 Meanwhile, Jeremy Corbyn is left to reflect on Labour's worst election performance since 1935. He's going to be turning down as leader in the new year, but with so many young members who joined the party to support Jeremy Corbyn specifically, how does Labour find an elector leader who can re-establish Labour as potential leaders? We're joining us from Westminster now to contribute to this. We've got the contributing editor at Navarra Media, Ash Zarka and John Rental, chief political commentator for the independent. Good afternoon to you both. Interesting times for the Labour parties. The dust has settled a little bit. Ash, I'll come to you first. So many people asking over the weekend after that result on Friday, what went wrong? Have you managed to crystallise it this Monday afternoon? Well, I think that if you look at the results, you can tell that a few things happened. One is that Jeremy Corbyn did not enjoy the same bounce that he did in 2017. And so those negative favourability ratings really dogged him throughout the campaign. The second thing is that Brexit, obviously, it split his electoral coalition. It meant that votes were being lost to the Liberals and the Greens in places which could have turned seats, for example, Chingford and Woodford Green, but then also in those, you know, Northern and Midlands seats. The fact that the Brexit party was running against Labour candidates meant that Labour leaders either went to the Brexit party or because Labour had shifted their position towards the second referendum didn't seem to be as committed to respecting the referendum result as they did in 2017. They lost a huge chunk of their votes there. And then the third thing is if you look at the breakdown of age groups and where they turned out is that Labour absolutely dominated everyone aged 18 to 45. The Tories dominated from 45 upwards. And the problem with Labour's young voters is that it's solid. It is pretty much unchallenged, but young people tend to be concentrated around metropolitan areas. So you really get punished by the geographic spread. You know, so Corbyn got 3% more of the vote share than Ed Miliband did, but overall 30 less seats than Ed Miliband did. So punishing. OK, well that's three reasons. I mean, does that strike with you, John? Is that the three reasons that you see behind Labour's crushing defeat last week? Worse, it's 1935. Yeah, well those are three of the top four reasons why Labour did very badly, but of course the most important reason was that Jeremy Corbyn was extremely unpopular. And, you know, that was different from 2017. I mean, he surprised everyone, I think, including himself in 2017 by coming across as reasonable and measured, rather contrary to the way he was portrayed in the media. But I think in the two and a half years since, I think people realised what Jeremy Corbyn really is, which is some kind of SWP front in charge of the Labour Party, and they didn't like it one little bit. And that was the fundamental reason, I think, why Labour lost. That's interesting. Ash, John, putting the blame squarely at the door of Jeremy Corbyn, we're told he's stepping down in March looking for a new leader. Where does Labour go? Because it's interesting, isn't it? Do you get somebody in Jeremy Corbyn's vein? Because so many members rush to join the party, so many young members, as you pointed out, because of Jeremy Corbyn specifically, or do they go to somebody else who has broader appeal? So I would be very wary of rushing to endorse anyone candidate while we're still trying to work out precisely not just what went wrong in 2019, but why Labour has been gradually losing its vote share since 2010 and 2017 really was the anomaly there. What I would say is that the policies, particularly renationalising railways, even free fibre optic broadband, polled very, very well, but there wasn't a political strategy which turned this manifesto into a compelling story the same way that there was in 2017. So I would be very cautious about throwing the baby out with the bathwater and saying that what we need is a return to, you know, centrist neoliberal politics. If that were the case, then the Liberal Democrats would have returned far more than 11 MPs and change UK would have gotten more than what? I think it was somewhere between zero and 1% of the vote. John, that's interesting. Ash says it's not necessarily the policies that they got wrong, but perhaps how they said they were going to get there. Voters didn't buy in to the plan. They might have liked the idea of renationalising the railway and boosting the NHS, giving it lots of money, but they didn't quite believe the path to get to those points. They didn't believe in Labour's competency in getting there, perhaps. No. I mean, rescuing the NHS and giving it lots of money was Boris Johnson's policy, whereas Labour's policy was to spend all sorts of money it didn't have on women whose pension ages had been raised on nationalising BT and all the rest of it. I mean, those were not policies that were believed. And if, you know, if Labour won the argument and it can't afford to win many more arguments like that, and, you know, nationalising the railways is just, I mean, I'm sorry, it's just not important enough. It doesn't matter. It's irrelevant. I mean, it's a silly policy because the railways are essentially nationalised anyway, but you can't win elections on nationalising