 Yes, so we have seen that after the second phase, BJP has gone into this communalising mode. What do you have to say on that? Actually, you know, they have intensified the communalising mode. But if you notice, there's always been a subtext to the BJP's campaign. Last July, July 2006, when the BJP's National Executive was meeting in Allahabad, the Kairana Palaian started. You have done that special job. So it's not as if they always keep us up, then all of Amit Shah's speeches, even before this phase, he talks about criminals, he names Muslim criminals. He doesn't name the Hindu Bahubalis. Now Prime Minister is doing the same thing, but earlier it was Amit Shah. Then you had this whole issue of, I'll close every single slaughterhouse. So I think the subtext of the BJP, he also mentions, if you remember, I can't remember the date, but it was October-November, I did a story on that. He suddenly said, we will bring the king of Kalyan Singh. Now Kalyan Singh's Raj, you're very young. But I had written about it as a journalist. It was marked by encounter killings. And the encounters were of Dalits and Muslims. So when you, in the public discourse, when you hark back to that, so Amit Shah as BJP president has been using the subtext of aggressive, intermediary communalism since last July. So there's clear contradiction. I mean, earlier they used to pitch about only development politics. That's right. But now even the Prime Minister is talking about Samshan, Kabristan and I don't know. I mean, is it a language of a Prime Minister? Samshan, Kabristan, what he said in Gonda about terrorism and Pakistan. None of this is the language of the Prime Minister. Unfortunately, we are a man at a very, very important constitutional post who does not understand, as they say in Hindi, they don't understand the poverty. And that is very unfortunate for the country. I would like to posit that demonetization is not working for them. It has gone against. Economic policies, they have not delivered. On the agricultural sector, there has been no delivery. Make in India is going down. So this is the Akhari and the ultimate card. And unfortunately, many times it has worked. Question is, will it work in UP? So they also have leaders like Adityanath who are going and telling people that you say I am a Hindu, my ancestors were Hindu. So we will pardon you. I mean, and he is also expecting to be a chief ministerial face for the BJP. So, what's their take on these kind of people there? You see, that is the question that all of us need to ask even in parliament. Adityanath, I think, is a three-times parliamentarian. And one thing that used to really bother me is that parliament, even under UPA, neither the Congress nor the left, ever raised the question that how can a parliamentarian use such unparliamentary language. Somewhere in institutions of democracy, be it parliament, election commission, all these bodies that have been put in place to contain public discourse within the constitutional vision, those need to ask themselves hard questions. How come the RSS constantly crosses the boundaries? It's not the BJP, it's the RSS. How come the RSS and BJP constantly uses insightful speech? There's not even hate speech. This is insightful speech to create such a division within society. So, Tista, is it just these big leaders who are speaking it or there's some organization which is working on the ground also? No. Anything that Modi does, anything that Amit Shah does, anything that Adityanath does, and that's why he's more dangerous than Trump, is because he has this huge organization called the Rashtra Swamseh Vaksam that actually has almost 50,000 schools which are actually insidiously perpetrating the same hate and othering of our own population. And that's why it's such a dangerous and total fascist project. So, recently we have seen what has happened in Ramjit's college, Endill University. Do you find link between the UP elections and whatever is happening, this narrative of nationalism versus anti-national being created again? It's a very good question. I mean, you remember when, can you believe that in the national capital the police misbehave and the ABVP misbehaves with young women, apart from the bashing generally, the young women were physically and verbally abused and no minister, Prime Minister does not condemn it, Home Minister does not condemn it and the Minister of State for Home, in fact, starts aspiring with a very brave young girl, 20-year-old who has actually said that she will not bow down to fear. Gurmeha Kaur. I mean, this is the level of political discourse. I think we've really reached a very low ebb in Indian politics. This would be my last question. Is there any counter on the ground in Uttar Pradesh seeing the assembly elections and what do you think what's the way ahead? See, in all the states where there are regional options, there's been a resistance to the RSS and BJP. Unfortunately, in other states it's not happened. You can't somehow find vocal resistance to communal discourse at the time of elections. I don't know why. I think because they managed to put everybody on the defensive and that's the real challenge for people like us, that when are we going to have the moral courage that even if elections are on, if inside-foot speech happens, 5,000 people come and say that this is not the constitutional discourse. That's not happening. But I'm reasonably hopeful that the people of UP will not bow completely to communal politics. Thanks a lot, Tista, for giving us your time.