 Eastern Europe was mentioned and that is why I'm very pleased to welcome Polish Senator and the Minority Leader of the Polish Senate here. He was also former Minister of Defense of his country. Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome Bogdan Klich. Bogdan, Poland's an important country, of course, one of the most populous countries in the EU has been mentioned a few times both in a positive but also, let's be honest, in a less favorable manner. That's why I'm very curious to hear the view from Warsaw now. I'm very glad to be here. That's first and very glad also that we have good news from this morning that there are Americans that believe in Europe. Not only Europeans believe in the future of the European Union, but also Americans do that. So it means that there is a chance for renewal of the good partnership between Europe and United States. That's first. Secondly, I'm not from Eastern Europe. I'm from Central Europe. And there is a difference between Central Europe that joint NATO, joint European Union when Eastern Europe didn't do that. Yes, and there is a huge difference also concerning the relationship to the values, the approach to the values. Such values that were at the beginning of the Alliance in 1949 and at the beginning of the process of European integration. I mean democracy, the rule of law, civil liberties, rights of minorities, and market economy. Central Europeans believe in those values. Central Europeans, although there are governments that are eurosceptical and that are, let's say, undermined partially those values, Central Europeans are committed to this set of values, once again Euro-Atlantic values. In my home country, 84% of people are in favor of the future of the European Union. Are satisfied of our membership in the EU. So please don't make and don't put in an equal position society and the current government in Poland. This is the policy of the current government in Hungary and Poland, but this is not a position of Central Europeans. Please remember about that. Now about Europe because this is what we are talking about. We are in the European Union in a kind of paradoxical situation because on one hand we are aware of deterioration of the political situation in our neighborhood. I mean in southern and eastern neighborhood. Eastern Europe and Mediterranean are in crisis. The first one after the aggressive policy of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine, we didn't expect in fact that there will be a military invasion of Russian troops to one of the parts of sovereign Ukraine, especially after 1994 when Russian Federation together with Great Britain and United States guaranteed sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country. But it happened. But it happened. It means that Eastern Europe and even more in Euro-Atlantic zone the existing model of security that was once again paradoxically introduced into the strategic documents of the Alliance in November 2010. I mean cooperative model of security was blown up. Was blown up by this aggression of the Russian Federation because this model was based on the assumption that dialogue is much better than confrontation. That military confrontation was excluded from the vocabulary of our cooperation with Russia. But the confrontation exists and after the illegal annexation of Crimea after having so many troops, Russian troops in Donbas region, after there is no satisfying solution concerning the future of Ukrainian sovereignty and after Russian Federation is not only assertive but it's aggressive power and after Russian Federation decided to show its power also in the Middle East and decided two years ago to go to the war in Syria and to be engaged strongly in this conflict. We see a set of threats coming from Eastern Europe. Similar situation is in the southern neighborhood of Europe although after the Arab Spring we witnessed rather asymmetric threats than conventional threats. But right now after four years we have the unstable Mediterranean region. We have failed states like Libya. We have recovery of authoritarian military regime in Egypt and we have only two stable countries. One of them is Morocco. The other one it is Jordan that are partners for Euro-Atlantic community. That's why in this deteriorating environment we have to do something with our European capabilities in the sphere of security and defense. It means that Europe should take more responsibility for its own security, more responsibility in the area of security. Now we are aware that we can deal politically with crisis, variety of crisis in our neighborhood but we are not prepared to do the same using our military capabilities because we don't have crucial capabilities that should be used in such situations. We need more planning capabilities. We need more operational capabilities and we need more or better coordination between civilian and military aspects of missions and operations at the level of planning and at the level of conducting of operations. I would say that CSDP right now needs, doesn't need new institutions because we have enough tools, sufficient tools that were incorporated into the Lisbon Treaty. After 2009 we are aware that we have permanent structured cooperation that we can use, that we have European defense agency that was let's say introduced into the treaty. We have battle groups. We have battle groups that were prepared but they were not used even during the crisis in Mali. Although one of the battle groups at that time was on duty. So we have enough institutions but we don't have enough political will to do that. So I would say and this is my first, I would say, significant remark and expectations from European leaders that they will be able to sign a significant political message to the rest of Europe and the world that Europe is able to improve its capabilities concerning CSDP in the future. It doesn't mean that we need more Europe everywhere. I'm very satisfied that you used this notion of more Europe because we are in different situations than 20 years ago that we expected more Europe everywhere working on constitutional treaty but there are at least two areas in which there is a need. There is a public expectation of more Europe. This is external security and this is internal security. The citizens of the European Union believe and need more Europe. It means more integration in those two areas. And I don't want to say that we need, let's say, that it is possible to improve European capabilities concerning counterterrorism without reviewing the treaties. Probably not. Probably it would be necessary to review the treaties and to prepare a new treaty to do it, you know, in this sphere. But we can do without changing our treaties in the European Union renewal of our security capabilities outside. It means that CSDP, with the operational HQ, with the improvement of battle groups, with the improvement of research policy of the European Union that we were working together on the study about that, with even the new battle groups concept that the European Union is ready to do that. It is necessary to have the leadership and I hope that after the creation of the new coalition government in Germany, the Germany will be together with France in this leadership of this process. I hope that after the change of the government in my country, Poland will join this leadership as we propose such changes in the first and in the second Weimar letter. I was one of the authors of Weimar letters proposing in 2010 some of the solutions that are being incorporated right now. Thank you.