 Good afternoon to you all. This is the session on Central and Eastern Europe, which is titled A New Agenda for the Continent, which sounds like a really wide-ranging topic. It's a uniquely qualified panel, quite unique actually for Davos, because it has three presidents of three countries in Central and Eastern Europe, and shortly to join us, the commissioner for neighborhood policy and enlargement. So very welcome to all three of you. You don't need introductions. You're all well known. You're from page material. The panelists have agreed to brief questions and brief answers, and they'll ask each other, indeed, also questions. The session will take about an hour, and we hope to cover a wide range of topics. And of course, the focus, as the agenda says, will be on the emerging coalitions in Central and Eastern Europe in their relation to both the European Union and to NATO. How is there an impact on these two organizations and what then is at heart happening on the Eastern edge of NATO and the European Union? Recent examples, which have been mentioned here in Davos, too, are, for instance, the three C's initiative, which dates from, what is it, two years ago, 2016. Should we call President Trump attended the summit? What was it in Warsaw? These are 12 nations which have basically a coalition. And there is, of course, a prior coalition which goes back to the beginning of the 90s when the Vizagrad group was created, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Now all these alliances, these political alliances, are about sometimes about military issues, something about cultural issues, something about economic, but largely also about energy cooperation. So the question is, what does all of this imply for the European Union and NATO? And the panelists have agreed to speak briefly to that. Does it add to potential fragmentation? And how does all of this relate in the context of the relationship with Russia? Now, President of Lithuania, President Daria, which is much easier to pronounce than her family name, as she knows, you are first to speak. So what is specifically so important for you in these new coalitions in your own region? Yes, we are at 28. And it's natural that in Europe we're starting to group a little bit by interests. And it is sometimes geographical grouping. Sometimes it's a free-seas initiative. Also, it depends not only inside Europe how we group, but also our attitude towards the interests of countries outside Europe. For Baltic states, we're already, for some time, cooperating very closely with Nordic countries. It's so-called NB6 framework. And very much before each meeting, we have informal meetings to coordinate our positions on a lot of issues, starting from economic, from integration into European process, how much we want, how wide we want integration in which areas, and how much we will support integration process up to the foreign policy, positions on sanctions for Russia, positions on creating energy union, positions on cybersecurity, and, of course, positions on Ukraine. So from this point of view, it's nothing surprising. These groupings are natural. They are efficient because it helps us to be supported, especially for smaller countries. It is important to have some kind of caucuses or coalitions inside. They're not at all against anybody. They are supporting and giving us capacity to leverage, to make our voice heard, and our positions to be supported. And really, our group very much supports the new tendency, as I call Europe is back, because Europe is back, because it is new leadership, committed leadership. We know that we will be going deeper integrating ourselves because the challenges of competition from outside, the challenges of external threats, they're necessary to be very fast in creating energy union in finalizing digital union or market, of course, external disturbances with Brexit, with some military drills around our borders, and, of course, the Ukrainian situation is very much influencing our European Union position and our willingness and understanding that we need to integrate. And from this point of view, I'm happy that already new leadership in France, the government in Germany, which is under formation, but we had what it was said, that we understand that in new world, Europe needs to be stronger, and for smaller countries inside European Union, for us, inside the strong ally, in strong union, is a lot better than being somewhere else. Why we are supporting the integration, further integration, especially in economy, in monetary union, in banking sector, in cyber, in innovations, even in defense. Europe is now becoming more and more united behind the idea to invest more in its own defense, not duplicating NATO, just adding to NATO, and especially adding in the areas where NATO not yet investing enough. I mean cyber security, informational security, battle against fake news, all this Europe starting to take seriously and investing more and more. So here, our region, our countries, we are very much supportive, and there is no contradiction between any groupings, or Visagrad, or North and Baltic countries. So here we are very much united, and it is what we're having this year as a new tendency, we are more confident, all of us in Europe, we know what we need to do, and we have new leadership. So that's everything in place we need to deliver. So what would be your priority for the first action step? I mean, this is a wide program which you're supporting. What comes first, defense or energy security? In our region, of course, defense is one of the largest priorities because we are on the Eastern flank of NATO territory, and having in mind and seeing the ZAPO exercises, it is clear that for us, security and defense, it is a priority, and cyber security, including new challenges, new forms of threats are a priority, and we are very active in European Union and in NATO, preparing NATO summit, and Lithuania already proposing a lot of ideas on cyber security, and these ideas are taken by Europeans and NATO, and we will be investing further because our own experience on the border is very clear that this is a threat unconventional, but this threat is even more dangerous than direct conventional threat, which is probably less possible and comparatively with the unconventional threats. For example, for us, Lithuania also energy security is important not only from the point of view of nuclear plant security, but that the nuclear plant in Belarus on our borders is built by Russians, of