 Thank you very much, Dahi. Boris Y Elsin and John Major became quite close friends when John Major was Prime Minister, and on one occasion when Boris Y Elsin was visiting, John Major said to him, Boris, what are things like in Russia in a word? And Boris Y Elsin said, good. So John Major didn't feel he was getting very far and he said, well Boris, what are things like in Russia in two words? And Boris said, not good. And I think there was a large part of British Irish history when you needed two words to describe the relationship, but fortunately now the relations are simply good. This is a quotation. The relationship between our countries has never been stronger or more settled, as complex or as important as it is today. That opening line of the joint statement agreed by the Tysiwch and Prime Minister Cameron at their meeting in Downing Street on the 12th of March describes well, I think, the British Irish relationship today. Over many centuries until as recently as a few years ago, it would have been hard to imagine those four adjectives, apart perhaps from the word complex, being chosen to describe the British Irish relationship. That the Tysiwch and Prime Minister would describe the relationship as never stronger or more settled or as important illustrates how far we have come. At the outset, let me say that I have always been delighted over many years now to participate in and contribute to events at the Institute for International and European Affairs. There's a Rowan Atkinson sketch in which the character he is playing says, they call me one-eyed Jim because there's only one eye in Jim. I remember this institute when it was still the one-eyed IEA, before the word international was added to the word European. But in every sense, other than spelling, the IEA has never had any problem with its eyes or its vision. On the contrary, it has been consistently clear-sided and far-sided in its work and remains so today. I have been invited to speak to you about the British Irish relationship in a changing European Union. Although I'm very pleased to do so, I'm conscious that there are others here today, at least as qualified as me to speak on this theme. Especially your distinguished Director-General, Dahu Yokali, my predecessor but one at the Embassy in London. My Bulgarian colleague in London, in a recent speech referring to the good-neighbri relations between Britain and Bulgaria, pointed out that the warmth of those relations reflect a key element in good-neighbri relations, namely that Bulgaria and Britain are not neighbours. The modern relationship between Britain and Ireland comprehensively disproves that theory. My aim in these remarks will be threefold. First, to look at some of the elements which have contributed to the immense progress in British Irish relations in recent years. Second, to look at some of the key elements in the joint statement which I mentioned. And finally, to offer you some brief reflections on the future. As regards the elements which have contributed to the progress of recent years, I would identify six factors amongst many. First, Britain and Ireland's simultaneous accession to the European Union and our shared membership for nearly 40 years now has been important and positive, not just for our two countries individually, but for the relationship between us. Important politically, psychologically, economically and personally. Politically, our shared membership of the EU has quite literally brought our politicians together month after month over four decades. It has given us deep common interests like never before and a structured context for pursuing those interests, as well as for resolving differences when they arise. Psychologically, the EU has placed us on a more equal footing as nations than at any time in our history. Access for Ireland to significant influence in the world beyond our nearest neighbour has been good for our relationship with our nearest neighbour. That British ministers should attend EU meetings chaired by Irish Presidencies and vice versa has been a matter of everyday reality. The fact that we have coped with EU membership at least as well as Britain in terms of negotiating skills, alliance building and personal impact has also been important psychologically. Economically, the massively positive impact which EU membership has had on our economy has at the same time made us a more important negotiating and trading partner for Britain. The ready willingness of Britain to contribute to the EU IMF package for Ireland and the fact that this was readily supported without controversy across the British political spectrum was testament to the closeness of the economic and indeed political relationship. On a personal level, Irish and British negotiators have come to realise over the years that although, as with every Member State, we agree on some issues and disagree on others, we share fundamentally a way of approaching issues, a way of doing business and all things being equal have an understanding and sympathy for each other's positions. A second factor which contributed significantly to the development of British Irish relations in recent years has of course been the Northern Ireland peace process which, despite its imperfections, has won the deserved admiration of the world. At one level, the success of the peace process removed an irritant in the British Irish relationship, but at a deeper level it brought home to both governments their necessarily shared interest in peace and prosperity across these islands and that only the two governments working together as successive governments in Dublin and London have done could create the necessary context for peace in a divided society which differed essentially in its conflicting British or Irish identities and aspirations. Working together brought home to the two governments as well as to their publics how extraordinarily well in fact they could work together. A third factor which has contributed enormously to the warmth of the British Irish relationship today is the natural warmth between British and Irish people, a fact particularly evident to me as Ambassador in London, as no doubt it is evident to Ambassador Dominic Chilcott newly arrived here and Andrew Staunton, the Charger who's with us this morning. It's hard to imagine two countries which are closer culturally than Britain and Ireland. After I took up my posting in London three years ago I naturally had to