railways. The Labour Party's going to have to do something different, and I look forward to Rebecca Long-Bailey having a try. And I was going to say, Ash won't rush to talk about a successor to Corbyn, but you will. Why is Rebecca Long-Bailey, the Shadow Business Secretary, the woman for you? Well, she's not the woman for me, necessarily. I'm just saying she's the bookie's favourite at the moment. I mean, I think Rebecca Long-Bailey is quite an interesting politician, and, you know, she has one huge advantage in politics, which is that she's not Jeremy Corbyn, and she doesn't actually subscribe to the full Jeremy Corbyn policies. But she is a big supporter, though, isn't she? She's seen as the leader in ways. She has been. She has been, yes. I mean, you get to the top in politics by being loyal to the existing leader, but once you get to the top, you are able to strike out on your own and shape your own agenda, and I hope she does that because she's not as obsessed with Venezuela and Palestine as Jeremy Corbyn is. I mean, she's actually a much more mainstream left-wing politician, whether she's got the charisma and the drive and the energy and the leadership qualities to bring the Labour Party back from the brink. I mean, I've got my doubts about that, but that might depend on how badly Boris Johnson manages the government over the next five years. It's interesting you use that word mainstream there, Ash. Is that what Labour needs to get back to, a leader that's more centrist? Did Labour go too far left? I mean, like I said, policies, including some of the more radical edge of the policies like the Green Industrial Revolution, when polled individually, were very, very popular. I doubt, for instance, that Owen Smith would have done much better in this general election than Jeremy Corbyn did, because he would have, if anything, hemorrhaged even more votes in those Labour leave seats, whoever the next leader of the Labour Party is. And I, for one, actually do really like Becky Long Bailey, is they need to be able to bridge the gap between Labour's metropolitan centres, where lots of BAME working-class people are, where much of their young vote is, and speak to those older voters, home-owning voters, in deindustrialised towns. That is Labour's electoral coalition. And I think, weirdly, they should be looking to parties like the SNP who've managed to hold together similar electoral coalitions. Simply going back to the failed politics of yesterday, the discredited ideologies of the past is no way to meet the challenges of the future. And John, it's interesting, isn't it? Glad we're agreed on that. There you go. One point of agreement in this debate. I like that. John, how do Labour win back the working-class voters in the North? So many shocks on Friday. I was in the Northeast, Blythe Valley. Nobody expected that. Huge 10% swing. And those who turned from red to blue on that election night, I spoke to some of them in Blythe Valley, and I said, are you simply loaning your vote for Brexit? And they said, no, it's about much more than that. We're genuinely going to give the Conservatives a try. They've got five years to win our trust. So the flip side of that, Labour have got five years to win them back. How do they do that? Well, I think one thing will make their job much easier, which is that we'll be leaving the European Union at the end of January. So all those arguments about leave and remain won't matter. And I think the other argument that shouldn't matter is whether Labour is trying to get back working-class votes or middle-class votes. I mean, I think one of the problems with Jeremy Corbyn's leadership is that he's turned the Labour Party into an entirely middle-class giveaway party that wants to subsidise student fees, wants to subsidise the railways, all to the benefit, essentially, of the middle-class, and has left the working-class behind. But I mean, Labour cannot afford to focus just on the working-class. It has to be the party for everyone. And that's, you know, that was one of Tony Blair's worst soundbites, that the Labour Party is the political arm of none other than the entire British people. But I mean, there was a truth to that, and the Labour Party will have to get back to that truth. However much Ash doesn't like it. Ash, OK, final word from you. What should Labour's top priority be now, going into the new year? The top priority is rebuilding trust in those deindustrialised towns, particularly in the North, particularly in the Midlands, without throwing away the values of diversity, of tolerance, of openness, which lots of its activists base hold in. One thing that I would say is that the single biggest challenge facing any of us in the next five years is climate change. And so far the Conservative Party have not offered any credible answers to addressing this single most important issue facing all of humanity. And neither has many of the centrist heroes that I know that John is very, very keen on. So unless we can actually knuckle down, make the case for substantive action on climate change and quickly build a social majority behind it, all of these conversations about who would be a very good leader are ultimately moot, as we don't have a sustainable future on this planet anymore. OK, Ash Sarko, good for your thoughts. John Rental as well about what is the future for the Labour Party. I'm sure plenty of you have your thoughts at home.