 Jignesh, welcome and thank you very much for talking to NewsClick on this eve of another historic march, hopefully it will be another historic march. All the best to you for that. I want to start with revinding a bit. May I ask you, what is slogan? But not much has been achieved, one would argue, in terms of the real impact of that slogan and in terms of actually getting land from the state. What is the new slogan for this phase Una 2.0 movement? First of all, I want to respond to this. Two or three aspects of this movement. For a long time, Dalit and Andhra and Dalit were in politics. They were not talking about material issues. At that time, after land reforms, you were regenerating, recreating, resurfacing. When land to the tiller has already become land to the tycoons, they were demanding land reforms at a very difficult time. There was such a complex and difficult question of land. That there was just a sword out of the field of forces. So in all these circumstances, it is very obvious that we did not get the same success. But we did get a very small success. When all the Dalit citizens, the people of the Dalit community, and the Dalit party, initiated long-term struggles outside of Gujarat. Right? So ask the people of the village, if we give this land to them, we could capture people's imagination. It created some vibes. People were enjoying it, people were also wandering around the world. But actual length struggles were not initiated. For sure, the slogan had a taste and people remembered it for long after it. And that is also why we are talking about it. But on the ground level, every Dalit has 5 acres of land. This was started after the Una lynching. There are two issues in this, Jignesh. First of all, the people whose families were lynched, why did they leave your indolence? Second, the lynching started with a very protracted way of talking about the land. Are you expecting to be able to complete it? Or will you be able to reach it to the end in this next 2.0 struggle that you are starting from tomorrow? Two questions. First of all, the victims of the Una lynching, they did not leave their indolence. They are with the MSP. They say it publicly. That is my distance from them. So if they come as victims, then always we are with them. In fact, on my own words, a legal matter of theirs is arguing with my advocate. And I will always be with them in their struggle. But if they have any political affiliation, then I am not for that. But I will always be with them. Second, the question of the land. As I said, it is a very difficult task. In the coming next 2-4 months, there will be no freedom in the next few months. In fact, the whole life will have to be given to it. Only then it will be successful. Because all the issues related to structural change, the entire dominance of the upper caste in the village, and the land ownership of the land, if it is dismantled, then the whole structure will be destroyed. But you just hinted a little bit that the Una victims and their families are now supporting the BSP. That is why their movement is getting a little helpless and is breaking down. Their movement is getting helpless and not breaking down. It is their political affiliation. You are taking the cost, but the reason for their helplessness was that the one who spoke to them, he said that Jignesh Mewani left Una and then went to Delhi and Bombay. And this lynching has become a very different issue for them. Then they did not return. So they abandoned us. I don't think they have said anything like this. But if anyone feels like this, or if they have said it somewhere, then my position is that we are not only for the Una Kandurans, but for the 4 victims of the Una Kandurans. For the Una Kandurans, for the Una, for Alwar, for Dadri, for Jamshedpur, for Lathihar, for Junaid, for Jati Adherit Hinsa, for Mobile Lynching, for Jati Neemuland, for the Dalit Mukti, then I believe that it is about the victims of the Una, but it is about the land reforms, the whole of Misaralpur, Rohit Vemula, then I will also work in Gujrat, I will also go to UP, Bihar, I will also go to the whole country. But now the Una movement, it was not just the Dalit movement, after today's program, it seemed that from a long time, let's not say left unity, but we were talking about the unity of social movements, and many people tried to do it. Today's image, it was definitely concrete, what is the vision of your next start of the rally? Is it expanding from the mere space of Dalit politics to a larger opposition politics? Is it a larger social movement, unity? How do you see this? See, the purpose of the freedom movement is the same, last time we went to Una from Ahmedabad, then Dalit was going to Asmita, this time it is the freedom movement, so our clear intention is that its first Dalit, Dalit dimension intact, let's talk about the questions of the Dalits, but not only about the issue of the Dalit, about GST, the way the business was beaten in Surat, their talks, the way the bullets were fired on the farmers in Madhya Pradesh, their talks, the talks of the mob lynching, the way of the free Dalit, it is not possible to pick up all the questions, and the people who ask the other questions, if they don't keep the Dalit, then there will be no revolution, so these are two interconnected things, so we want to pick up all kinds of questions, so that a larger unity, which is formed against this and the BJP, which wants to destroy the society, which wants to take out secular words from the society, and replace it with a Hindu Russia, and introduce a corporate democracy as socialism, so we have an attempt, that all those powers, all those people, who are ready to open a corner in front of the BJP, become a broad democratic front of