 Okay folks so we've had a fascinating set of issues being discussed and now we're moving on to some of the sector issues and to guide us through we have four presentations this afternoon one on health one on education one on broadly the ethics of aid in this area and one on rural development land administration and I'd like to introduce Jasmine to you from Birkbeck College University of London who's been working for quite some time on this has worked also with UNIFEM Ford Foundation further details on the speaker profiles Jasmine. Okay so my my paper draws on the the paper some of you might have picked up it's still in draft form but it's about the reshaping of women's health in the context of public-private partnerships so obviously I've got 10 minutes to just very much skim over it but do feel free to ask me in the break and I have the advantage of coming now so some of the issues have been raised already so the kind of focus the context of my paper is about this change in development landscape and the growth of public-private partnerships in the health sector and the paper before lunch laid out some of the concerns and issues about you know particularly from a gender perspective you know some of these concerns we need to have and for example in the health sector people do talk about the McKinseyization of health in in development so the way that these kind of corporate organizations are becoming involved in reshaping things and also the influence of the MDG agenda has it has been quite critical in in sort of reshaping where donors are directing their money and that's important too but there seems to be very little analysis from a gender perspective so what I've tried to do with my colleague Fenella Porter who unfortunately couldn't be here is to look at these the gendered implications of these and also what this means for women's health which I will define in a minute and to try and sort of focus on some of the intended but also the unintended consequences of these changes so just to very briefly summarize that sorry define what I mean by gender equality I mean again people have talked about gender mainstreaming and I think one of the issues in gender and health is it's not clear what we're actually mainstreaming so this is how people have defined or the WHO have defined gender equality and obviously what's critical is about looking at the power relations so I won't read it out for you but also a very broad definition of what we mean by women's health so again it's kind of looking at the social relations and looking at power relations and looking at women having voice and agency in how they define health rather than just a very sort of medicalized understanding of what women's health is and obviously you know one of the big challenges is how we capture this kind of notion of women's health and gender equality in health and development so as we know there's been this growth of public private partnerships in the health sector and one of the things this has done is led to the concentration of donor funding into specific areas and again people are very well I imagine people are very familiar with the global fund to fight AIDS TB and malaria and while there's been quite a lot of analysis of these and one of the main arguments is that it's kind of reinforced vertical approaches to health care rather than more horizontal approaches which has been debated and but one of the main shortcomings is that there's very little analysis of the gender dimensions of this but one of the things these these global funds have done is led to tensions between donor priorities and country priorities and one study has argued that ODA to maternal and newborn health is not being targeted to the countries with greatest need and 16 of the 68 countdown to 2015 priority countries have actually seen a reduction of donor funding in this area these include Brazil Congo Ghana and Burundi and again one of the other critiques has been that actually even though in some instances we see an increase in funding to reproductive health if you actually look at where the funding has been allocated a lot of it seems to be going to to reduce or to looking at HIV A's which obviously of course is a big issue but it's not the only issue and some people have argued that it reinforces this marginalization of broader women's health needs and one of the things we did in our study which we talk about in the paper is to interview NGOs in the UK and looking at where they are channeling their funds and I'm one of the the stories that someone told us was how in a particular country where they had a project unit project reproductive health all the money was going to mail circumcision because that that was kind of the you know the the issue of the moment and and nothing none of the other reproductive health funding was going to anything else so you know this this is clearly of concern and it's not that it's not an issue but it's not the only issue sorry this is a lot of stuff on this and so one of the things that that we argue in our paper is that this whole attempt to meet the MDGs and and that's been reinforced by the growth of public-private partnerships is this reductionism around women's health and it comes back to the point Karen made this morning about this tension between instrumentalism and and and more kind of nuanced rights-based approaches and what we argue is that this focusing on the targets has led to a side-side lining of the wide agenda inequalities within both societies and health systems and one of the things I argue both in this paper and elsewhere is that health systems themselves are gendered institutions and we need to take that on board and look at what that means in different country contexts rather than just focusing on improving women and girls health and that we need to understand to integrate this into our understanding of processes in health policy and practice but what we see in a lot of development assistance or a lot of health work in general is that women's health becomes a proxy for reproductive health and particularly maternal health and there's a failure to kind of acknowledge not only other reproductive health issues that affect women and particularly those associated with later stages of life but also broader women's health needs and and that there's again a gap between women's health priorities and and and what is the focus of the MDG target so for example I'm the choice of target five which is about the availability of skilled birth attendants I mean one of the one of the critiques that has been made of this is that actually it doesn't recognize the local context and that what we need is to look much more at how skilled birth attendants have been trained how this has been regulated what is actually going on in different country contexts and this kind of labeling actually hides quite a lot of the reality so while countries might meet the target actually you know the reality might be quite different in and who who is performing and also that in some instances you know people who are labeled as non-skilled actually do possess certain skills that are useful in the area of birth and delivery when you know which they perhaps learn on the job and gain from working with other more experienced and more skilled professionals but but none of this is actually reflected in the targets and again you know others have suggested that the availability of emergency obstetric care would be a better reflection of overall functioning of health systems but it's been discarded due to lack of data availability but again critics have argued that this too does not reflect inequalities of access to care so I think you know we just need to recognize that what we need to look what we need to somehow bring into this discussion and debate around targeting is some understanding of the local context and it's not to say that you know developments around women's practical needs haven't occurred there's been you know some some improvements in in bringing more female doctors