 Presidential candidate of the new Nigeria People's Party, NNPP Rabiu Kwonkoso, has said his party was offering a golden opportunity to pit out the standard bearer of the Labour Party, to be his running mate. Now, Kwonkoso, who stated this after inaugurating the State Office of the NNPP, NNPP, I beg your pardon, in Gombe State, said if he became the running mate of Torbi, the NNPP would collapse. Well, joining us to discuss this is Chike Chude. He is a political analyst and Tunji Abdul Amid is a legal practitioner. Thank you so much, gentlemen, for joining us. Thank you for having me. So this issue has been lingering for weeks and weeks. First, they were speculations that there were talks between the NNPP and the Labour Party presidential flag bearers. And then from rumors, we got to a real conversation that they were in talks. I remember talking with the spokesperson of the Labour Party on this show, and he did say that they were having talks. And my first question was, to what end will these talks be? Do we see anybody leaving his party to the other? Being that, for a pit out be, his followers want him to be the president. For Iquan Qasso, his followers also want him to be the president. And so I ask, now that Mr. Qan Qasso is telling Dr. Obi that he needs to join his party and be his running mate, what do you think this means for both parties? I'll start with you, Mr. Chude. Well, I read the Qan Qasso's speech, or his statement, where he talked about the strategy and all the things that are coming to taking a political decision like this. He also talked about the position of the South East in the order of things and said that in his opinion, the South East is the last on the ladder when it comes to playing politics. But then the question I would ask before I get into the issue is, if they are the ones that are first in politics, if they are the ones that understand the nuances of politics, then I should say really that the people who have held politics, I mean, the political reign of this country for about 60 years after independence should be ashamed of themselves because what you're looking at is what has come out of the outcome of their dexterity, political dexterity and political acumen in a country that is suffering gross insecurity in a country that has suffered a lot of downturn at the economic level, in a country that is ripe with corruption. But it means again that the politics of the experienced politician, the politics of those people who understand the nuances of politics are connected to Qan Qasso, is wrong and that it has no work for this country. And if that is the case, then Qan Qasso himself is making a statement, a case for somebody that is different from them. But beyond that, again, is the fact that shortly before he took the PDP, if he had gotten into a discussion for a major or to join the NNPP, I think it would have made more sense for him to run as Qan Qasso's vice presidential candidate. Because at that particular point in time, yes, PDP was fairly known, but not as well known as visible as it is today. So I would say, since politics is also about visibility, that PDP right now currently has become a phenomenon. And a lot, of course, don't seem to understand what is happening around PDP. Even he cannot see that he understands what is happening around himself. That the movement that we see today is a movement that is bigger than PDP. Therefore, if you are talking about who would run as a vice presidential candidate of one another, that person should be Qan Qasso. The person that is not as visible has not been able to achieve the kind of visibility that PDP has been able to achieve. And so if he wants to run alone, the tendency is that he's not going to get anywhere. And neither am I saying that PDP, if he runs alone without Qan Qasso, would achieve the presidency of this country. But we believe he right now has to stand. He's in a much better position than Qan Qasso is. Let me come to you, Tundri. The PTAB support network has said that the former governor will not negotiate his presidential ambition with anybody, even for a vice president's slots. Contrary to some media reports, because there had been rounds that he might just deputize a Qan Qasso because people are thinking that this merger would be what the third force needs to upstage the two main opposition parties. But now we're seeing that that might not necessarily be the case. Now, a Qan Qasso is coming out to say, well, it's a golden ticket of sorts. But let's look at the structure and the base that, I mean, just like Chikichure has said, there is something happening around PTAB that is maybe even bigger than he expected. But looking at these two merges, could Qan Qasso also be looking at tits not necessarily from a political angle, but from a place of, let's say, strength. How much power and prowess does he come with if he were to be wooing a PTAB? Does he stand a chance whatsoever? I think the alliance between Qan Qasso and the OB are in Europe from the start. So they have a different political position. Qan Qasso left the PTAB not because of anything. He got in the way that he wanted to win the ticket and he wanted to win the PTAB better. It's difficult or impossible for anybody to say, to express that Qan Qasso wants to be learning it, particularly to be, we do respect. Politically, Qan Qasso will seem safe as a more stronger person than the OB. He seems safe as more on-ground than the OB in terms of having been the leader. I'm curious. When you say being on-ground, there's a Qan Qasso movement which is mostly in Cano and a few pockets around the north. But what is that spread? Is that what you translate as being on-ground? I'm not saying that's what it is now. I'm saying you seem