immediately and as the fighting would probably commence in a few minutes I advised her to take refuge with the family outside and get behind the sandhills as soon as possible to avoid the shot. She hastily threw her wearing apparel into her trunks and I called two men to put her baggage outside the main gate. I then accompanied her there and we took a sad and hasty leave of each other for neither knew when or where we would meet again. As soon as this was accomplished I strapped on my revolver, tied a blanket across my shoulders and reported to Major Anderson that my men were in readiness to move. In the meantime Lieutenant Jefferson C. Davis of my company, who had been detailed to command the rear guard, aimed the guns which were already loaded to bear upon the passage to Fort Sumter and Captain Foster and Assistant Sergeant Crawford, with two sergeants and three privates, remained with him and took post at five Colombians in readiness to carry out Major Anderson's design, which was to sink the guard boats should they attempt to fire into us or run down on us while en route. Certainly the Major showed no lack of determination or energy on this occasion. If we were successful in crossing, Davis was to follow with the remainder of the men. Foster and Mr. Moell agreed to remain behind until morning. They also volunteered to place themselves at the guns and cover the retreat of the rear guard under Davis in case an attempt was made to intercept them. The chaplain, the Reverend Mathias Harris, being a non-combatant and having his family in the village was not notified. Neither was Sergeant Simons of the Army, who was living in a house adjoining the fort and directly in line with our guns. When he saw the movement in progress he hastened out with his family to shelter them behind the sandhills as soon as possible. Everything being in readiness we passed out of the main gates and silently made our way for about a quarter of a mile to a spot where the boats were hidden behind an irregular pile of rocks which originally formed part of a sea wall. There was not a single human being in sight as we marched to the rendezvous and we had the extraordinary good luck to be wholly unobserved. We found several boats awaiting us under charge of two engineering officers, Lieutenant Snyder and Meade. They and their crews were crouched behind the rocks to escape observation. In a low tone they pointed out to me the boats intended for my company and then pushed out rapidly to return to the fort. Noticing that one of the guard boats was approaching they made a wide circuit to avoid it. I hoped there would be time for my party to cross before the steamer could overhaul us, but as among my men there were a number of unskillful oarsmen we made but slow progress, and it soon became evident that we would be overtaken in mid-channel. It was after sunset and the twilight had deepened so that there was a fair chance for us to escape. While the steamer was yet a far off I took off my cap and threw open my coat to conceal the buttons. I also made the men take off their coats and use them to cover up their muskets which were lying alongside the rollocks. I hoped in this way that we might pass for a party of labourers returning to the fort. The paddle wheels stopped within about a hundred yards of us, but to our great relief after a slight scrutiny the steamer kept on its way. In the meantime our men redoubled their efforts and we soon arrived at our destination. As we ascended the steps of the wharf crowds of workmen rushed out to meet us most of them were in secession emblems. One or two union men among them cheered lustily but the majority called out angrily. What are these soldiers doing here? I at once formed my men, charged bayonets and drove the tumultuous mass inside the fort and seized the guard room which commanded the main entrance. I then placed sentinels to prevent the crowd from encroaching on us. As soon as we had disembarked the boats were sent back for Seymour's company. The major landed soon after in one of the engineer boats which had coasted along to avoid the steamer. Seymour's men arrived in safety, followed soon after by the remaining detachments which had been left behind as a rear guard. The latter however ran a good deal of risk for in the dark it passed almost under the bow of the guard boat Nina. The whole movement was successful beyond our sanguine expectations and we were highly elated. The signal gun was fired and haul at once sailed over and landed the soldiers, families and supplies. As soon as the schooners were unloaded the disloyal workmen were placed on board and shipped off to the mainland. Only a few of the best and most reliable were retained. Upon leaving me my wife took refuge temporarily in the residence of Dan Sinclair, the subtler of the post, a most excellent man and one of whom we were indebted to for many kindnesses. Finding that the people of Moultrieville were not yet aware of the change that had taken place and that everything was tranquil she ventured back to the fort and finished the removal of all our effects. After this in company with the Chaplin's family she walked up and down the beach the greater part of the night looking anxiously towards Fort Sumter to see if there were indications of trouble or disturbance there. In the morning she took up her residence at the Chaplin's house. As for the other ladies both Mrs. Simons and Mrs. Foster fled to the city at the first intonation of danger and Mrs. Seymour was already there. End of chapter 4. Recording by FNH. Visit www.bookranger.co.uk Chapter 5 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by FNH. Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie 1860-61 by Adner Doubleday. Chapter 5 The First Overt Act On the very day that these events occurred the South Carolina commissioners RW Barnwell, J. H. Adams and James L. Orr arrived in Washington to treat for the surrender of the forts and other public property. It proved to be a very inauspicious time for such a negotiation. A garrison were up betimes on the morning of the 27th to inspect their new quarters. The soldiers thronged the parapet in such numbers as to attract the attention of the troops on board the Nina. That vessel steamed up to the city in great haste and communicated the startling intelligence that Fort Sumter in some inexplicable manner had become fully reinforced. The chagrin of the authorities was intense. Messengers were at once dispatched all parts of the city to ring the doorbells and arouse the people. While this was going on in town, Anderson, who was very punctilious in regard to settling all debts due by the United States to citizens, determined to send a detachment under Lieutenant Davis back to Fort Moultrie as a guard to Captain Foster to enable him to pay off the claims of the workmen he had left behind. Dr. Crawford went over also to look after some of his medical property. As the guard boats had been withdrawn they reached the fort without difficulty and found it deserted. The people of the little village to all appearance were still ignorant of their change of station. Soon after their arrival the party in accordance with instructions from Major Anderson set fire to the gun carriages bearing on Fort Sumter and destroyed all the ammunition and military material that could not be brought away. The guns had been spiked the night before and the flagstaff was cut down either at that time or in the morning. As I have stated, the Major took great pains to see that all bills, even those of a private nature, due in Charleston, were fully paid by the officers and men of his command. But many leading merchants in the city were not so scrupulous. They gladly took advantage of the war to repudiate the claims of their northern creditors. I was also informed by one of the paymasters that a number of officers of the army who resigned to join the rebellion first deliberately drew their months' pay in advance and then left the paymaster as a penalty for his kindness to make good the deficiency from his private funds in order to settle his accounts. Foster and Davis, finding Fort Maltry still deserted, made good use of the occasion by loading up with supplies and ammunition one of the schooners which had been previously chartered to carry over the women and children and which were now lying empty at the wharf. On their way back from this expedition, our officers saw the Charleston troops going over to take possession of Castle Pickney. The calm and dignified South Carolina legislature had not authorized this outrageous proceeding. Even if we assume that the state had the right to secede, it does not follow that the public property within her limits belonged to her. It amputated to the nation at large in as much as all other states had contributed towards it and therefore it was a proper subject of negotiation. To seize it at once without a declaration of war and while the subject was still pending was a violation of all rights and precedent. The hotheaded governor however, irritated at our change of station, took the responsibility of commencing hostilities against the Union without the cooperation of the legislature and this too at a time when the state was almost destitute of war material and funds. I doubt if there were more than half a dozen heavy guns on hand and there were certainly not a dozen rounds of cannon powder for each. Major Anderson, who was a very religious man, thought it best to give some solemnity to our occupation of Fort Sumter by formally raising the flag at noon with prayer and military ceremonies. The band played the star-spangled banner, the troops presented arms and our chaplain the Reverend Matthias Harris offered up a fervent supplication invoking the blessing of heaven upon our small command and the cause we represented. Three cheers were then given for the flag and the troops were dismissed. The seizure of Castle Pickney on the afternoon of the 27th was the first overt act of the secessionists against the sovereignty of the United States. As already stated, it was ordered by Governor Pickens on his own responsibility without the concurrence of the legislature. The latter indeed was positively declined to sanction the measure. At 2 p.m. the Washington Light Inventory and the Meagher Guards, both companies of Colonel J. J. Pettigrew's rifle regiment embarked under command of that officer on board the Nina and steamed down to the little island upon which the castle is situated. When they arrived in front of the main gates they found them closed, whereupon they applied scaling ladders and with eager, flushed faces made their way to the top of the wall. The excitement was needless, for there was no one there to resist them, the only fighting men present being Lieutenant R. K. Mead of the Engineers and Ordnance Sergeant Skillen, who resided there with his family and who was in charge of the work. Mead, himself a Virginian, had a sharp Kalliliqui with Pettigrew and expressed himself in severe terms in relation to this treasonable assault. After taking possession one of the rebel officers found the sergeant's daughter, Pretty Kate Skillen, aged 15, weeping bitterly at the foot of the ramparts. He assured her that no harm would befall her. She replied, I am not crying because I am afraid. What is the matter, then, said he. I am crying because you have put that miserable rag up there, she said, pointing to the palmetto flag which had just been raised to the top of the staff. Foster's few reliable workmen proved to be a bad investment. It is said that most of them, when they found the enemy were actually coming, hid in closets, sheds, and under the beds, and some cried bitterly. While this was going on, Major Anderson and myself stood side by side on the parapet, watching the scene through our spyglasses. From his expressions of indignation, I was in hopes he would take prompt measures to close the harbour against any further encroachments of the state troops, made with a view to occupy Fort Maltry or Fort Johnson. It would have required but a short time to mount a few pieces, and when these were once in position it would have been easy to cut off all direct communication by water between the different posts. He short, he could take entire possession of the harbour. He did threaten to put out the lights in the lighthouses with his artillery and close the port in that