 Ac mae'r troiigau i'r ddweud ym mhwynt yn cael ei hunain, mae'r rhaid o'r cyhoeddur ar Eurwyr, arall o'r rhaid gennym, a mae'r ddweud yw wedi'i ddiddordeb Dm25. Janis Barath Farchas, ddod ddod. Mae'r rhagos o'r referenda wedi'u bod yn gwneud o'r Lleidio Lleidio a ddod o'r oponence. Ond mae'r rhaid o'r cyhoeddur o'r ddod o'r cyhoeddor yng nghymo i'r ddod. Y rydym yn y gyrfa i. Is it not, is that the two official campaigns, both the remain and the leave campaign are enfantilising voters in a rather cynical and just astonishing fashion. We on the other hand rely on investing in reasoned debate and unity. rydyn ni'n meddwl siarad ar gyfer. Fy rwy'n meddwl y gweithio ddweud, rydyn ni'n meddwl i ddodgi'r strategaidd. Rwy'n meddwl i'r economaidd, rydyn ni'n meddwl cyfryd yn meddwl y strategaidd ar ddweud yn gwybodaeth y cyfrifredig yn ei dweud. Fy rydyn ni'n meddwl y gweithio ddweud, mae'r ddweud yn ei ddweud yn fwyrofodol. Yn ymgyrch, ymgyrch yn ei ddweud a'r bobl yn ysgolol, a'r bobl yn ysgolol, Mae'r ffordd yma, gyda'n gwneud hynny, rwy'n dweud bod yna yw uned i'r ddechrau sydd yn dysgu, sydd Amtoni gyda i'r ffordd yw'n mynd i'r ddweud yw'r Dymogradd yw'r Dymogradd yw'r rhiannol du i'r unio eu ddysgu. Mae'n ddysgu i'r union eu ddysgu eu ddysgu i'r unio eu ddysgu i'r unio eu ddysgu i'r Dymogradd yn ddysgu i'r Dymogradd Y Bryddon yn ddiwedd. So we are here to present the radical case for keeping Britain in the European Union, the internationalist case for doing so, the case for rejecting the beggar thy neighbour logic of both the British establishment and the Brussels establishment. Our campaign engages honestly with all sides of the argument. So when I hear Brexiters say that sovereignty is paramount, I agree with them. Sovereignty is an odd to be central. But the fact that the British people must never settle for diminished democratic sovereignty does not mean that leaving is going to restore sovereignty to the House of Commons. Voting to leave the European Union will only benefit a national oligarchy, a national ruling class, which is particularly keen on ruling over the British people completely and utterly and democratically. Consider the complaints about the overage of the regulatory environment mechanism of the European Union of Brussels. We agree it is important to keep a check on bureaucrats luxuriating in the power of their unelected office, but leaving the European Union will not change anything in this regard. Britain's establishment will never allow Prime Minister Boris Johnson to leave the single market, even if the voters on the 23rd of June vote to leave the European Union, and so there will be no escape from the European Union's regulatory framework. On migration, which is the other rallying call of the Brexit campaign. I think we should be concerned that the undisputed net benefits of migration are very asymmetrically scattered throughout society. And yes, public services in certain parts of Britain are indeed strained, leaving many with a feeling that they've been marginalised in their own country. However, this feeling is not caused by migration, ladies and gentlemen. It is merely correlated with it. The reason public services are failing is the rolling austerity that cloaks a vicious class war against Britain's poor, a class war that was being waged since the 1980s, a class war that would be waged even if the borders remained hermetically sealed. Indeed, we all know that, don't we? Without the labour, skills and dedication of migrants, staffing the National Health Service and other public services, those public services would have collapsed already. And lest we forget, turning that native poor against migrant labour is a variant of the old divide and rule trick that the British establishment honed ages ago to dominate the empire. Today, the establishment uses the same trick to dominate the domestic natives to hide austerity's effects and to deflect anger towards the other, the migrant, the foreigner. Friends and opponents ask me very often how is it that, given my complete failure last year to impress upon the European Union the importance of treating my countrymen and women humanely, I have the audacity to stand in front of a British public, asking them to stay in the same European Union that crushed us. Why don't I agree with those who argue, like Tariq Ali, my good friend and comrade Tariq Ali, that speeding up the European Union's fragmentation through Brexit is not such a bad idea? Well, I answer with a question. Will the European Union's disintegration cause progressive Democrats to rise up across Europe, to empower their parliaments, to usher in the forces of light and hope, and foster a harmonious co-operation between Europeans? Not likely. Yesterday I read on a left-wing site, a British one, a depiction of our campaign of the event today as left-wing turncoats fearing change. I have news for those comments. We crave change. We are working for change. We are campaigning to tear up the state score, but to ensure that change is progressive. We have to embed Britain's democracy in a broader surge of democracy that runs throughout the breadth and the width of the European Union. This is why here I'm about to sign the London Declaration for a Social Europe, a Democratic Europe, a Dynamic Europe, a Peaceful Europe, an Open Europe, a Sustainable Europe. When I was a student back in the old Thatcherite era, I had a friend who actually loathed parties, but he used to never miss a single one because he needed to have something to bitch about the next morning. Now my message to my British friends is don't be like him. Don't stay in Europe just to complain. And my message to you comrades is after this event we must all go out there and campaign, campaign and campaign to bring out the vote that will cause us to stay in the European Union with enthusiasm for a common cause, which is nothing else than taking arms against the sea of troubles and by opposing end them.