safe as more on-ground than compared to OB. I'm talking about complex now. He seems to serve as higher bigger than the OB in politics. So I can't be seen to be deprecating for OB. So now we're standing that he has a top-of-the-line movement and he has a top-of-the-line movement. OB is just coming up with movements. As far as I'm concerned, they're not surprised. This is the first time they are coming up with a top-of-the-line OB. He may be strong. He may be up. They who are willing to bring their support. But now we're standing that. We're talking about politics. There are so many issues in politics that people that will not make Qan Qasso seem safe to be deprecating to what's he called, to a Peter OB. He would believe that being deprecating to a Peter OB is like it could mean. I'm talking about him. The language in itself, he knows where he belongs to. And again, you see this alliance between Labour and the NMPP. We're only looking at Qan Qasso and OB alone. What happened to other members of the party who are contesting for Qan Qasso? What happened to other members of the NMPP, who are contesting for as of late, as of assembly? How would they do their own? What would happen to their own? How would they do it? So we are just looking. There would be a law of even if it happens. Because are you going to say all the people who are under NMPP who are contesting for Senate or Governorship or whatever, to now move to Labour Party or those who are in Labour Party who are contesting for Senate or whatever, to not be a member of NMPP? Because you cannot contest on a two-party. There must be one party. The two of them are going to say it's only about OB and Qan Qasso. And what's to be and what's to be agreed? All other parties, all other members of Labour Party and other members, automatically a member of NMPP. Or once the NMPP agrees, some members of the NMPP, automatically a member of NMPP. It will not be possible because people have one election to contest for Governorship. People have one election to contest as of late. People have one election to contest in the NMPP and the MP. Why we didn't go to a place? They wouldn't want us to go. So I think I have seen that the allies will not work. They cannot work. There's no way to do it. I know. Apart from things that are more bigger than they would be. I'm talking about the case now. Apart from that, there's no way the other issues that are raised will not bring them down. Except the ones who will be safe and say, I'll only think about myself. Once I'm okay, I don't think about what other people are facing. You see, I do not expect Qan Qasso of that kind of thing to say what he said on the TV. TV is not a, if TV will be become the president of the party, people will not vote for it. That is not a negative effect. It shows that when you become, you are trying to work with politicians, believing that certain parts of the country are putting basic, I don't know, I'm not I don't expect a person of the Taliban, a person of equality, so say something that he said on that. Interesting. Back to you, Achike. Is this a more of a play and show of selfishness at play as opposed to what should have been the end game, which is building a third force, rescuing Nigeria, and giving us something new? Now, don't forget, the NNPP came about as a movement of sorts that was supposedly the third force. The Labour Party on the other hand also came to being as a merger of a third force, a movement that was also supposedly that party or movement that would be able to save Nigeria, in quote, from the major political parties who have been leading us over time. Does this mean that there is going to be a crash and burn of the third force, whichever one it might be? No, no, well, again, the use of, I do not think there is the conscious effort. Yes, people have been talking about the third force or so, but I do not think that people have been, there has been a conscious effort to exactly build the third force. But I think what has happened is that there has been a conscious effort to build another political party that would be able to rival the NDP and maybe possibly take power away from them. If you call it the third force, that is okay. And of course, we know that what Labour has done, one must give them good of us. Labour is not yet complete in terms of, you know, you know, this is not the first time Labour is having, you know, the Labour Party is making an incursion into the politics of Nigeria. They had done it, you know, some years back when Mimiko, the King of North, on those days, on the back of the platform of the Labour Party. But that is not the kind of Labour Party that a lot of Nigerians desired, especially the working class people desired. And I'm also not saying that that is that we have exactly arrived at having that kind of a Labour Party. But this is a step in the right, you know, direction. So when it comes to the issue of, you know, Kwon Kwaso and Pito B, I think it's about identity and pragmatism. Kwon Kwaso is being idealistic because, you know, he sees himself as the bigger, the more accomplished politician. So why would he give a diagram with my colleague over there? So why would he give way to Pito B that he might be regarded as a new fight? Well, the reality is that this new fight is bigger than him politically. And so when you talk about even the Kwon Kwaso movement, which is a formidable movement, but only Kano. And if the Kwon Kwaso movement is more, it also has some level of influence, it will be minimal in other parts of the North. But the bastion of the Kwon Kwaso movement is in Kano. So outside of Kano, they are nowhere. So what do you have with Pito B? Why is everybody talking about Pito B? Why is everybody critical of Pito