 A rugged island with a mountainous interior, Serum has only a thin belt of land well-suited to development and agriculture. Whole hectares of swampy jungle abut against paddy fields. Small coconut groves are enfolded by kilometers-long oil palm plantations. This land-use mosaic reflects a history of land deals without much local consultation. Neighbors mostly found out about sales only after the fact. Serum can't go on this way though. As arable land gets increasingly occupied, it also becomes increasingly coveted. The fewer land deals that get discussed, the more wary and fearful locals feel about new investors. They watch television, and our status is that until the 30-year contract, the land deal will be the same as in Sumatra and other places. Starting in 2010, the Kulup Sia project came to Serum to bring all land deal stakeholders to the table and help them find a new direction. In the area of forestry, they are more interested in farming, in the need of daily food, such as bananas, cashews, there are also green fruits. They just need to protect themselves, especially the sago. Every day, three times a day, sago. While in the area of the lake, they provide for farming, such as bananas, bananas, cashews, cashews, durian, they have been farming for a long time. A generation ago, traditional inhabitants derived their livelihoods from both the land and the sea. But now, with better prices on offer for cloves, coconut and durian, more people are focusing on agriculture, particularly the local system of mixed gardens. This one is for sago, if you take the leaves, this one is for sago. This one is eaten with banana, coconut, and red fruit. I am a farmer in this country. In the forest, I am the one who opens it. I have to open it, it's called Kiyopah. Warakka is one of the five Southwest Serum villages where Koloupsir runs socioeconomic surveys to understand local people's livelihoods and relationship to the land. Though just a few hours from Masohi, the modern district capital, in Warakka, tradition reigns. Farmers grow coconut according to the traditional system of sasi. Sasi is a generic name for a group or family of institutions, laws and ritual practices that regulate access to the land or the coral reefs or sometimes the estuaries. So that's a traditional way of controlling and managing the resources through especially the opening and closing of harvest time for instance or the hunting grounds or fishing grounds. The legitimacy comes from the Ke Wang, the enforcer of the sasi law that are sometimes much more respected compared to the local police. But traditional farmers aren't the only cultivators on Serum. Sasi is one of four villages that the Koloupsir has been studying along Serum's northern coast. The other three include the Transmigracie settlements of Wailoping and Sariputi and Akartanate, a traditional village with a clan-based land tenure system but mostly inhabited by people who moved here from elsewhere on the island. The bulk of Sethi's population is still dependent on customary forest and perennial crops but in 1982 under the government Transmigracie program part of Sethi's land was given to the Javanese migrants. Some locals, seeing the chance to make more money, adopted the new farming methods imported from Java. So far, relations between trans migrants and locals seem smooth thanks to the recognition of traditional land rights. Another stakeholder is the Manusella National Park covering 189,000 hectares or 11% of the island established in 1997 as a last bastion for the endangered salmon-crested cockatoo. The park is a dream come true for birdwatchers. Nestled at the base of limestone cliffs, Saliman Village is rimmed by white sand beaches. Looks like an idyllic spot for fishermen but in fact Saliman is a village of farmers. They are not allowed to open an area. How can they do activities to help them survive? Some people have 1 hectare, some are not enough for 1 hectare. In a family, there are up to 4-5 men. All of them have to be killed. In the next 5 or 10 years, the government should be ready to open a business field in the field of farming, or in the field of farming, farming, and farming. They should be able to survive. Squeezed by the bird preserve at its back, Saliman is at a loss to provide for its basic needs. Park officials dismissed the problem with a casual suggestion that villagers simply switched trades. There are many tourists from all over the country and from all over the country. This is all thanks to the help of the villagers. There are some programs offered by the Taman National Foundation. It helps the village people. For example, there are boat watchers. But not all of the villagers get income. Guiding could only hire a handful. And the ocean doesn't provide traditional dietary staples. So villagers find themselves left with no choice but to return to their old forest hentulins, despite official sanctions. The village people should immediately return to their old forest hentulins. Because the Taman National Foundation or the forest hentulins, the villagers don't know what to do. They are free to leave. Then there's the newest stakeholder of all. In 1982, there were 10,000 hectares of land for the villagers. Only the land, the seed or the rock, could not be taken by the villagers. So the villagers had the right to return to their old forest hentulins. The village people should immediately return to their old forest hentulins. They should have the right to return to their old forest hentulins. This area is the forest hentulins. But for the villagers who live in Pulau Seram and generally in Maluku, they still claim and believe that this is their own forest hentulins. This has led to a conflict in the community. Why is that in Maluku? Even though there is a government agency related to investment or anything, it still has to go through the approval of the community. Oil palm dominates land development along the island's north coast. In 2008, large-scale corporate-owned plantations started to spring up lands that were bought from locals. The sellers have yet to receive any compensation. The Kaloupsia project divides their work into two products. First off, project staff assemble extensive social and ecological data sets to understand the local livelihood situation. Some of the data is used to generate better informed maps or region-wide data sets. We match the data, the spatial data, with a set of rules or agreed functions and produce the land use plan. Our natural resource management design, the process of mediation and negotiation is mandatory among stakeholders like government, communities, local NGOs, local universities. For this, we use a tool, a participatory prospective analysis, that helps us in coming up with new institutional arrangements that are more inclusive for land tenure, community rights, sustainable development. Biophysical data is gathered over the course of months. What cannot be derived from satellite maps is gathered through months of painstaking field records. Soil type, carbon content, slope aspect, and the canopy composition are just some of the data types gathered. But local use and needs from the land are also taken into consideration through months of socioeconomic data collection and community map making. Secondly, the Kaloupsia staff try to determine what a more socially inclusive vision of the future is through a series of workshops. The process whereby they do so could be a model for how Indonesian government might interact with populations living in less inhabited regions. Through the participatory prospective analysis model, stakeholders identify 50 variables that they think influence the future locally. They further narrow these down to a set of key variables. These are made into five different future scenarios, which can be considered a distillation of community opinion. If the future scenario and vision looks negative, participants try to come up with prevention strategies. If it looks positive, they try to come up with an action plan to enable it. Scenario building also shows how customary law and wisdom influence development process.