undertake extensive language training but once I learned how to make a British understatement while at the same time keeping my tongue in my cheek and maintaining a stiff upper lip I've been able to converse reasonably comfortably with the local inhabitants. The fact is that we Irish and British speak the same language metaphorically as well as linguistically. We laugh at the same jokes and follow the same football teams. There is a buzz when we get together. We're similar enough to understand each other and different enough to make each other interesting. No country is closer to Britain culturally than Ireland and no embassy in London is more warmly embraced than the Irish Embassy. The natural state of relations between British Irish and Irish people is one of friendship and the only mode that that relationship knows today is one of friendship. For a very long time however for many history cast a small or larger shadow over personal relations even in recent decades notwithstanding our shared interest in defeating terrorism and in building peace in Northern Ireland. The change which has taken place in recent years can be illustrated by a simple story. A friend of mine in London told me not long after I arrived that his young daughter had been approached by a British classmate who had said to her, I wish I were Irish, it's cool to be Irish. To say the least that has not always been the case but it is the reality today. I was also struck by the warmth of Prince Charles comments about the Irish community in Britain when he came to the embassy some months before the Queen's visit. Whenever I have been with Irish people he said, I come away with my spirits lifted. The vast and diverse Irish community in Britain has played a major role in the development of British Irish relations. The part they played over decades in even quite literally building Britain is widely recognized and acknowledged including at the very highest levels in Britain. It used to be said in Britain that the Irish built the roads, nursed the sick and taught the children. Today one could with small exaggeration we permit ourselves say that the Irish in Britain designed the clothes, direct the plays, ride the winners, present the television programs and run the financial services industry. It's also appropriate to acknowledge two other things. First, as the Irish community in Britain often emphasizes to me the way in which they have been welcomed into British society by their British neighbours and friends. And second of course the contribution which an increasing number of British people are making to Irish society. It's significant for relations between our countries that Irish people are accepted in a unique way and without question into every part of British society including into its very bastions. I could give you many examples of Irish people including people of Irish descent who are prominent in every single walk of life in Britain from politics to business, from media to entertainment. But let me take just one example, sport. The English rugby team's new star and out half is Owen Farrow. The English cricket team's number five batsman is Owen Morgan. Their best football player is Wayne Rooney. The 2010 BBC sports personality of the year was AP McCoy and he was almost succeeded by Darren Clark. And of course they claim Rory McElroy as their best golfer. To cite another recent example among so many of how integrated the Irish are in Britain and there are examples like this every day. It wasn't even considered worth remarking that all four members of the Manchester University team which won university challenge this year had distinctively Irish names. That Irish people are more accepted as a matter of course in Britain than any other nationality both illustrates the positive attitude towards Ireland and further contributes to it. The fourth important factor I want to mention in the development of relations between our countries is the evolving business-trade relationship. A few simple figures will confirm the depth and breadth of that relationship. A billion euro of trade every week, more than a thousand flights a week and 45,000 Irish people on the boards of British companies more than double the number from any other country and 40% more than from all the BRIC countries combined. The depth of the British-Irish business and trade relationship would merit of course a separate presentation. However let me mention briefly two recent developments. One important development has been the clear recognition at the highest level in Britain that the importance of the British-Irish business relationship is mutual. Since our independence the British market has been and remains self-evidently crucial for Ireland by far our most important market for indigenous Irish exports for example and our largest tourism market. What is relatively recent however has been the high profile recognition in Britain that the Irish market is likewise crucial for Britain by far its largest export market for food for example as well as for fashion to cite some examples. It was David Cameron who first highlighted shortly after taking office what has now become the mantra but no less extraordinary or less true for that that Britain exports more to Ireland than it does to China, India, Russia and Brazil combined. When I took up my post at the embassy in London in 2009 some colleagues expressed concern to me that a side effect of the extraordinary progress in Northern Ireland might be that Ireland would slip down the British agenda that the British government might see increasingly little to talk to us about. The reverse has in fact been the case. The progress in Northern Ireland in relation to which the British and Irish governments of course still remain crucial partners has in fact enabled Britain and Ireland to move towards the close relationship which the logic of our geography and interests implies. This is manifested in the warmth of today's relationship including at the highest political level in the unprecedented frequency of ministerial visits in both directions and in the adoption of the recent joint statement. In the establishment last year of the first British Irish Chamber of Commerce of which I am pleased to be co-patron. When William Hague spoke at the launch of the chamber he joked with some pertinence that he had assumed when he received the invitation to the event that he was being invited to the 50th or 75th anniversary