way, but his anger soon passed away, and he took no aggressive measures of any kind. In my opinion, if he could have been satisfied that no other states would join South Carolina in a mad attempt, he would have done everything that lain his power to punish her, for he looked upon her as a spoiled child that needed correction. Having married a lady from Georgia, he had almost identified himself with that state. He did own a plantation and negroes there, but had recently sold them. The purchaser afterwards refused to pay for them on the ground that Anderson had destroyed their value by virtually warring against slavery. At this period the feeling in many parts of the South was strong against South Carolina. This was particularly the case among young men of Georgia who looked upon the leaders of secession in the Palmetto state as very presuming, because these leaders thought and acted as if they were the only representatives of Southern sentiment, and as if the leadership belonged to them as a matter of right. They seemed to consider that the mere fact of being born in South Carolina, or Carolina as they called it, contemptuously ignoring North Carolina, constituted in itself a patent of nobility, and their implied scorn of other states caused an antagonistic feeling which I have mentioned. This was shared by Anderson, until he found that Georgia would also certainly secede. He then seemed to lose all interest in the union and merely desired to become a spectator of the contest and not an actor. His efforts henceforth were simply confined to making his thoughts secure against assault. Hardly any amount of provocation could induce him to become the assailant. On the day we left Fort Moultrie, Captain Humphries of the Engineers arrived there from Washington with orders for Captain Foster from the Secretary of War. I have never learned the purport of these dispatches. On the 27th, the day after we evacuated the place, Lieutenant Colonel Wilmot G. D. Saussier arrived at Fort Moultrie at 9.00 p.m., with his battalion of Charleston artillery and 30 riflemen, in all 170 men. The companies composing the battalion were from the Marion artillery, the Lafayette artillery, the German artillery and the Washington artillery. I was informed by a spectator that the newcomers were exceedingly cautious in making an entrance. They were looking out for mines in all directions and had brought ladders with them on the supposition that there might be torpedoes in front of the main gates. It was a clear beautiful evening and the moon was at full. They were greatly enraged to find the flagstaff cut down, for they had hoped to run up their own flag on the very spot where ours had formerly waved. They found too the gun carriages burned and the guns which had gradually settled down as the carriages gave way, resting with their breeches on the platforms and the muzzles leaning against the walls. Out of the mouth of each hung a small white string. As many of the guns had been kept loaded for a considerable length of time these strings had been tied by me to the carriages in order that the latter might be pulled out and sunned occasionally as a precaution against dampness. Disorsalists men imagine that these strings were arranged with a view to blow up the guns at any moment should anyone have attempted to interfere with them and each soldier as he passed avoided the supposed danger. The South Carolina officers at this period spent much of their time in discussing military problems. One of these, which was afterward referred to us for solution, occasioned us much amusement. All cannonballs used in the army and exposed to the weather are coated with a varnish of coal tar to protect them from rust. Many of those we left behind were in piles near the guns and when the carriages were burned the tar melted ran down in streams and coagulated in lumps. It was immediately reported that before leaving we had taken great pains to tar the balls to render them useless. The problem which puzzled the military savans of Charleston was to determine in which way cannonballs were ruined by tar. Some months afterwards when we evacuated Fort Sumter one of the officers who had been much interested in this subject took Seymour aside and asked him confidentially if he had any objection to tell him why we tarred our balls assuring him most earnestly that they could scrape it all off. Upon occupying Fort Sumter we found it was in a very unfinished condition and that it would require an immense amount of labor to render it safe against an assault. It had no flanking defences whatever. Three or four hundred men with short ladders could easily have taken it for no guns were mounted except a few on the gorge and all the imprages were open there being no efficient means of closing them. On the gorge side where the wharf was located there were two sally ports and numerous windows to be guarded. In the second story the embrasures were nothing but large unfinished openings slightly boarded up. Three or four blows of an axe would have made a broad entrance for any escalating party. The form of the fort was a pentagon retaining a small force as a reserve in the centre of the work we could only furnish eight men to defend each side and guard all of the numerous openings. Fortunately no assault was made. It was thought the fort was almost impregnable and that there would be no difficulty in inducing Buchanan to order us back to Fort Maltry. This occasioned a delay and gave us time to strengthen our position. We were hard at work mounting guns, preparing shells to be used as hand grenades, stopping up surplus embrasures and removing the debris which encumbered the passages from one part of the work to another. Quarters were selected for the officers, soldiers and camp women and the household furniture which belonged to each and which had been thrown pel mail on the parade ground was all separated and deposited in different rooms. I chose an apartment near the mess hall and made it so comfortable that Anderson and Seymour came there temporarily to live with me. Our mess was also organised and placed in charge of Mr Edward Marl. In the afternoon Governor Pickens sent Colonel J. J. Pettigrew