 Good morning, everyone. It's a pleasure to be here. I'm not going to present our regional report, a report, but I'm going to use it to introduce the topic of the session. Our report says that Latin America and the Caribbean is a region trapped in a double trap of high inequality and low growth, and it sustains that these two are not independent phenomena. It takes a careful look at factors behind high inequality and low productivity that if we could address properly from a policy response could probably move the region in the desired direction on both fronts. So the report takes a look at concentration of power, at violence, and at social protection systems that do not work well as such factors that could be explaining both how unequal we are and the way in which our productivity and economies do not grow well. The report also looks at perceptions and it of course recognizes that this trap falls in a different shape depending on the governance in different places. Today I'm going to speak very briefly, give you an overview of what chapter four of this report contains. This is the chapter that looks at violence as a common factor of both high inequality and low growth. We know that violence and inequality have both been declining over time in the world, and this is also true when we look at Latin America and the Caribbean. It's not that we have not made progress. However, Latin America and the Caribbean remains one of the most unequal regions of the world and remains the most violent in the world. It houses 34% of the population, sorry, 9% of the population and 34% of the homicides worldwide. There's of course heterogeneity across sub regions within Latin America and the Caribbean. We're looking here at homicide rates and we see that Central America and South America are in worse conditions than the Caribbean when we look at homicide rates. But these type of variants in terms of the intensity of violence holds on also when we look within, like in each sub region, within sub region, there are countries that have twice, three times or even 13 times the violence of other countries in the same, in the same sub region. This is another way to see how much variation there is when we look at homicide rates in Latin America. This is of course not the only measure of violence that we would want to have, but it's the one that is more homogeneously found, and that's one thing that we will be making an emphasis on, like the difficulty to find good measures, good registries of all the violence and crime. In the report we look basically at homicide rates and victimization rates. We know that Latin American countries have higher levels of violence than countries with similar levels of inequality, and they also have higher victimization rates than countries with similar levels of inequality. People in Latin America, one in each, in every ten report to have been victim of a crime in the last 12 months in the region. And of course violence not only varies in terms of its intensity, but also in terms of type. Ana Arjona wrote a background paper for this report that she would like to talk about in a second, and she proposes to a typification of violence in these three categories. Criminal violence that arising from organized crime, political violence that has, which has a relationship to groups or violence related to political agendas, and social and domestic violence that interpersonal or collective violence between groups of people or even within households. And when we look at Latin America and the Caribbean, violence varies not only in intensity, but in the type of violence that prevails in each country. In Colombia we have a scary mix of the first two that matter importantly. One thing that we know is that most homicides come from criminal violence and organized crime in the region. Even before the report there is quantitative evidence of the relationship between inequality and violence and inequality. The report offers new evidence looking at different samples. And we find there is a paper by Ernesto Shadrowski that helped us get these new evidence. And what is probably most interesting is that the relationship between inequality and violence is very robust. And he, the paper sustains that it can, it's a causal relationship while the relationship between poverty and inequality is never as robust. So it's the more unequal societies that become more violent, not necessarily the poorest ones. Violence, when it occurs in context of high inequality it contributes to amplifying and perpetuating inequality. And this occurs because it falls in a disproportionate way among groups that are already in conditions of disadvantage. Like the poor, LGBT plus groups, women and ethnic minorities. They are usually overrepresented among the victims. And when these disadvantaged populations are victimized, the gaps in development outcomes widen. We're talking about rights, education, income, health, and political participation. And some forms of violence also affect societies through their impact on local governance. Just because we have the secretary for women here, I'm going to show some of the regional statistics. Intimate partner violence against women in the region is widespread. One in every four women has been physically or sexually abused by any partner. And of course there is variance across, white variance across countries. In most countries, more than one woman in ten has been sexually or physically abused by her most recent partners. And this goes as high as a 59% in Bolivia. And within Latin America, Central America is the sub-region with the highest levels of femicide. We're talking about 6.3 and 7.1 femicide women killed per hundred inhabitants in Salvador and Honduras. We, the report makes a case of a circular relationship between inequality and violence. Violence causes inequality, but also inequality causes violence. We are saying that we also should be looking at how violence affects economic growth. There are several channels that we can think about. The first one is how violence distorts investment, distorts both public and private investment. Uncertainty about property rights means that investments sometimes don't get done or are reshaped and resources assigned to suboptimal investment sectors. And when you have high levels of violence, governments have to devote huge amounts of national budgets to security issues instead of spending them in development, education, health, infrastructure. Violence also weakens local state capacity and makes it more vulnerable to corruption and to wrenching behaviors. Victimization destroys human capital. People who are victims of violence not only have their personal loss, but they also usually have mental health issues that prevent them from learning and getting an education and later engaging properly in the labor markets. There is, of course, this personal side that is horrible, but it also adds up to lower productivity when you add up in a society a lot of people who have been victimized. And some forms of violence also strafe physical capital and natural capital. So what the report is saying is that eradicating violence should be an active policy. It requires active policy interventions for both decreasing inequality and increasing economic growth and productivity. The report cannot give specific recommendations, like policy recommendations, but we try to give some, like, propose some lines of action hoping that it will open up conversations at the local level in the different countries and in spaces like this one. And this is one of the reasons why we're presenting it here today. Very quickly because this is my last slide. The report is suggesting that we need to look at judiciary systems. And, like, this matters for corruption and it matters for violence. As long as we don't have judiciary systems at work, it's going to be impossible to eradicate violence. As UNDP, we cannot say it directly, but we're saying that our countries need to start a dialogue about decriminalization and legalization of illicit trade because this is, as I said before, the larger source of violence in the Latin American continent. Of course, policies that enforce zero tolerance against discrimination need to be, like, in the radar. To protect women, we need women empowerment. And for that reason, in this chapter, specifically, we're talking about care issues and the need to have a provision of care services that will allow women to participate more in the labor market and have an independent, their economic independence. Of course, mental health care for victims of violence is something that is not often thought. I know Andrés Moya, professor from University of Los Angeles, has worked a lot on it. And this is a key policy area. That needs to be put at the center of priorities. And last but not least, the report makes a very, like, strong call for more and better data. Because in order to design good policy, we need to be able to really know what is going on. And violence is very frequently misreported. A very, like, particular case arises when you look, for instance, at violence against LGBT groups when we were trying to collect information for the sex of the report. The information that exists out there is really from NGOs or from root organizations. And nothing really systematically and organically collected. So this is a big issue looking forward. And that's where I will stop.