into health services but that in and of itself is not sufficient because it doesn't necessarily address the broad agenda inequalities in medical education and and society and there was an interesting study that was conducted in in Sudan that found yes there had been an increase in women doctors but what actually wasn't happening was overcoming discrimination within medical training where it was often assumed that you know female medical students and doctors didn't want to go for further training to increase their specialisms because of their family and caring responsibilities so just because you might meet the target of bringing in more women doctors it doesn't mean that we're addressing the wider gendered inequalities and again I think the well I agree family planning is important I think again there's certain tensions between this kind of instrumental approach and and the rights-based approach around contraceptives contraception and in 2007 clearly there was you know some input from women's activism etc with in terms of the introduction of the target 5b which included the contraceptive prevalence rate but when we look at kind of the way in which public private partnerships have been involved I think we see that there's tension between measurable income measurable indicators sorry and the creation of new markets for health projects and again the paper this morning kind of alluded to this in the expansion of sanitary products for example and it's not clear that the most appropriate forms of contraception for women are actually being prioritized and what certain bodies of evidence suggest is that there has been this shift towards oral and injectable methods of contraception which requires screening and follow-up care for possible side effects yet these kind of services as in follow-up services are not available through the PPPs they're not funding this so you know I think this this some does raise important concerns and the indicators do not always reflect sorry that should reflect women's broader social and sorry sexual and reproductive health needs for example unneed met for family planning does not include women and girls not in couples so again there's very sort of clear messages coming through about what is and isn't acceptable behavior for women and of course it doesn't even touch upon the whole question of sexual rights and the fact that in you know a significant number of countries abortion is just not an option for women and also again you know the availability of contraception does not automatically empower women just because women have access to be to contraception it doesn't prevent women from being raped or being coerced into having sex so again you know this emphasizes the need to look at the wider social relations and what's happening there and that we need to yeah look at this gendered social relations in family planning in order to start to address these issues so how are women's voices and women's agencies incorporated into this whole sort of public private public private partnership trend and one of the areas it seemed that women's voices were definitely excluded was in looking at how funding is distributed at the local level so sort of how the how the global funds are sort of disseminated downwards and that what studies have found is sort of hidden transcripts of power in funding distribution so who does and doesn't get invited into these into these meetings and a less powerful organizations are often excluded from country coordination mechanisms yet the kind of organizing organizations that are excluded are frequently those that have very detailed knowledge of women's realities and what happens to women's voices and it's not clear how they represented in in high-level decision-making processes so what seems clear is that we need better links with women's organizations and women's health movements and we need approaches that bring together the medical with the social and again there's studies that have shown that women's participation in community organizations can lead to better health outcomes for example in lowering maternal mortality rates and a study here by Prostatelle they they they looked at community participation sorry women's participation in Bangladesh, India, Malawi and Nepal and they found you know groups that worked with participatory strategies inspired by Paulo Freire so kind of you know about education but self-empowerment and recognizing that health problems were rooted in powerlessness and working towards social and political empowerment so these kind of broader kind of programs that really did look at social relations were much more effective and the kind of key message their study came out with was that health education is more empowering if it involves dialogue and problem solving rather than message-giving so a very sort of different kind of approach so we need to sort of look at how women's organizations are actually being brought into these and again I think there was a somebody mentioned before you know the need to fund these or Karen I think that you know the need to fund these organizations that that's just becoming increasingly overlooked so yes so policy recommendations is my final slide so yes we do need to you know support closer links between women's organizations and movements and we need to value the knowledge and experience of women themselves and provide policy spaces for women to express their knowledge freely and without constraint and again I think this goes back to one of the ways in which health systems are highly gendered that you know women's women's knowledge about their own health is frequently not recognized by doctors and there's this kind of big divide between you know medical knowledge and lay knowledge and it is highly gendered and again there's quite a lot of studies that show how that operates in practice so I think we need to address that as well and that we need to develop and make use of process indicators that better reflect the broader social dimensions of women's health and support engaged research to develop indicators that reflect a focus on women's right for example around choice and we also need to learn the historical lessons from this sector again there's a very significant body of work that's looked at how women's health has been used for instrumental purposes in development and we need to kind of take that on board and and ensure that that doesn't happen again and and we need to recognize and really acknowledge in programs that women's health is fundamentally linked to empowerment and rights and I will finish there thank you very much Jasmine particularly emphasis on empowerment and rights but also some of the tensions around these issues for example health care is not just a technical issue it's also a political issue we have now Natalie who's going to take us towards the education sector Natalie is with the Institute for Development Policy and Management at the University of Antwerp and it's also been doing a lot of work on advising the Belgian directorate for development so Natalie welcome okay my presentation is on budget support budget support to the education sector and looking at ways in how to make this budget support more gender sensitive so this is the outline of the presentation I will spend two minutes on each of the bullets and most of the presentation is in fact in the annexes but I will not deal with the annexes right now okay what is the context of this presentation the context is the Paris declaration the Busan agreement and in fact the the opportunities and the challenges that are in these declarations so in fact in principle there were opportunities and risks but what we see that is that in practice eight agencies have difficulties in how to handle with this changing eight modalities it's not that there are no suggestions on how to move forward there are a couple of useful suggestions that have been made by amongst others the OECD DAC where in fact they show how donors can integrate in different entry points a gender