and Major Ellison Capers, both field officers of the rifle regiment in full uniform to interview Major Anderson. Their looks were full of wrath and they bowed stiffly and indignantly in answer to our smiling salutations. I was present at the conversation that ensued but did not take notes. They told the Major that perhaps he was not aware that an agreement had been entered to with President Buchanan not to reinforce the forts in the harbour. They desired to call his attention to the fact that his recent movement was in direct violation of the contract referred to. They were therefore directed by the Governor to request him peremptorily but courteously to immediately return to full tumultry. Anderson replied in substance that he knew nothing of any such agreement, that as commander of the defences of Charleston he had an inherent right to occupy any fort in the harbour. He stated that he too was a Southern man, that he believed the whole difficulty was brought on by the faithlessness of the North. Here the aides made a stiff bow, but as regards returning to full tumultry, he could not and he would not do it. The commissioners were then courteously dismissed. I have always felt that this was a most insolent demand, if the Governor considered himself aggrieved by our change of station, his redress lay in an appeal to Washington. This attempt to assume command of us and order us out of the United States Fort was an assumption of authority that merited a more spirited reply. Before his messengers left, I took occasion in conversation with the person who came over in the boat with them to refer to the great strength of the work, and I also spoke of the shells which we had prepared to throw down on the heads of an attacking party. I knew the conversation would be repeated, and hoped it might have some effect in deterring an immediate assault. A new outrage now took place in full view of Ag Harrison. The United States Revenue Cutter which lay anchored in the stream was turned over by its commander Captain N. L. Cost to the authorities of South Carolina. The previous seizures made without a declaration of war had been justified on the ground that the forts and public buildings were fixtures within the limits of the state. To retain this vessel was simply an act of piracy. When it became apparent that South Carolina did not control the administration in Washington, and that Anderson would not be ordered back, it is possible a boat attack might have been organized against us. But a storm came up about this time, and the wind was so violent that no small boat could venture out with safety. This occasion still further delay, which enabled us to do much towards placing the fort in a better condition for defense. End of Chapter 5 Recording by FNH Visit www.bookranger.co.uk Chapter 6 of Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by FNH Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Moultrie in 1860-61 by Adna Doubleday. Chapter 6 Effect of Anderson's Movement Anderson's movement and the sudden uprising of the North put an end to the mission of the South Carolina commissioners. Governor Pickens seized Castle Pickany and fought Moultrie on the 27th, and the Custom House and other United States property on the 28th. Before leaving, the commissioners made a formal call upon the president. The latter expected some apology or explanation in relation to the high-handed outrages that had been perpetrated. Had they temporized or even used conciliatory language on this occasion, it is possible the South might have still preserved the ascendancy it had always held in the councils of the president. Fortunately, they assumed an air of injured innocence, and required Mr Buchanan to humble himself before them for the past and give guarantees for the future by immediately ordering Fort Sumter to be vacated, that is, by surrendering to the state or public property in Charleston Harbour which had not already been stolen. For once the president, whose personal integrity was called into question, was thoroughly roused and made the only answer which suited the circumstances. He ordered a man of war to proceed to Charleston immediately, drive the state garrisons out of the forts and take possession of the city. He might indeed have arrested the commissioners for high treason, but his unionism was of a very mild type and far from being aggressive. One of the commissioners, Mr Adams, hastened to telegraph the authorities of Charleston on the 28th to prepare for war immediately as there were no longer any hopes of a peaceful settlement. This dispatch caused great uproar and excitement in Charleston. The banks at once suspended specky payments. All was terror and confusion, for it was expected that a fleet would bombard the city and land troops and there was no adequate means of opposing its entrance. Castle Picney indeed might offer some resistance, but as it had been a dependency of Fort Sumter and unoccupied little if any ammunition was kept there. The governor rushed frantically down to Fort Maltry to hasten the preparations for defense. Non-combatants were urged to leave Maltryville at once. The labourers formerly employed by Captain Foster were again hired by the state engineers and were kept at work thereafter, night and day, impiling up sandbags to shield the troops from the fire of Fort Sumter. The batteries at the northeastern extremity of Sullivan's Island, which were made up of a few old field pieces brought from the Citadel Academy in the city, were hastily put in order to protect the entrance of that channel. As for Fort Maltry, before we left we had rendered its armament useless. At this time the guns were still spiked and the workshops in the city were going night and day to replace the gun carriages that had been burned. In place of these some of the guns and carriages were sent over from Castle Picney. No attempt had been made to fortify the Morris Island Channel and vessels could enter there without the slightest difficulty. It took several days to transfer the guns and make the preparations I have mentioned. It follows therefore that if the administration had acted promptly Charleston could have been taken at once and full