course, and it could be used as nuclear threat, as unconventional weapon. That's a problem, and why energy union for Europe is the same agency, the same importance as any other union and not only defense, but energy security, unconventional security, all this matters now more and more. Thank you. President Duda, this is a text which President Dalia just spoke, which could have come from Poland, isn't it? I mean, you must have similar views on this or are there disagreements? I'm not talking about internal European union disagreements, you and I will talk about that later, your Brussels issues at this time, but the wider question why more integration would be needed or do you doubt that approach? Thank you. Especially thank you for the invitation to this very interesting session together with Madam President and Mr. President, neighbors of my country, I can say. And this is the good questions. Yes, yes. I can say in the most of this matters, issues we share the same point of view. Because we are in the same region and in general, in this big politic, I can say we have also the same problems. So when I look at our situation when I analyze our history, I can say this is very important year for us, this 2018. Why? Because this year we celebrate 100th anniversary of regaining our independence. That was in 1918 and that was very important here, not only for us, for Poland, but also for many countries in Central Europe. So this is also the very symbolic year. And I think that it needs a very specific and very ambitious approach to solve the problems, to find a way to solve the problems we have. So I'm very glad that we have few formats of cooperation because this is very important, that during the last 30 years, we found a few formats of cooperation in the most important matters. One of the absolutely most important is of course security. And in Central Europe, we have a special format cooperation into NATO. We have meetings, we call it Bucharest Nine. Nine countries from Central Europe have meetings and discuss about the security, about defence annually before the NATO summit. And we discuss about our problem, we discuss our situation in a matter of security, in a matter of defence. And we try to reach a common standing for the upcoming NATO summit. So that was, I took part in this before the NATO summit in Warsaw. And that was really very productive. And now I can say I'm sure that this Bucharest Nine is very, very good and very needed initiative. And what else? Second is cooperation which is going to accelerate development of our countries. And this is the main topic and the main task of the format we call 3C initiative. We had a few meetings and we discussed about the development of our countries, but especially development of infrastructure and communication. Because we have the situation that most of our countries have very good connections with the Western Europe and Eastern Europe. But we have a good connection between us on the axis north, south. So we have to work on that matter. And this is the main target of 3C initiative. We discussed about the developing of the roads, motorways and express roads. We discussed about the developing of railways. We discussed about developing of gas connections, interconnectors. Because we have to reach also energy security. It's very important. And this is the main fields of cooperation and formats of cooperation in Central Europe. But you have to remember that this is not something new. This is not something more. And this is not something other than NATO or European Union. Because all we discuss and decided in a format of Bucharest 9 is only with NATO and for NATO. And for, of course, the result in our security and defense. All we discuss in 3C initiative is only for the developing of our countries, but as a countries of European Union. I think this all goes in a direction of acceleration, our development, and in the result to fulfill the policy of cohesion in European Union. Because it's not a secret that our countries were behind the iron carton. Yes, and we still try to reach the same level of development and the same level of living in our countries as it is in Western Europe. And that's why we cooperate. Thank you. Just on energy security, which is an essential component also for, of course, also for the Ukraine and also for Lithuania and other countries. That, of course, is very related to the current discussion about Nord Stream 2, right? I'm making that explicit because that's, I guess, underlying this, this cooperation. Could you elaborate, just say a few words on how you see that developing? Because so far there has been more disagreement than agreement, I would think. Very long and wide issue. But crucial, I guess, right? But absolutely crucial, absolutely crucial. I will try to describe it from the position of my country, yes? We need 15 billion cubic meters of gas every year. So one third, about five billion cubic meters, we have from our own sources. One third, about five, next five billion, we can buy through our LNG terminal, which we built in Świnouiście on our Baltic coast. And the rest, one third part, now we buy from Russia through Yamal pipeline. So we have no, we have no other supply for this last five million cubic meters. Yes, we would like to diversify all supplies and all the sources of supplies. And now we discuss with Norway and Denmark about new investment, about building a new pipeline from Norway across Denmark to Poland. And this is one of the most important elements in the matter of energy security at this moment. Problem of Nord Stream 2. What is the problem of Nord Stream 2? Why we are all against Nord Stream 2? Yes, Poland, Ukraine, Slovakia very strongly, Lithuania, why? Because this is the way to exclude our countries from supplies from Russia. Yes, and that is the core issue, which we will cut back to that at the moment. You want to say something about that? Because the capacity of this new planned pipeline, Nord Stream 2, plus capacity of Nord Stream, it's enough to close Yamal. So that's the Polish concern. President Dalia, you want to... Can I jump a little bit on Nord Stream 2? Really, we treat it as pure political project. There is no economic necessity and sense to build it. It will make Europe again fully dependent and main large countries dependent on Russian supply. It's nothing bad about Russian gas. We also buy as much as we need and if it is competitive prices. But the problem is that if you became totally dependent, then this becomes an instrument