of the establishment of the chamber. The other aspect of the business relationship I want to touch on briefly is that increasingly it goes well beyond bilateral trade. It is increasingly about British and Irish companies working together to obtain business working together all around the world. I host many events at the embassy with Enterprise Ireland bringing together Irish and British companies in different sectors. The discussions between the individual companies are as often about winning contracts in Beijing as they are about exporting goods to Birmingham. The fifth aspect of the recent development in British Irish relations which I would mention is culture. The cultural influence in both directions is immense. In Ireland we watch British TV and increasingly read British newspapers. For better or worse, probably worse, British domestic news is consumed in Ireland as if it were real international news. On the other hand, in the weekly Time Out magazine in London there is scarcely a single page which does not advertise performances involving Irish writers, directors, musicians, actors or comedians. The Irish way of influencing the British media is not by exporting RTE but simply by Irish people taking over the British media. There is no British media outlet which does not employ Irish presenters, producers or journalists in key positions. I noted one very recent example, BAFTA, a very British organisation recently appointed Dara O'Brian as presenter of the annual BAFTA Awards to replace Graham Norton. They really should give the British a shot at it. The sixth and final factor in recent developments which I must mention briefly is the Queen's immensely successful visit to Ireland which had an immense impact in both countries. The visit also proved to the wider world that the two countries which perhaps more than any other two countries in history had been known for their rivalry have become the very closest of friends and that the closeness of our geography has at last become more important than the divisions of our history. In symbolic terms, the Irish flag and the union jack for the first time sit quite comfortably together comfortably together and of course the visit also created the context for last week's handshake. I would now like to turn to the Tisha and Prime Minister Cameron's joint statement at Dining Street on the 12th of March. The statement could be said to symbolise in a sense the fruit of the evolving relationship between Britain and Ireland which I described. Of course the relationship is about much more than such statements but the joint statement captures well I believe the state of the modern relationship as well as its potential for the future. Significantly the joint statement is the first such statement between the two governments which was not focused exclusively or even primarily on Northern Ireland. That in itself is both a noteworthy and welcome development. After some introductory paragraphs the first and longest section of the statement deals with business and trade relations and focuses on the scope for Britain and Ireland to work together to accelerate recovery, growth and job creation. It recognises the wide range of shared interests and opportunities and identifies area for further practical cooperation including research, energy, construction, agri food, professional and financial services and the creative sectors. Importantly the joint statement confirms agreement that a joint evaluation of the depth of economic relations between the UK and Ireland will be prepared. Those relations of course run much deeper than mere trade statistics and the proposed joint evaluation the first of its kind should provide an accurate up-to-date analysis of the complexity of the economic relationship and identify further opportunities for closer cooperation to our mutual benefit. The statement goes on to identify our shared membership of the European Union as an important dimension of the relationship and as well as particular EU issues including the internal market reducing the burden of regulation and financial services on which we have a significantly shared approach. Naturally the statement does not suggest that Ireland and Britain are permanent allies in the EU or members of a single camp. That would misrepresent both the different paths which Ireland and Britain have chosen to follow in Europe as well as the reality of EU negotiations in which alliances and disagreements fluctuate depending on the issue at hand. However Britain is as important an EU partner for us as any and working on that aspect of our relationship including through our respective embassies would be important for the future including for our presidency next year. Another section of the joint statement deals with addressing global challenges the extent to which Ireland and Britain today share an approach to international issues is striking. For much of the last century Britain and Ireland had significantly different perspectives on the world. The statement of the 12th of March emphasises our mutual commitment to effective multilateralism in the UN to tackling climate change and to our strong support for international aid as well as for reform of the international development system. On many such issues Ireland and Britain are increasing the allies and work closely and comfortably together. Of course the joint statement also covers the essential ongoing cooperation of the two governments in relation to Northern Ireland. As the statement puts it the two governments quote continue to work in the closest cooperation on Northern Ireland issues we reaffirm our support for the full implementation of the agreements and for the ongoing work and development of the devolved and other institutions. That continued cooperation between the two governments as co-guaranteurs of the peace process remains crucial and undiminished as the statement simply puts it that cooperation must and will continue. What has changed is that that cooperation as confirmed in the statement is now set as it should be in the context of the wider relationship. Another hallmark of the section of the statement dealing with Northern Ireland is that it looks beyond the achievements of the past, beyond even the aim of ensuring that society in Northern Ireland is never again blighted by violent conflict. Our aim that the Prime Minister say explicitly in the statement is more than that. It is a society and here I quote again