dimension with I mean what I mean with this is for instance when when donor agencies do an appraisal of countries of the quality of countries policies than in fact they could integrate their agenda dimension they could use a gender scan to in fact see to what extent national policies also integrate a gender dimension now the problem with these suggestions or maybe it's not a problem but until now there has been little research on the effective application of these suggestions and we also know little about the effectiveness of using these suggestions so this paper focuses on two of these specific suggestions that have been made one of them is the integration of gender indicators in performance assessment frameworks and the use of joint gender working groups in the cord as one of the coordination mechanisms among donors and recipient countries so we look at the application of this and the degree to which this has been effective in different country context we focus on primary education sector and on sub-Saharan Africa because in fact the the gap in primary education is still highest in sub-Saharan Africa whereas you also have at the same time variation in performance so conceptual framework there was no conceptual framework that was readily available so we had to construct our own conceptual framework we did that on the basis of different literature streams the one we used was for instance the literature on gender mainstreaming by Hapner Burton and in fact who is distinguishing among two types of incentives among hard incentives and among soft incentives and so we so in fact that it was possible to link the gender targets in performance assessment frameworks we consider that as a kind of hard incentives and then the use of gender working groups as a more softer type of incentive then we also looked at literature on aid effectiveness in the education sector literature on gender and education and so it finally led to this conceptual framework where we also very distinguished among these donor entry points but then also look at some financial indicators aid financial indicators like aid dependency and also country context indicators which influence which have been shown to influence outcomes in education and there we distinguish among those that are more income related on the one hand and then those that are more dealing with the gender institutional context the outcomes we have looked at was change in the country's performance on education we looked here we selected two indicators the one is the change in the female net enrollment rate and the other one is the change in female survival rate all dealing with primary education so each of these variables we have made them operational and we have used databases that already exist there was no data available of course on the use of the sex disaggregated indicators in the past and also not on the presence of joint gender working groups so that is a database that we have constructed ourselves so the sample of the of the study were sub Sahara African countries those that have received education but education budget support and yes there were a couple of data limitations some countries on which data was not available and finally we arrived with a sample of 17 countries and we have then later on included 15 countries in the analysis because the sample was small so 17 countries we could not use regression analysis so we have used qualitative competitive analysis QCA which is in fact used for which is something in between qualitative analysis and quantitative analysis and so it's very useful to identify parts combinations of conditions that leads to outcomes okay so some of the findings first in terms of the primary data collection we have done on the use of in of sex disaggregated indicators and puffs so of the 17 countries we have looked at 11 out of them include sex disaggregated enrollment related indicators so in fact 11 out of 17 included some kind of sex disaggregated or gender indicator 9 were on enrollment 8 included indicators sex disaggregated indicators on survival and 8 countries had other gender indicators joint gender working groups were present in 10 out of the 17 countries and the combination of the two were present in seven countries then of the 15 countries which were included in the analysis 9 out of them had a high performance on increasing female net enrollment in primary education so we have defined high performance as above the sub-Saharan African average or lower increase but those that were already above 75% in 2005 and then the outcomes of the QCA analysis what is important is that all six so we have identified six parts to to high performance on increasing female net enrollment rates and all these six parts to high performance all in fact include the presence of these sex disaggregated indicators and puffs and or these gender working groups and the the parts that were most prominent so that most if you look at the different parts the parts that were followed by by most countries there were two of them one part was a combination of these sex disaggregated indicators and puffs together with a dependency and absence of free education and I've included the countries between brackets and then the other part to high performance was presence of these joint gender working groups a favorable gender institutional setting for which we use the CG indicator and free education and then again included the countries between brackets now when we come to the conclusion and this is these are a couple of other findings from the from the research is that the use of incentives whether it or hard or soft incentives these especially these are especially effective in countries that are a dependent in less a dependent countries national context proves to be more important what is then national context it's a favorable gender institutional setting and the presence of free education if you look at incentives then and national context and when national context is supportive and you have to understand supportive here as where you have that favorable gender institutional setting and where you have free education joint gender working groups work but when these national context is less supportive then these joint gender working this joint gender groups do not work but then six disaggregated indicators and paths work and then finding which was also interesting is that it's often a combination of the two often a combination of gender indicators and paths together with gender working groups that prove to work that is maybe not so surprising they are mostly mutually reinforcing when you have gender working groups they often stimulate the inclusion of gender indicators and paths when you have gender indicators and paths it's also more likely that they come on the agenda of your joint sector review and of your policy dialogue and when these are on the agenda then again you have a higher probability of those gender working groups to be effectively involved in the in the joint sector working group in the joint sector reviews now finally these joint gender work these joint gender groups that exist in in many countries they are like an easy entry points for donors so it's it's these groups provide new through spaces for discussion and for collaborative learning among actors that are positioned differently with this we mean you have there the actors from within the donor community but also from within the ministries from within civil society and so you create a kind of space in which they can exchange IDs and it's also in line with with what would call the new role for donors it's a brokerage among state and citizens it's in fact stimulating collective action when you have these gender working groups they also are able to identify indicators to be included in paths that are in fact localized and realistic so instead of having donors that decide on which specific indicator to include when you work through these working groups then you get in fact more localized and realistic indicators which also has an