reparation exacted for all the wrongs perpetrated against the United States. Why this was not done will be explained hereafter. Foster had not been able to settle with all his workmen and the rebels frequently sent them over under a flag of truce to demand their back pay and act as spies. I was enabled through this channel to keep up a correspondence with my wife who was still in Maltryville. I learned all that was going on there and took occasion to inform her that we had no means of lighting up our quarters, a serious inconvenience in those long winter nights. She purchased a gross of matches and a box of candles and had them put on board one that the boats referred to in full view of a rebel sentinel who was supervising the embarkation. She then requested one of the crew, an old soldier named Minamahi who formerly belonged to my company, to deliver them to me which he agreed to do. The sentinel stared but the self-possessed manner in which he acted made him think that it must all be right and he therefore did not interfere. The box arrived safely and added very much to our comfort and convenience. When the governor found out that the spell of Southern supremacy was broken and that there was no probability that we would be ordered back to Fault Maltry, he was in a very angry mood. He stopped our mail for a time and cut off all communication with us. We were, of course, prevented from purchasing fresh provisions and reduced to pork, beans and hard tack. Anderson was quite indignant at this proceeding and again talked of shutting up the port by putting out the lights in the lighthouses. While the leaders in the city complained bitterly to the public of Anderson and his perfidity in occupying Fort Sumter, they did not hesitate among themselves to express their admiration for his acuteness in evading the dangers and difficulties which surrounded him and for the skillful manner in which he had accomplished it. Our life now proved to be one of great hardship. Captain Seymour and myself were the only officers for duty as officers of the day, Lieutenant Davis and Lieutenant Hall serving under us as officers of the guard. The situation required constant vigilance. Lieutenant Talbot, being a great sufferer from lung disease, was unable to do any kind of duty. We were therefore very busy during the day superintending measures for defense and were obliged to be on the alert and wide awake every other night so that we were completely exhausted in a short time. Assistant Sergeant Crawford, having no sick in hospital, generously offered to do duty as officer of the day and his offer was gladly accepted. The two young engineer officers, Snyder and Mead, were also willing to serve as line officers, but Captain Foster thought it was contrary to precedent and they were not detailed. As the engineer department is regarded in this country as the highest branch of the military service and its officers are really very able men, I cannot conceive what induced them to build Fort Sumter without any flanking defences whatever and without fireproof quarters for the officers. The first defect I endeavoured to remedy by projecting iron plated bulletproof galleries over the angles of the parapet. I left small trap doors in the bottom of these for the purpose of throwing down shells on the heads of any party below attempting to force an entrance through the embrasures. The other defect, the presence of so much combustible matter in the quarters, was impossible to remedy and it ultimately cost the loss of the fort. The excuse that it never could have been anticipated that the fort would be attacked from the land side is hardly a valid one, for a foreign fleet might possibly have affected a landing on Morris Island or they might have set fire to the quarters from the decks of the vessels by means of incendiary shells. As may well be supposed there was a great deal of excitement in New York in relation to us and in the view of the small number of men available for service in the regular army. Three of the principal citizens, James A. Hamilton, Moses H. Grinnell and I.E. Williams offered at their own expense about the last of December to send us 400 picked artilleryists from the citizen's soldiery of that city, but General Scott refused to entertain the proposition. On the first of January 1861 we took an account of our resources and found we had but one month's supply of fuel for cooking purposes but few candles and no soap. There was however a small lighthouse inside the fort and we found a little oil stored there. It seemed to me that the time had now come when forbearance ceased to be a virtue. Even our opponents were willing to acknowledge that we represented a legitimate government and that both duty and propriety called upon us to resist the numerous war measures which the governor of South Carolina had inaugurated. He had taken forcible possession of two United States forts, of the money in the customs house, of the custom house itself, and of other national property in Charleston. He had closed the harbour by destroying the costly prismatic lenses in the lighthouses and by withdrawing the warning light ship from Rattlesnake Shoal. He had cut off all communication between us and the city and had seized the United States miles. His steamboats laden with war material to be used in erecting batteries against us were allowed to pass and repass Fort Sumter, not only without opposition but without even a protest. Worse than all he had commenced imprisoning the crews of merchant vessels for consummacy in refusing to acknowledge his authority as the head of an independent nation. In vain did these vessels reverse their flags in a mute appeal to us to use our guns in their defence. Anderson would do nothing, not even send a communication to the governor on the subject, although the latter without authority from the state legislature was thus wielding all the powers of a military dictator. The enemy were greatly emboldened at our weakness or timidity and with good reason, for they saw us stand by with folded arms and allow steamboat loads of ammunition and war material to pass us on their way to Morris Island to be used in the erection and arming of