 But I think the debate here, that's what a great job nationalist politicians have done in the last 100 to 200 years in bringing about imagined communities and imagined boundaries. Because ultimately, it's funny that it takes a Turk to say this, it takes a Muslim to say this, but I think we are all Romans and it's about probability. It's highly probable that we Romans, as subjects of the Roman Empire, we have a high probability of interacting with each other and traveling in the Roman domains. For example, Apostolos, if he were still living in, let's say, Istanbul, I would be calling him Rum, Roman. When Mehmet II, the Ottoman Sultan conquered Constantinople, he didn't call himself the Sultan of the Ottomans, he called himself the Caesar of the Romans. Germany was never a part of the Roman Empire. Britain, especially. The argument is, Germany, neither was Poland. Britain was always the troublemaker, of course, for the Romans. But it'll take some time, it'll take some time, but I think ultimately for the last 2000 years, from Lebanon to Anatolia to the British frontier, we have been part and parcel of a common area. We have been travelling, intermarrying, killing each other. In my hometown, Bursa. Just a normal family there. We are a European family, for example, in my hometown, Bursa, the first capital of the Ottoman Empire. I was just visiting the local synagogue, which is called... It's still there. Major synagogue. And there's a synagogue called Major Synagogue. Why? Because this is the Sephardic Jews from the island of Mallorca. Now, nationalist politicians have made us forget about those interlinkages. Why? Because it's challenging. It challenges our nation-state model. I'm sorry to say, the boundaries are imagined, the communities are imagined, the connections are real. We have been travelling, trading, marrying each other, killing each other for over 2,000 years. We're not doing it to the same extent with the Chinese. We're not doing it to the same extent with South Africa or South America. We love and hate each other in this part of the region in an intense way. And this is actually what precedes the 200 years of nation-states. And I think now the task is not to invent a European identity. The task is to forget the nationalist rhetoric of the last 200 years so that we can once again begin to realize why do we call the poet Rumi, the patron saint of the whirling dervishes. Why is he called Roman? He's not called the Muslim. He's not called the Eastern. He is known around the world as Rumi, the Roman. Because he, although he was composing poetry in Persian, in Farsi, he was a man of the Roman domains. And he belongs more to Europe than to the Islamic Republic of Iran. And that's why we are Europeans. Ladies and gentlemen. But we in Iran should join the European Union one day. Philip, I think at this point you should tell the story about German students. You asked whether they would kill them. I think it's very apt. Well, first of all, it obviously takes a turk to tell us why Europe is worth living. And that says an awful lot about Europe. Secondly, this story I, Apostolos mentioned, I wrote a book about the years before the First World War, and that entailed quite a lot of lecturing last year. And I was in a little German town where I spoke on the same day to two schools. One was a gymnasium, so a senior, so a high school for high academic achievers, and one was a real school, which is sort of vocational school. And I went to the gymnasium and there were all 16-year-old kids. And it was close to the anniversary of the beginning of the First World War and, you know, the hundreds of thousands of young people rushing to the flag. And I asked these 16-year-old kids, any of you boys here, if Angela Merkel now said the Eastern Ukraine is a terrible mess, we're going to war. Who of you would volunteer? And they looked at me as if I were a fridge. They looked at me as if I were crazy. The idea. And then I went to the vocational school and I asked the same question, and out of 50 boys or so, four raised their hands, three were of Turkish descent. And I think that says a lot about, first of all, the felt pressure to assimilate, to show that you're a good German, that you're willing to do something for your adopted country, but perhaps also about different concepts of masculinity, of honour. But it was a very striking fact. There was, in two school classes, effectively one, as I heard, a bio-German who would have said, yes, I think that's a good idea. It also teaches you essentially, sorry? A different concept of self-sacrifice. Yes, a different concept of self-sacrifice, and of course a fantastically gigantic cultural change. Can you imagine if I'd asked that in 1914, what would have happened to the boy who hadn't stuck up his hand? So... That's a good sign. Yes, I think it is a good sign.