effect on the effectiveness another important issue is that of course focusing only on indicators is dangerous because then you can have indicatorism and indicators can also be considered as an endpoint but when you link it to these gender working groups then the probability of having real monitoring of these indicators and specifically analysis of the data increases and it also can stimulate feedback and national use of data which goes beyond in fact the use of data by by donors indication there of the importance of data although you are warning us against indicatorism I think as well so hella Ravenburg is from the from Dease one of our recon recon partners her particular interest is on governance issues and she's been conducting a great deal of field research including Nicaragua, Colombia, Tanzania, Uganda and welcome thank you and thank you for staying on this late afternoon I will try in 10 minutes to summarize the results of not work that I've been doing all on my own but work that has been done in a team there's a summary or a synthesis report lying out there that two working papers and two more will be coming so I will try my level best to do that in 10 minutes the issue now is land at administration sounds a bit like a lot of paperwork but it's much more than that I can tell you the context is this if we look to sub-Saharan Africa just to take a case a big case though the context is this that we have more or less labor gender inequality men and women contributing the same amount of time to agriculture but no gender inequality when it comes to land ownership the first set of part or the first pie there is labor and the second one is land so something is is not quite the way that something that it should be at least that does not mean that women don't have access to land they do in the many parts of of sub-Saharan Africa and also in many other parts of the world but they have access to land through what you could call secondary land rights that means that it's conditional not on having a title but it's conditional on their marital status it's conditional on having children or not whether they have a good family in law or they don't and as you can imagine that type of access to land may be fragile and it may be patchy the two sets of pies that are chosen to put there come from a study that we did in Uganda last year and it shows two different areas in Uganda and the the proportion of women having access to land compared to man compared to men in the two parts this is not because the legal or or the the legal or the policy context that is different in those two areas it's simply two areas that have different traditions different cultures and different views on what is the role of women so there's a limit to what you can do through through law and through policy there has been a lot of contributions from donors on the issue of land and gender equality yeah the one that that I wanted you to see is not the one that you see in yellow it's a different one the colors were changed so you should look third from from the top which is the gender component and it's not very visible I'm very sorry about that but but this graph shows the different components that have been emphasized by in in the donor projects that we have been able to retrieve from the eight data database relating to land and a different sets of issues that those have been dealing with from from capacity building well there's some other issues here titling dispute resolution indigenous people's land rights etc so what you can see is that there's been a change in the sense that land administration became much a very strong activity after structural adjustment reforms that passed through the 90s that new approaches rather than land reform the focus one that was on titling and land administration and gradually also gender was taken into that equation it was not there from from the outset and if you would have a cynical view you can say that it was introduced at a moment as a glazing on the top at least to please donors Hong communities and it's still very controversial where it's implemented the important thing is also to say that now gender is part of the considerations that relate to to land and the way that land is administered and that donors have been putting pressure for it to be there it has not come on its own there have also been achievements in the legal and policy frameworks in the countries we have pulled out 15 countries that you see listed there and the 15 countries or and we have then looked through the legislation the type of administrative framework the policy framework and we have interpreted then what does what do those frameworks say about land and the way it's administered and what the gender is visible in all of this again the colors are not the ones that I chose but but you have to bear with me the the important thing here is to say that in all the 15 countries you can own land individually there's also recognition gradually now that customary land tenure should be taken into account and should be recognized also in the laws and and the regulations that are written down it's also now so that women in many of the countries not in all can own land on her own and many countries again pushed a bit by donors now have recognition of joint ownership so joint ownership having both names on the title is is a possibility what is not here and I'm afraid you can't see that is the top yellow one that customary law towards women's access to land is an agreement with statutory law that we didn't find in any of the 15 countries and only in two countries we could see that there was affirmative action regarding women's land rights being called for so so there's some gaps and there's some room for a further improvement you can say and that's of course a good story if you like challenges and what are those challenges then well as I just hinted at there's one challenge that remains that there are contradictions between what is written in with respect to women's access to land on her own in customary law and in statutory law that's that's a challenge there's not one single one only answer to this but it's a challenge that remains it's also a challenge that as you will be very much aware I guess most of you at least there's been a push both from donors but also from many countries themselves to move quickly as quickly as possible towards the formalization and also towards the individualization of land rights now if you remember from one of the first slides what are the ways that women gain access to land today is through secondary land rights so by pushing the formalization and the individualization there's also the risk that that could jeopardize secondary land rights if I'm a man remember imagine and I am giving my wife land and suddenly that has to be written down on paper how we divide that it's very likely that I will keep that land to myself and not agree to the fact that my woman my wife could have part of that land written on the piece of paper that we share so by by pushing that formalization and individualization there's a risk that those secondary land rights that women today benefit from at least to some extent will be will be lost the implementation capacity I think it cuts across many sectors but I think it's very visible that all the laws that we have seen all the policies all the nice intentions all the institutions that we also trying to imagine to to make land administration work the the capacity for implementing that is very low in many places and it's very sporadic and very often and I think this is specific if we have a gender focus on the land administration issue it's specifically dependent on NDAs being there to capture at least some of the funding that has been put aside by donors to to pursue and strengthen the land rights of women and the gender equality with respect to land ownership the the desirability of that is a very contested issue it's very contested politically it's very contested culturally and it's very contested socially