batteries to prevent any United States vessels from coming to our assistance. Major Anderson was neither timid nor irresolute, and he was fully aware of his duties and responsibilities. Unfortunately he desired not only to save the Union but to save slavery with it. Without this he considered the contest as hopeless. In this spirit he submitted to everything and delayed all action in the expectation that Congress would make some new and more binding compromise which would restore peace to the country. He could not read the signs of the times and see that the conscience of the nation and the progress of civilization had already doomed slavery to destruction. If he had taken this view of the situation he would have made more strenuous efforts to hold on to the harbour of Charleston, and the 120 millions of dollars more or less spent to regain it might still have formed part of the national treasury. The applause which both in the North and South greeted his masterly movement of the 26th of December made him feel more like an arbiter between two contending nations than a simple soldier engaged in carrying out the instructions of his superiors. To show the spirit in which he acted it is only necessary to quote him from his letter to Governor Pickens while the rebellion was still pending. He wrote, My dear Governor, my heart was never in this war. This sentiment was repeated by him in letters to other parties and strange to say was actually sent in the form of an official communication to the adjutant general of the army. The difficulties he experienced in his unavailing attempts to defer hostilities seriously impaired his health and spirits and are ultimately brought on the disease which kept him almost entirely out of the service during the remainder of the war and in all probability hastened his death. However much I differed from him in regard to his pro-slavery sentiments I take pleasure in stating that aside from his political career the graces of his private life were such as to win the esteem and regard of all who knew him. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by FNH. About the close of the year a great fear fell upon Charleston for they had received positive information that a United States naval vessel was on its way to the city. The president had indeed acted promptly. On the 31st of December he ordered the Brooklyn Man of War under Captain Farangut to take 300 veteran soldiers on board from Fortress Monroe as a reinforcement for us and then proceed to Charleston Harbour to drive out the state troops and resume possession of the public property. General Scott the commander-in-chief assented to the arrangement at the time but unfortunately he was afterwards seized with doubts as to whether the withdrawing of so many men from Fortress Monroe might not endage its safety and that being a far more important work than Fort Sumter he did not like to run any risk in relation to it. He therefore induced Mr Buchanan to change the order and substitute for the Brooklyn a merchant vessel loaded with supplies and 250 recruits. This was a fatal error for the steamer chosen the Star of the West was from its nature wholly unfitted to contend with shore batteries. The general who at this time was quite pacifically inclined may have thought that if this vessel could slip in and land its cargo unawares he would have secured the harbour of Charleston without increasing the war fever in the south. Be this as it may there is no doubt that his policy was too peaceful in those early days of the war. When a company of the most distinguished men in Washington was formed under Cassius M. Clay to prevent the capture of the President and the destruction of the public buildings he gave positive orders to Senator Nye who was on duty at the Navy Yard not to fire upon the enemy in case they came to take possession. The original plan to succor us was excellent the substitute was an utter failure. A change of this kind always occasions more or less delay and in the present instance nearly a week elapsed before the vessel left New York. The enemy took immediate advantage of the time thus gained to put up a work to control the main channel which passes by Morris Island and which had previously been wholly unobstructed. They received the telegraphic notice on the 31st of December that a man of war would be sent and the very next day the cadets of the Citadel Academy were hard at work at the new battery. It was located so that it would command the channel and at the same time be beyond the reach of our guns. The day was cold and rainy and the wind blew fiercely. We wondered how long those boys would keep up their enthusiasm amidst the hardships and trials of the real war which was now fast approaching. Our chaplain who had been present at the raising of the flag and had then returned to his family in Moultrieville desired to make us another visit. For this purpose he called upon the rebel commander at Fault Moultrie and asked if there would be any obstacle thrown in the way of his crossing over to see us. The answer was, oh no Parson, I think I will give you a pass. The chaplain replied, I did not ask you for a pass sir, I am a United States officer and I shall visit a United States Fort whenever I think proper without asking your permission. I simply desire to know whether you intend to prevent my going by force. He was not allowed to cross and he soon gave new proofs of controversy by persisting in praying for the President of the United States when asked to hold services in the chapel before the rebel soldiers. He was soon banished and his property confiscated. The ladies we had left behind naturally felt a strong desire to be with us once more. My wife did not wish to ask permission of the rebel authorities and I saw little chance of her coming in any other way. Nevertheless to my surprise she made her appearance at the War for Fault Sumter on the afternoon of the 3rd of January. It seems she found a boatload of labourers about to make the passage for the purpose of obtaining their back pay from Captain Foster. She took a seat in the stern of the boat and told them to take her with them. The Sentinel who was there to examine the