that is not only peaceful but stable, prosperous and based on a genuinely shared future for all. In other words there is no question of resting on laurels, there is no suggestion of parking on laurels. The focus is very much on the two governments continuing to work together in support of the Northern Ireland Executive to build a better future. The statement appropriately refers to the decade of centenaries which has commenced this year and the potential of the commemorations to contribute to enhanced mutual respect and understanding. The Queen's visit to Ireland last year and the wreaths she laid with President McElize during her visit in honour both of those who died for Irish freedom and those who died in British uniform is evidence that the decade of centenaries can and will be used constructively. It demonstrated that we are capable on these islands if I may borrow from Wilford Owen of remembering respectfully together whatever mourns in man before whenever mourns in man when many leave these shores whatever shares the eternal reciprocity of tears. But as the statement goes on we also want to ensure that this is a decade not only of remembering but also of looking forward to a decade of renewed and strengthened cooperation between our two countries as the statement puts it. The statement includes several important practical elements designed to contribute to its stated aim of reinforcing the British Irish relationship over the next decade. It provides for regular meetings at permanent secretary, secretary general level more frequent exchanges and secondments of officials and annual summits at Tishock Prime Minister level which of course will not preclude more frequent meetings. It is perhaps worth noting finally the ease and enthusiasm with which the joint statement was negotiated the important symbolism of the fact that it was agreed by the first Tishock for many years to visit London during St Patrick's week and its acknowledgement of what it calls the uniquely close political relationship between Britain and Ireland. I mentioned at the outset that I would offer you in conclusion some brief reflections on the future of the British Irish relationship about which I am both excited and optimistic. I will offer you six thoughts on the future to balance the six elements looking back on the development of the relationship over recent years which I mentioned earlier. First I would suggest that it is essential not to take the relationship between Britain and Ireland however close it now is for granted. That is not to suggest for a moment that there is any risk of falling back into the tensions and recriminations of the past. Rather it is to point out that if we are to reap in Ireland as in Britain the full potential benefits of the relationship it is something we need to work at. We need to avoid any lazy assumption that we are such close neighbours that cooperation across the garden fence is inevitable. That we are such close friends that telepathy can replace conversation. Two-way business is on such a large scale our two cultures so intertwined our peoples are so integrated in each other societies our commitment to peace in northern Ireland so absolute our way of doing business so similar that we must avoid any risk of assuming an inevitability about the relationship and its different dimensions. We must put it another way avoid the myopia of closeness. The current research being undertaken by the IEA on Britain in Europe is a perfect example of not taking for granted the British Irish relationship and I commend you for your work in this area. The study of Irish history and culture in British universities including Professor Roy Foster's leadership at Oxford and the flagship institute for Irish studies at Liverpool University has been another important contributory factor to enhance the understanding between our two countries and indeed of our respective pasts. Such deeper understanding is the result of creativity and commitment and should not be assumed as a given. Minister Rabbit has made it clear that the recent decision of RTE to close its London office is a matter for RTE alone and I would have no further comment on the decision. However our understanding for each other as peoples and as countries is one of the many things we need to work at. Like the Minister I welcome the fact that RTE has made clear that alternative arrangements will be in place to ensure appropriate coverage of Britain. Of course a great deal of what happens in the British Irish relationship will happen anyway. It is not government dictate which makes the Dublin London airline route one of the busiest in Europe. It's not government policy which makes most top jockeys in Britain Irish or the British premiership the principal topic of conversation in Irish pubs. It is very conscious that it is neither desirable nor remotely possible to seek to channel the entire bilateral relationship through our respective embassies. That would be absurd. In most capitals in which Ireland has an embassy it will have some involvement in any local Irish cultural event or business relationship. The depth and the breadth of the relationship with Britain makes that impossible. A diplomat from a similar sized European country in London once explained to me that he has more than half a dozen staff dealing with cultural relations with a vastly deeper cultural relationship with Britain. We have half a member of staff dealing with culture. The essential difference of course is that the other country in question relies almost entirely on its embassy to stimulate cultural exchanges. But while it would be foolish to think that officialdom can define the British Irish relationship in its totality it would equally be folly for the two governments not to use their influence to help to nurture and shape the relationship. That is why for example the large number of ministerial visits between our countries is so much to be welcomed. That brings me to my second reflection on the future. What the two governments can and should continue to identify and bring to the relationship is added value. That's what we work hard at and that's what the joint statement is about. We should remember that a very small percentage increase in trade or tourism with Britain our most important market has a greater impact than a much larger increase in some of the more challenging new markets. That is why Britain is and will remain such a priority