politically in the sense that we have underlying this issue a contradiction and and a fight for authority and power between customary institutions and statutory institutions and all the economic interests related to that culturally because there's a change in the role of the bigger family the clan the community and the nuclear family in many societies and not just in Europe but also wider and socially because we are we are addressing the relationships between men and women obviously between women are hesitant to to take and use the rights that are there they don't want to be seen as pompous and also because they know that in general life when when they are in societies where violence against women is not is not what do you call that the word is not punished then of course it's a risky business insisting on your rights what are the recommendations then to pursue the gender equality in land and administration issues well we can see very clearly that this is not something that can be changed just by writing a law just by writing a policy just by writing a title it requires commitment and it requires endurance over time from donors and from all other societal actors who are trying to pursue this this agenda that will probably come as no surprise for those of you who have been in this business for many years it's also requiring much more than just the titles much more than just the formalization and much much more than just having two names on the title it requires looking beyond land legislation and land institutions family law is very important in this context and it's very contentious in Ghana the constitution was written and adopted in 92 it made a specific remark that something had to be done to the legal framework for for property division when when changes in marriage occur when when the husband dies for instance it has taken 20 years to get to do that not because they had forgotten about it but because it's contested society it requires looking at legal institutions more widely and dispute resolution institutions and obviously focusing on the access of women and men to these institutions police sorry police institution the police institution is crucial in this setting it relates as I hinted at before to violence in society in general not having women police officers I think we know that even from a society like the Danish society that if you are met as a woman by a male police officer who don't really think that your problem is worthy of attention then it discourages you from claiming your rights it requires efforts not just nationally but also locally these issues are played out in the local arena so it's obviously insufficient to focus at the national level and the national level institutions and it requires because land at least in sub-Saharan Africa but also in other places is to a large extent governed and administered in the customary sphere rather than in the statutory sphere then it requires attention to both of those fears where land is is administered and I think I'm now echoing the conclusion that many of you have hinted at in the previous presentations but systematic documentation of the gender equality and inequality and its wider economic and societal implications we need data to be able to demonstrate not just the importance not just the extent of the inequality itself but also of its wider economic and cultural and social implications and that also goes for the way that donor support is evaluated if you look through evaluation it's very rare to come across anything that is written about gender impacts if gender was not in there as a specific objective from the very beginning and even then it can be difficult so with these words and the words of an official from the Tanzanian Ministry of Land who is hinting at this being a long-term endeavor you can discuss whether it's actually an evolution but at least at least it's a change that doesn't come overnight and we must prepare to to fight for it and support it with very small steps and very great effort thank you thank you very much LA sort of also particularly the last quote on the issue of evolution versus revolution don't really want to join so we're gonna get a little bit crowded I think we're okay invited people on that side can still see past us we're gonna have to dip a bit into the coffee break folks so I hope you're prepared for that okay so circuit I've already introduced you you're one of the few philosophers that I know although wider back in the old days had a very strong tradition of philosophy of course with martyre sense so you're continuing this in part so please welcome yes thank you very much oh and being in the same group it a martyre said that's an honor to be even mentioned in the same sentence and of course being in Tanzania I'm used to these technical problems and issues of time so it's no problem whatsoever my paper is focusing on transitional justice and aid and interestingly I have to say that the preview have is from my previous paper so I will combine previous and current paper the same presentation so I want to focus on more on the aid and transitional justice processes and the mechanisms I mean more and more aid money is now going to the transitional justice issues and it's very different nowadays to separate the transitional justice funding from the wider reform funding to the aid and even more difficult to segregate the gender-based funding in that whole context transitional societies and transitional justice processes they focus on governance social justice and equality improving the society reconstructing a society towards the democratic development but my question is here in this paper and in general are we focusing on appearances or are we actually supporting as a donor community change are we facing the economic and political realities I have worked also on the development sector for the Finnish development programs supporting some of these processes and sometimes it appears that the donor site is willing to give up some principles we talk about certain values and democratic principles but we settle with so either democracies we said we are ready to support processes that are countries that are in transition as long as they have the democratic processes and institutions in place I'm talking about elections parliamentary representation type of a media but however we are not willing to push the conditionalities much further because of the issues of ownership equal partnership and cultural and political sensitivities democratic values versus democratic processes here I have Kenya and DRC as a case studies but they are just case studies and because of the limited time I think I just take few examples from there but the pattern seems to be same in many countries different countries where the DJ transitional justice processes are funded one the main problem from the gender perspective is especially in fragile states and transitional societies that the donor motivations and interests are different from the transitional government interest I mean you look at the what's happening in Egypt now and elsewhere we discussed about Arab Middle East Northern Africa countries earlier what the Western donor countries would hope the transitional process will achieve is not necessary at all the same that the political leadership have in mind for women's rights this is a difficult situation because women rights are always set as a yielding rights women's rights have to wait until the better time when the other political religious cultural ethnic racial issues that are seen to have more importance are solved and then late after that comes the gender equality however I argue that it's a very problematic is the gender equality and as my colleagues were saying here earlier is set aside in the beginning of the process because it was added later it becomes more and more difficult to struggle with and often it becomes a parallel process that is no longer connected to the reforms that are happening otherwise in the country the main questions are also here