passes did not interfere or ask her any questions so she came over without difficulty. Mrs Foster and her sister Mrs Smith were already with us having obtained a permit from the Governor. Mrs Seymour had made an unsuccessful application to the Commander of Fault Maltry and had been somewhat rudely refused. Two clever little boys, sons of our generous-hearted subtler Dan Sinclair, volunteered to row her across. After dark they pulled a boat out from under a house up the beach and there was no guard there. Mrs Seymour came over without difficulty. The ladies were desirous of remaining an indefinite length of time but we had no means of making them comfortable and Major Anderson thought their presence would merely add to our embarrassment. In accordance with his wishes they left that night and the next day. The cold was intense and as all the wood was retained for cooking purposes I was obliged to split up a mahogany table for fuel to keep my wife from suffering during her brief visit. She and Mrs Seymour went back with the Sinclair boys at midnight. They succeeded in making a landing and in reaching the chaplain's house without being observed. In the meantime an amusing scene had occurred there. A very chivalrous gentleman, ex-Governor Means of South Carolina had learned in some way that Mrs Seymour had been rudely refused permission to visit her husband in Fault Sumter. He thought this action of the commandant of Fault Maltry harsh and unnecessary and was kind enough to take the trouble to call at the chaplain's house to assure Mrs Seymour that he would procure for her a pass from higher authority. The chaplain hardly knew how to act. He did not like to tell the ex-Governor that Mrs Seymour had already gone for fear it might get the Sinclair boys into trouble. He therefore pretended that Mrs Seymour was confined to her room with a sick headache. The ex-Governor sent him repeated messages to beg that she would see him if it was only for a moment but the answers made up by Mrs Harris were invariably in the negative. The chaplain afterwards laughed heartily at the equivocal position which he had been forced to assume. Now that we were alone once more we went to work with a will. The Baltimore laborers were of inestible value. They did an immense amount of labor in the way of mounting guns and moving weighty materials from one part of the work to another but they showed no inclination to take part in the fighting should any occur. On the third the South Carolina commissioners finally shook off the dust of their feet and left Washington having utterly failed to accomplish the object of their mission. On the same day the Governor through Mr Goulding's influence permitted us to receive our mails once more. By this date we had mounted all the guns we were able to man on the lower tier and had bricked up the surplus windows, sallypots and embrasures as we had no one to guard them. The enemy in the meantime had erected a battery at Fort Johnson and marked out another directly opposite to us in Moultrieville. On the sixth the Mayor of New York Fernando Wood promulgated a message to the effect that the union was breaking up and recommending that the city of New York secede from the state. At this time the seeming indifference of the politicians to our fate made us feel like orphan children of the republic deserted by both the state and the federal administrations. On the same day Governor Pickens graciously allowed Mrs Anderson to visit her husband but coupled the permission with the ungenerous stipulation that the interview must take place in presence of witnesses. He disliked very much to disablige her as she belonged to one of the most distinguished families of Georgia and had many influential relatives among the secessionists. Mr Goulding too, who was a warm personal friend of her husband exerted himself in her behalf. While she herself displayed great patriotism, several of her brothers in the final attack on Fort Sumter were on the opposite side fighting against her husband. Under the circumstances her visit to us was a brief one. She brought a valuable addition to the fort in the shape of Peter Hart, a gallant and trustworthy man who had been Anderson's orderly sergeant in Mexico. She felt much easier in her mind now that the Major had heart to look after him. He was only permitted to join us on the condition that his duties were to be those of a civilian and not of a soldier. On the 8th, the Governor, who like Louis XIV, might very readily have said, Léa Tate Cessemoire, concluded to form a cabinet to assist him in his onerous duties. He accordingly appointed J. G. Margaret, Secretary of State, D. F. Jamison, Secretary of War, C. G. Memminger, Secretary of the Treasury, A. C. Gallington, Secretary of the Interior, and W. H. Harley, Postmaster General. On the same day, our ladies who had assembled at the Mills House in Charleston left for the North in a body on account of the state of public feeling in the city. Their presence with us threw a momentary brightness over the scene, but after their departure everything looked more gloomy and disheartening than before. The fort itself was a deep, dark, damp, gloomy-looking place, enclosed in high walls where the sunlight rarely penetrated. If we ascended to the parapet, we saw nothing but uncouth state flags representing palmettoes, pelicans, and other strange devices. No echo seemed to come back from the loyal North to encourage us. Our glasses in vain swept the horizon. The one flag we longed to see was not there. It did come at last in a timid, apologetic way, and not as a representative of the war power of the government. We had seen a statement in a Northern paper that a steamer named the Star of the West which belonged to Marshal O. Roberts was to be sent to us under command of Captain John McGowan, with a reinforcement of several hundred men and supplies of food and ammunition, but we could not credit the rumour. To publish all the details of an expedition of this kind, which ought to be kept a profound secret, was virtually telling South Carolina to prepare her guns to sink the vessel. It was hard to believe the government would send to us a mercantile steamer, a mere