B? Even the political parties that say that telling that Pito B is going nowhere are still, you know, talking about him. If he was not popular, if he was not a danger, you know, to the other political parties, the two big political parties, the AVP and PDP, they will be talking about him. There is something, something present that there is a problem. And we have seen movements like this, you know, become something much bigger, you know, than they were when they were formed. And we have seen such movement at the government house, you know, taking the presidency of the countries where they were born. You talk about Tunisia, and a few other places in even Europe, in Spain also, we have had such things happen. And so that is why everybody is worried. Because you see, for instance, even with what is happening on Twitter and social media, where people are now beginning to accuse Pito B supporters of being unruly at the rest. And you laugh, because this is what there is nothing they are doing that has not been done, that was not done by the other political parties. But what has happened is that this space has been taken over by the younger generation of Nigerians who are tired, who are frustrated, who are angry, and who are the solution about the state of their country. And so they want something, a movement forward. And so remaining with what you have with the PDP and the APC is the same, is the same of the same, you know, the two political leaders of the past, you know, and so people are tired of the old guy, because they believe that the old guy have nothing to give, you know, and that is the beauty of the movement around, you know, Pito B, and that makes him formidable, that makes him dangerous. Obviously, there could be a few problems in parts of the North, but not for parts of the North, not central with what we are seeing with, you know, and then of course, the South and the Southeast is also there for the picking. Even Southwest is going to take, obviously, some major votes in the Southwest, especially depending on the kind of politics that Tinobu and the APC are able to play with regards to the choice of a vice presidential candidate. If it happens that Tinobu actually decides that his political fortune will be best guaranteed with the Muslim-Muslim ticket, then you are going to definitely have repercussions from even the Southwest, that is the home of Tinobu himself, because people are going to react. And why is it, it's unfortunate that we find access to that situation, but the political class in this country has divided Nigeria in ways that even the, we did not see, even under the military dispensation. So when you produce a Muslim-Muslim ticket or a Christian-Christian ticket, you're also going to get a backlash, and we're going to see that backlash, depending on what Tinobu does, and that will end up playing the Pito Bisans, to make sense. All right, finally, before we wrap up, Tunji, what are the options, are the other options open to looking, it looks like this marriage between Kwan Kusura and Obimi never happened, it looks like something that's dead on arrival. And so going forward, what are the other options that might be open to Petal B to make him have an edge of sorts and bring him back powerfully into the game? I think, I would tell you, if there's a three-election, Obimi may not be able to take more particularly in the north, because the only people who are shouting Obidian to Obidian to Obidian, it's out. And there's no way you can become a president of Nigeria without having to chase because you've got up to 25% of the country. So I doubt, just like Kwan Kusura, you're not able to make an in-route into the south, particularly south east and south south south, it's the same thing to apply to Obidian, because we're not able to take more in-route because we're not. So you're saying that there is no other candidate, there's no Trump card that Petal B can pull, I mean, I don't want to name names, but I'm wondering, there is no Trump card that he can pick that would make him have that in-route into the north, especially. You see, it's a bit late now, it's a bit late now, it's a bit late now, it's a bit late, because if it has been done earlier, the manager or the alliance has been done before, before even the panelist or the parties, maybe, from now, it's going to be different. Are you going to say you've got one ticket of your card to drop your candidate because of just one person? Are you going to say they all have to now leave their own and support the future of being in there, right? So it's a bit late now, I'm concerned. Maybe they should be working towards the 27th, but it's clear that there's a platform for them to achieve non-success, but if they can maintain their momentum, probably in the 27th, they may have that chance, but I'm telling you, my own reality, Obidia may not be able to make a proper state, particularly because in politics, that's all called structure. The structure is all about where you say that people are in structure. The structure I'm talking about here, and people that are working, people that will do the same with that basis. I think with that, that may be the main point. Okay, well, we've got to go and that's it on the show. I want to say thank you. Chike Tudei is a political analyst. Tinge Abdullah-Meade is a legal practitioner. We keep our fingers crossed and keep our eyes on the stories as they develop. Thank you so much, gentlemen, for being part of the conversation. It's my pleasure. Thank you. All right, thank you all for staying with us and enjoying the conversation tonight. I am Mary Anna Cohen. We'll be back tomorrow talking still for development and looking at the biggest stories in our political scene. Have a good night.