then how do the development partners the donor countries learn to operate in a changing global environment of development cooperation and that's the alternatives for liberal democracy we can't have democratic institutions built with the donor assistance but if the mental states and the goals of the partner countries government are not with us those institutions can continue maintaining very suppressive and unequal situation in the country or governance system in the country in this context how can we find a better approach to enhance women's rights and what can we learn from the third world or post-colonial feminism how to take into account all the different levels of injustice that women especially the transitional societies have to deal with our colleagues in the previous session brought out very well the issues that women in countries with patriarchal systems or transitional governance systems or reconstruction after conflict have to deal with so many social injustices that the gender issue becomes only one or gender or women's rights actually becomes only one issue on the long agenda of injustices and also women have to deal with the different loyalties many conflicts are based on social economic competition competition on power but also religious conflict ethnic conflict and women in these countries even if they get into political position they have subnational loyalties and they are expected to be on the side of their own ethnic group their own community their own political party the leaders who put them in power and not necessarily set the women's right as the first priority on the agenda the reason we took or I took here the United Nations Security Council 1325 as an example women peace and security because it's one of the transitional justice programs that is gender focused it's not gender peace and security it's women peace and security so it's focusing directly on gender and improving women's position I said Kenya and DRC are here just an example and I don't go into details I took those because I have been partly involved myself in the processes on the support to the national action plans in these countries however I think many countries have the similar challenges and issues in implementing the Security Council resolution first of all the Council resolution is very important it has taken into a gender the women's role in conflict and improving women's possibilities to participate however at the same time it has made it a parallel agenda to the other reforms in a reconstruction especially after conflict in Kenya all the trends are same in the many countries it becomes easily a parallel process to other efforts and other reform programs in Kenya around the same time when I was there we had the big justice sector reform program we had the public sector reform program we had gender and governance program we had lots of agricultural reform programs and then started the 1325 women peace and security and also constitutional reform program and at the same time the promotion that 1325 does for women's participation not only reconstruction after conflict or in the conflict situation or transitional but also being part of women in building societies with conflict would be prevented having the gender right as the primary right and primary gender right on gender justice as the primary basics for building any other social justice if you don't get the gender justice right in the beginning it's very difficult to reform to improve to correct the other structural long-time injustices that actually lead to conflict and new conflicts but if it remains a parallel process then it's very problematic women's representation as numbers I already mentioned that's not enough as such women's participation empowerment or actual actual influence in the processes not just being selected as a representatives of gender but also representatives of a big reform and having a chance to have their voice heard but often this is not in the interest of the leaders in the transitional societies in many cases happens to be happens to me men who don't see this process as a priority there's a lack of political will internationally of course there is a political commitment rhetorically speaking but then when it comes to actual implementation of the resolution then the lack of political will is disappearing fast and the budget for the implementation are also diminishing I was trying to look for very exact economic data how much money the donors are giving for the implementation of 1325 how much the country is in question put in budget and it's almost impossible to find because it involves so many processes and sometimes the donor processes also they go on top of the processes that are already taking place in this country the organization in the grassroot level already working on the issues of gender-based violence women's participation in solving conflicts women's participation in political or women's political participation in different levels but introducing something external as a very abstract process of numbers is not always taking into account all the processes that are already going on in the country changing development cooperation context and that's what I started with the transitional issues development policies and shared objectives 1325 and the national action plans they are just one example where we make an agreement with a partner country where we set some ideals these are the ideals from a liberal democracy talking about equality individual rights gender justice included there and we agree in principle but when it comes to the implementation then we are not necessarily on the same space anymore and because the monitoring has not been as consistent as it should be and the following up with the results has also been lacking behind we sometimes end up being on the two different two different lines and the women are the one who are losing in this process also changing context is the countries we were talking about emerging economies and China India Russia the bricks in general coming to the traditionally Western development scenery we don't know what to deal with them even here today we were talking but what about China as a donor but China and the bricks they are more and less coming from the market background investment foreign direct investment African countries are rising with the natural resources everything available the whole scenery of the donor cooperation is moving very rapidly the values that we have been offering more or less as a conditions of aid and as the goals of a transitional processes in development they are losing their importance the countries the bricks are not necessarily setting the same conditions they are actually working more on the market-based economy which the traditional Western donors have been imposing on the develop as a model for development for a long time and now it's taken over by the emerging economies and we don't know anymore what to do in that context we talk about the values but are we ready to actually hold on to those values because at the same time we have the changing situation in Europe the economy in Europe is not doing so well or invest in general including us how much are we willing to give up on the ideals that we set as the goals for our development policies especially when it comes to the gender issues because we tend to say I say that the gender has to give prior has to give a way to other priorities and many donor partners are not willing to push because they feel it culturally too sensitive politically yeah conclusion politically too sensitive and also we might lose our own economic opportunities we want to respect the partner countries ownership so much that we are willing to compromise our own ideals in many cases and the gender justice is one of them that we are more most likely willing to give up all the good action plans are often staying in the closet it's good the government has accepted them however the implementation is no longer our business thank you okay so we're a little bit