transport, utterly unfitted to contend with the shore-batteries, when it could dispatch a man of war furnished with all the means and appliances to repel force by force. As the insurgents at this period had but few fill guns and a very scanty supply of cannon powder, the Brooklyn alone in my opinion could have gone straight to the wharf in Charleston and put an end to the insurrection then and there, for we all know what its distinguished Captain Farragut was able to accomplish when left to his own resources. It seems, however, the news was literally true. The expedition was fitted out by Lieutenant Washington A. Bartlett, an ex-officer of our Navy. Although I had little faith in the announcement, I scanned with increased interest every vessel that approached the harbour. Soon after daylight on the morning of the ninth, I was on the parapet with my spy-glass, for I fancied from a signal I had observed the previous evening on a pilot boat that something must be coming. As I looked seaward, I saw a large steamer pass the bar and enter the Morris Island Channel. It had the ordinary United States flag up, and as it evidently did not belong to the Navy, I came to the conclusion that it must be the Star of the West. I do not remember that any other officers were on the lookout at this time. Anderson himself was still in bed. When the vessel came opposite the new battery, which had just been built by the cadets, I saw a shot fired to bring her to. Soon after this, an immense United States garrison flag was run up at the fore. Without waiting to ascertain the result of the firing, I dashed down to the back stairs to Anderson's room to notify him of the occurrence. He told me to have the long roll beaten, and to post the men at the guns on the parapet. I ran out, called the drummers, and had the alarm sounded. It took but a few minutes for men and officers to form at the guns in readiness for the action. The battery was still firing, but the transport had passed by and was rapidly getting out of range. At the same time it was approaching within gunshot of Fort Moultrie. The latter immediately opened fire from one or two of the guns, Anderson would not allow us to return this fire, and the captain of the vessel, wholly discouraged by our failure to respond, turned about and made his way back to New York. Two shots had struck the steamer, but no essential injury was done. I think the people in Fort Moultrie, who expected to be driven out to take refuge behind the sandhills, were especially astonished at air in action. It is very true that the Morris Island battery was beyond the reach of our guns. Still, we did not know this positively at the time, and our firing in that direction, even if ineffectual, would have encouraged the steamer to keep up on its course. We had one or two guns bearing on Fort Moultrie, and as that was within easy range, we could have kept down the fire there long enough to enable the steamer to come in. It was plainly our duty to do all that we could. For anything we knew to the contrary, she might have been in a sinking condition. Had she gone down before our eyes, without an effort on our part to aid her, Anderson would have incurred a fearful responsibility by his inaction. Mr Dawson in his account of these incidents in the historical magazine has it that a council of war was held by us to determine whether we would fire or not, and that we decided not to fire. He found this upon verbal statements made by Foster and Davis. I know Foster was under this impression, but upon my recalling the circumstances to his recollection a short time before his death, he admitted his mistake. My memory is very clear and distinct on this point, and I am sustained in regard to it by both Seymour and Crawford. Davis I have not seen for some time, but I have no doubt he will confirm what I have said when his memory is refreshed. Indeed, there was no time for deliberation while the troops were at the guns, for the vessel was moving very rapidly and the whole affair was over in a few minutes. The council was held after the steamer had gone to determine what action ought to be taken in consequence of the attack. It was too late then for the resistance, and all we could do was to send Lieutenant Hall to the Governor with a flag of truce to demand an explanation. In this communication Anderson expressly stated that if he did not receive a satisfactory reply, he would not hereafter allow any vessel from Charleston to pass within reach of his guns. As might be expected, the Governor replied that he took the responsibility of the firing and would do it again under like circumstances. Anderson then reconvened the council to lay this answer before them. Through his influence it was concluded to send Lieutenant Talbot to Washington with a full statement of the occurrence and await his return with specific instructions from the War Department. To carry out even this program, the Major was obliged to obtain the Governor's permission for Lieutenant Talbot to pass through Charleston. It was urged by Anderson that the delay would enable us to finish our preparations for defence, but it was evident that time was far more valuable to the enemy than it was to us, for it enabled them to complete and arm their batteries and close the harbour against our men of war thus virtually imprisoning us in our island home. When Talbot left we resumed the labours as usual. No attempt was made to carry out the threat of stopping all passing vessels. By the 14th of January our heavy guns were up, but by that time too the greater part of Fault Moultrie and Castle Picney were shielded from our direct fire by huge piles of sandbags. We now began to get out of fuel, but we still had a resource in some wooden sheds inside the fort which had been used as a temporary shelter for cement and building materials. Our position was greatly alleviated in one respect, owing it is said to the influence of Mr Gordon already referred to as a leading secessionist and an old friend of Major Anderson, we were allowed to receive our mails once more. After the Star of the West Affair, they probably thought we were very harmless people and deserved some reward for our forbearance.