for the government and for our state agencies and of course for Irish business. The new British Irish Chamber which I mentioned is another practical example of bringing sensible added value to the business relationship. Similarly while much of the two way cultural exchange between Britain and Ireland will happen of its own accord a small amount of official support can have a significant and disproportionate impact on promoting Irish culture in Britain including this year in the context of the cultural Olympiad. My third reflection concerns the Irish community in Britain which continues to have an enormous positive impact on the British Irish relations as well as on Britain itself and is a vital resource for Ireland. The Irish community is vast and diverse to the extent that some would argue it may be more accurate to speak of Irish communities in the plural. With perhaps more than 6 million people in Britain claiming a degree of Irishness it can seem rare to meet anyone without some Irish family connection. Interestingly it was the Prime Minister Cameron personally who added a reference to family ties to the joint statement. The Irish government continues to attach great importance to the Irish in Britain as regards the more long standing Irish community in Britain the government maintains significant support through the immigrant support programme administered by the embassy for Irish centres and organisations which support the vulnerable and elderly Irish in the major cities. It also supports the Federation of Irish Societies the Irish cultural community and a thriving GAA. Similarly the embassy devotes particular priority to working with Irish business networks in Britain. Networks are the most effective way of accessing the goodwill and potential influence of the tens of thousands of Irish members of the business community. In addition to working with the British based members of the global Irish network the embassy has devoted significant efforts to encouraging the establishment and development of Irish business related networks of which there are now more than 20 in Britain many with more than a thousand members accountants, engineers, lawyers and social services and so on. Just on Thursday evening we did a reception for a relatively new organisation that's only existed for two years the London Irish business society which now has 2,500 members. We have also prioritised the networking of the networks as we call it introducing the networks to each other and encouraging mutual support and across virtualisation of ideas. The fourth thought I would like to offer about future British Irish relations concerns an issue of particular relevance for the EU, namely the European Union a subject which also would merit several seminars in its own right. There is ever more reason for Ireland now to work closely with the UK and Europe from our different perspectives. The genuine warmth of the wider political and economic relationship provides an ideal context for such cooperation moreover the increasing risk of a degree of British isolation in Europe following the European Council in December and in view of British public opinion makes it all the more important for Ireland to have a new involvement and for Britain to work to cement its relationship relations with a partner like Ireland which in several areas shares its interests and which as I said at the outset shares a way of doing business. As Euroscepticism seems to spread further in Britain the advocates for Europe appear less visible and audible perhaps Ireland as a well-regarded friend can in a small way contribute some degree of reassurance to Britain about EU membership. I would emphasise again the obvious point that Ireland and Britain do not constitute a camp of councils, Anglo-Saxon or otherwise. We disagree sometimes strongly on many specific policy issues such as agriculture for example. We tend indeed to have quite different attitudes to the very nature and direction of the European Union. But Ireland has for many years seen France and Germany principally through the prism of EU membership. Increasingly perhaps Britain and Ireland should see each other as partners in the European Union as much as partners in the peace process and partners for business. It would be remiss of me not to mention Scotland even if only briefly. My fifth and penultimate reflection would therefore be that if it takes two to tango our dancing partner across the Irish Sea is trying out some new moves. Britain is neither homogeneous nor monolithic. In looking at relations with Britain we naturally look first and foremost to the other sovereign government in London as well as to Northern Ireland. But we also look to our bilateral relations with Scotland and Wales and to our membership of the British Irish Council, the BIC which brings together twice a year Sometimes in the past the value of the BIC has been its quiet practical work behind closed doors. However at the press conference following the BIC meeting in Dublin earlier this year I was struck by the high press interest and attendance. There was obviously interest in what Alex Salmond would say about Scottish independence and in how Nick Clegg would respond. But the First Minister of Wales, Carwyn Jones also spoke interestingly about the possible implications of the Scottish referendum for Wales and indeed for governance in England and Wales. And Peter Robinson and Martin McGinnis highlighted the Northern Ireland dimension from their different perspectives. British Irish relations are increasingly part of a complex patchwork of relations across these islands. A member of the House of Lords once said during a speech, I don't mind people looking at their watches while I'm speaking but I do object strongly to people shaking their watches to make sure they're working. So before I see too many of you shaking your watches I want to come to my final point. The strength of the modern British Irish relationship is necessarily based on equality. Not equality in size but in sovereignty. Not equality in power but in dignity. The reality and recognition of that equality is reflected in our roles as co-guaranteurs of the peace process, in our shared membership of the European Union, in the mutual respect and perfect balance of the Queen's visit to Ireland and increasingly in the confident relationship between our peoples, it lies at the very heart of the modern British Irish relationship. Thank you.