into the coffee break but I just like to take some time now for some some reflections on what we've heard some very rich presentations across all the sectors quite interesting because some you know we've got sort of technocratic visions here we've got some tensions between the rights and the instrument instrument realism can't say the word even that Karen brought out this morning and also then circuit was reminding us well you know don't we also have a perhaps a little bit of hypocrisy kicking around in some of this debate so I'd like to take some interventions from the floor could we start on this side of the the floor please do we have some interventions from this side of the floor or indeed we do we have some interventions from the other side of the floor yeah Leonce and since we don't have other interventions I can get your full attention for 45 minutes one one of my my first comment is on the on the land issue I think it's a it's a big big issue in in all African countries but one thing I wanted to you to comment on is the political economy aspect of land administration I give you a very a very simple example one is the implications of land titling on the distribution of political power along ethnic along ethnic lines and a clear example is Ethiopia one of the my own interpretations was one of the problems of the Tigray and political regime against land titling is because if you do that on a one-to-one basis then the means worth falls in the hands of the Oromo who are not who are not the dominant regime so how do you manage that the second question is you talked about the formalization and individualization of land titles which is a very important distinction and my fear in addition to the concerns you raised is that in the individualization of land titles actually is going to generate lots of landless people because people are going to sell their land because they have they don't have money and so on whereas if you do you go on the family at the family level which is what the most the biggest practice now at least you have you guarantee that land is not going to be alienated but then how do you protect individual rights within that family arrangement the rights of women also of all fans who may have different parents from different different different origins the on the the last presentation about the donor practices the dark and the what we call traditional and non-traditional donors in fact sometimes we when we comment and discuss the ed practices of the non-traditional donors the emerging donors and that the fact that they are not adopting the dark processes and yet we have spent the whole day lamenting on the fact that these processes are not good so so do we want the new ones to adopt the old old practices which are not good that's a good point Leons so a question here of standards or double standards so Roger thank you I was interested in particularly in where the circuit was ending up and I want to ask you circuit is the what has been codified as action action plans from the northern donors and international organizations is that a women's agenda or is that you know for example colleagues in Tanzania Tanzania and women do they have a different African women's agenda from a first world or globalized agenda or do they feel completely represented by the action plans coming from the north and from the international organizations thank you very much I want to address the issue of conflict and the fragility of women girls and children in it and refer to 1325 the secretary general of the UN has already pronounced that 15% of UN managed funds will be spent on implementation of 1325 I think that it was mentioned that you were not able to find how much money is being given under ODA for women in conflict is it possible that we appeal to the donor community that they match that 15% which the UN is giving because you did mention and you didn't talk about it the twinning process what was the twinning process that you were referring to but did not elaborate on it my second question is that we had the con a slide which showed contraception and talk about the tensions in it can we agree and if we can't can we get together and be pulled together by UN wider and sit down and thrash this out because I thought after the Cairo after the Cairo conference the reason for my saying is we have to come to closure on this very politicized issue it's politicized and too many women are dying too many are suffering and as you have pointed out you still had a whole chart showing the the tensions that are found around it I thought that Cairo conference had settled this issue where we agreed that abortion was not a method of family planning and unsafe abortion would be addressed and yes I think we have learned as a world to live with the MCP of the United States so I think we need to come to closure on this issue and put family planning and contraceptive back on that radar screen very much okay so there are no other questions or comments up the lady over there who I'm not sure you've had an answer your question the morning yet on Malawi so any of the panel here I did get I did get a very interesting comment from the lady who made her presentation and included examples from Bangladesh and Pakistan and we have since then had a very interesting discussion yeah thank you very much to the panel my name is Linnley Chawna Carlton from the Swedish University of Agriculture Sciences so I really like your presentation especially the last food for thought I would call it you stated the following things that I think we should put on the table and think a little bit more about them one of them was our Western values losing to new partnerships and the second was that Africa is rising given its resources that it has and I'd like to add one more thing and that is perhaps in thinking about our Western values losing to new partnerships and Africa rising perhaps where are the African voices as well if we want to continue to have a discussion where do we put the African voices in these partnerships especially when it comes to Western values in fact I think that the issue of developing country voices including African voices can apply to every one of our panel I had a specific question on your presentation Natalie that the you know the also there's a very powerful case for education as a driver of growth and to a degree you can convince a finance minister around that perhaps rather than the rights-based approach so I don't know is there is the rights-based approach just simply chitchat I'd be provocative at the stage okay so panel can we go back and hello let's start with you got a specific question on land yeah and if I could answer that one and indeed any other point you want to make yeah the political economy of land and how do you manage that I can't answer that one but it's obviously and it's increasingly I would say but but even that would be a lie because if you look back a hundred or 200 years in history the political the political economy of land was still already back then a consensus issue so obviously it is a very strong issue and obviously it's an economic issue on top of being an ethnic and political issue and and so I'll have to leave it there because it would make no sense that I could make an answer to that one the other one the other comment that you made was about this trend towards formalization and individualization and what that would lead to now you have your interpretation I also have mine and I would like to share my interpretation here my interpretation is this that whatever system you have to to protect and within which to have authority for your claims and your rights to land it requires some resources you need to master some resources enabled to have effective access to land some issue some systems require economic resources some systems require legal literacy some systems require that you actually can go and have your paper written and other systems and now we are that was a formalization bit and the other system that seems to be out