that, which is not related to the electoral politics, but it is important to intervene in the electoral politics. There are two things, the immediate aim is to defeat the BJP in the Gujarat elections, or the larger counter narrative, the unity that you are talking about, to fight it more, to affect a social fabric. I mean, there is no such thing as launching a election platform, there is some coalition within the electoral politics, and then there is no such thing as voting for elections, but if you believe that there is some kind of indolence, and Patel invites me, then I will definitely go and talk to him, in the same way, we are doing something free, so I will also tell the Patel community people that this is welcome for you too, what can we say together, that when Mr. Modi said during the election of Vidhan Sapa, that he will make 50 lakhs of votes, what happened to him? Why should I ask him alone? Why should I ask him alone? Both the castes, I belong to the Dalit society, Patel's society belongs to them, beyond that castes, 6 crore people, we can ask together, what happened to that 50 lakh house, that should be a unity, then in that process, if a political platform emerges, or there is so much power, that if we can defeat the BGP, then it is better. So you are open for that? My second question is, all encompassing in a narrative, Patel also joined, and all the people came, who are representing this movement. But the fragmentation already exists in the Dalit movement. How will you apply it? First of all, the second is, even today, not many women Dalit representatives were there. So how will you encompass that? So those are also emerging challenges within the Dalit movement. Definitely, this is also a big challenge. We have been doing this effort since the last year, that even the sisters came in this position, but they are also searching for it. Although in our team, the length struggle of Saroda village, we had two sisters in it, Naina and Lakshmi. But I will admit, in that case, this is our weakness. In general of the Dalit movement, and in particular of us, we have to overcome this weakness. We can still hope, that in the coming days, more sisters are in the leadership position, and more are in the Dalit Andhra. And our team is connected to our struggle. When you say, the fragmented Dalit movement, I mean, the different Dalits, the fragmentation, how to resolve it? To resolve it, I have only one way, I think, that we should talk about material issues. Not just to solve the fragmented Dalit movement, but to bring all the movements together. To bring all the movements together. Because the only thing that caste knows, is to divide. And what can unite its class? If we make unity on the economic question, then all the Dalit movements can come together. One more question, Jignesh. Even from Saharanpur, a kind of Dalit movement, in the form of Bhima and Chandrasekhar's leadership, came down in the last few days. But the main voice of it, was more aggressive. And, I mean, it was also militant. So, in the freedom of violence, how many times it was done, when it was done, you also said, that we are not putting the aggression in a completely different way. We are not putting the violence in a completely different way. We can give the answer to the eight stones, if needed, we can do that too. So, in the freedom of violence, what is the scope of violence? What is the movement of the Bhima army? What is the movement of the Bhima army that comes at the point of freedom? Or does it come at the same time? Very fairly and objectively, the people of the Bhima army didn't have any violence. I don't want them to have violence. I am not talking about violence. I am talking about their approach and style. So, in the approach and style, if I display bravado, then people can see it but until I don't do violence, then how can I say that you are violence? Until I don't even slap anyone, until I talk I mean display bravado, you cannot say that I believe in violence or I will do violence. Jigresh, you yourself have said that the answer to the eight stones can be given. Theoretically, what is the kind of openness you have right now to this kind of a philosophy? I believe in this, I have never slapped anyone in my life. But I believe in this ideologically and clearly that the civil society is not in general, but the casteist elements physically hit the Dalits they should give shock treatment to the Dalits. They should give shock treatment to the Dalits. They should give relief, they went to court and put petitions. They have done all the things that they have done. Now, this is a practice. It was a shock treatment experiment to stop the train. So, some experiments like this should be done by thinking out of the box. But I will repeat on the part of violence that I really believe Dalits are a minority in the village. There are three houses in the village. In some villages there are 15, in some there are 19, somewhere there are 12, 6. The civil society becomes one. Practically in many places wherever it is possible and wherever the casteist elements physically hit the Dalits the Dalits should answer those elements in that language. To answer the last question in the next Gujarat election what will your movement play? We have a clear agenda. First of all, the demand of the land that we have been raising since last year we have got some small achievements and we should consolidate the Dalit movement. Along with the Dalit movement we should also connect the people of other communities. We should expose the Gujarat model. And as many people can vote in front of BJP not in the favor of X or Y but against all the people who can vote we will make an effort to make that environment. Thank you very much Jignesh. Thank you so much.