there is a system that relies on you being in a specific place belonging to a specific group and maintaining relationships to specific people different sectors or parts of society have strength or comparative advantages in the different systems and obviously that will dictate what would be the consequent of pushing one more than the other and I agree very much with your interpretation that if you rush very quickly towards an individualization and formalization just within maybe 10 years or so there's a great likelihood that many of the people who today have access to resources to land will lose that access simply because they don't master the resources that are required to enter and gain your access to land through that other new system if that's what we want to see then go ahead but if it's not what we want to see then something should be done about it that doesn't solve the other problem that there are lots of issues and there are lots of inequalities within the present state of access to land and that's also what you're hinting at and I very much agree agree with that and therefore I think it's it's it's extremely important that there now are tendencies towards seeing if we can have coexistence between the different systems and also if we can to some extent codify to some extent make what was not visible to the outside before now visible to the outside by registering not necessarily by individualizing but at least making the two systems able to talk to each other I think that's an important trend and that a trend that needs to be supported we can't abolish one or the other system okay thank you one more thing that the dispute resolution mechanisms I think extremely important in this context and are extremely important also in relation to your first your first observation about the political economy because this is a conflict of interest and if you don't have any institutions for dealing with those conflicts it will blow out to something that we don't want to see so dispute resolution and being able to live with duality or maybe even more than duality and having those systems talk to each other I think that will be crucial both for men and for women and for society. Conflict brings to Sirkhu and you had fair a bit of support from the audience it seems and what you're saying Sirkhu you're going to agree. Okay thank you very much for the comments and the support and the questions and I want to start with the Africa voices because that is very interesting question now what is happening who is the one who speaks on behalf of Africa nowadays especially when it comes to the in relation to women's rights and women's equality you have been probably following the ICC case of Kenya and the big push from the EU African Union to get further and further away from the international justice systems and the international relating also to human rights conventions and agreements over there what we have had at the universal level now there's a big push from Africa African leaders African current leaders who most of them are male saying these are not our values our voices are different we have our own mechanisms we have our own values we don't want to take this Western pushed system of international justice Western universalized values so what are African values and the African leaders are they speaking on behalf of all Africa I don't know as far as I know most women and my colleagues back in Tanzania and Kenya don't think that these processes should be stopped they think the Western countries are actually sometimes speaking more on behalf of the Africans than the African leaders but that's a very good question where do we get there and are women's rights universal values or are they Western values and how can they may how can they be made to be universal more universal values or are we giving up on that are we going on the cultural relativism and say okay well some countries don't respect the same values as what we would like them to in order for us to give development aid so either we drop them or we have to respect the ownership and let them do the way they want to do it and that is where we have to look at ourselves as donors what do we want to do how much do we want to give in what does ownership mean in the end is it cultural relativism the second question which was about twinning process and I'm very sorry the paper was probably very disconnected because it was combining two papers but if you read them they all as a working papers you can get them from the wider websites I was I wrote quite a bit about the twinning process Finland was a twinning partner with Kenya and the twinning process has the idea that the northern part northern country is partnering with the often southern partner country who is working on the 1325 national action plan and twinning process is supposed to be mutual learning process that also the northern countries who are funding the process or mostly these partly funding the process are learning from their certain partners issues that they can take into account also when planning to the other gender programs but unfortunately what I have seen from the twinning is quite random the partners are choosing randomly more or less depending on the northern northern countries where do you have the resources where do you have the people what interest political other interest you might have in that country so the partnership is not based on really serious mutual agreement it is sometimes pushed the partner country unfortunately but it's an interesting process and if you read the paper you can learn more about that 50 percent maybe good idea national action plans are the same from the countries I do the countries have the same action plans as the donors interesting question again sometimes it push donor agenda sometimes the government might have very different ideas what the countries do than the donor countries sometimes the NGO agenda might be closer to the donor countries I mean it's a very mixed back okay thank you circuit now we're running a lot over times at this stage if anyone wants to slip out and grab a cup of coffee you're very welcome but we're going to continue here with Jasmine's response so if you're desperate for the job I just go and grab one so Jasmine all right well I'll keep it brief just to say yes I agree the whole issue of contraception is critical and I think one of the main limitations is that the question of reproductive rights sometimes gets forget forgotten about and obviously contraception is highly politicized and I think we need to engage in those elements of the debate as well as the practical elements okay and naturally I had this this provocative thing about chitchat versus persuading your hard and hard-bitten finance minister well I don't think it's so much related to my paper but the link that there is maybe is that it's it's not so difficult to have sex disaggregated indicators on education in a puff that's also the only sector on which we could do that research was on the education sector because in the other sectors you hardly find sex disaggregated indicators and so you could ask a question as to why is it that it is easy to have it in the education sector but not at all in land or in or in agriculture and that's maybe the reason why it is is maybe because there is also the the whole argument about effectiveness and efficiency which makes it more maybe more acceptable for some for some fractions within the donor agencies to have it included and all it's also less sensitive in the sense and there is a link with country ownership less sensitive to have these sex is aggregated education indicators less sensitive than you would have like sex is aggregated indicators for the agriculture and indeed I thought your point about the data really showed actually that instrumentarism and universalism is not necessarily in conflict okay so I think we've had a very stimulating session sorry guys you ran over a bit of time but coffee is outside quickly grab one come back in and thank you very much