of influence. Usually, our history showed and our experience that energy always was used as pressure tool, as influence tool, as some kind of instrument of dependency in politics, in economy. And today, Europe is instead of creating energy union with diversified sources, again falling in the same path of dependency. That's a problem. We're not against Russian gas as it is, but we're against of falling Europe again back to full dependency on Russian gas supply. Absolutely. I agree. We are absolutely not against Russian gas. But we have... we would like to reach, for example, the same conditions of supply then... of... like, for example, Germany. Can you imagine that Poland pay for gas more than Germany? Why? Because we have no alternative. We have to buy this gas from Russia now. So that's why we would like to achieve diversity, because that will be the moment when we could negotiate as an independent country, who can choose this source of supplies, other... At the core of this is, of course, that there is no unified European Union energy policy, which we have been discussing for a very, very long time. And that brings me to present... Also against the policy of European Union, yes, because it means domination of Gazprom. President Poroshenko, you are not in NATO, you're not in European Union, but you're in the same energy problem. Frankly speaking, we are an energy community treaty, and we would be definitely in the European Union, and we are European country, and we have the same well-coordinated policy. And before speaking about agenda, about new coalition, about future of European strategy, I want to add a few words about the Nord Stream 2. You said this is about energy, this is about economy, nothing similar. All this about politics. If you see the figures of Nord Stream 2, there is no economy there. Definitely. There is no explanation why Gazprom tried, sorry for this word, bribe some European countries with money to achieve absolutely clear political goals. We are proud together that we do a great step during the last few years for energy independence and energy diversification. LNG terminal in Lithuania, bravo. Energy terminal, LNG terminal in Poland, bravo. And Ukraine, who are more than two years not buying every single cubic meter of Russian gas, receiving it through Poland, through Slovakia, because of the, receiving the Norwegian gas, European gas, and because of that we win Stockholm arbitrage. Stockholm arbitrage, this is not about the money. This is about energy independence. The main achievement of the Stockholm arbitrage is not even that we improved our financial situation. We stop anymore to use gas as a factor of political pressure of Russia. And we hate the idea to return it back. This year we transit 94 billion cubic meters to Europe. This is a record high during the last years. And we will be more than happy to do it more. There is no any sense to invest dozens of billion of euro for nothing. We have, we European have the most strategic ways how to spend this money. And there is another purpose of the North Stream too, to divide it Europe. Because what is the main achievement of European Union after the Brexit? Very tough test for the European Union. After the election campaign of year 2016-17 and everybody waiting that populist Eurosceptics being power in Europe and promoted effective Russian strategy to divide Europe, to make it weaker. And fortunately all Europeans was responsible enough, united enough, strategic thinking enough to keep unity. And of course Russia was very much disappointed in that. And with this situation, North Stream 2 is a test. It's a test for unity of Europe. Not and nothing to do with the security, with the energy security, with the energy, with the economy. This is clear. Thank you. So before we get to a second round on the panel, let me try to see whether in the audience there are questions or quick comments, very brief. Please raise your hand if you have such a question. Obviously the panel has been incredibly clear, convincing. No critic comments. No comments. I can only take that as a very positive grading of the three of you. So let's get back then to the panel and go for a second round of issues, though we have already covered a fair number of them. President Poroshenko, let me start with you. Because I'm sure you've had a number of conversations here in Davos. And, of course, differently from previous years, I sense that there is more criticism of the Ukraine and of Ukrainian political decision making than before, which manifests itself, I believe, in questions about visa-free travel for Ukrainians into Europe, and it manifests itself, of course, in the complications you have, this funding from IMF and World Bank, all of this awaiting further political decision making on your side. So is this valid criticism? What are you going to do about it? First of all, for the visa-free. This is a great success of the European policy of European Union towards Ukraine, to Moldova, to Georgia. This is a great success of Ukraine in implementation reform. There was 144 points in our visa-labilization plan, which was necessary to implement for Ukraine and receive a very positive assessment from the Assessment Mission of the European Union. We have ratified the association agreement, unfortunately not in November 2013, in Vilnius, as everybody wants, but from the 1st of September 2017, they are fully enforced after ratification, despite all the Russian efforts to stop it. For the IMF cooperation, it should be absolutely crystal clear. This is the first time in Ukraine in history. Just for a moment before we go to the IMF, on the visa-free travel, wasn't that dependent on implementation of anti-corruption institutions functioning? We have fully what's necessary to be done, and we fully implement that. I am organizing the fight against corruption in Ukraine, not because of the visa-free, and not because of the tranche of IMF, because fighting against corruption is a priority of my presidential policy. This is me who created the independent anti-corruption institution, NABU, National Anti-Corruption Bureau, and Special Anti-Corruption Prosecution Office, which is effectively functioning together with other institutions, and deliver the first very promising results. And this is supported both by our international partners inside the country. We provide judicial reform with a full reloading of the Supreme Court and the court system in Ukraine. And on the 22nd of December, I initiated in the parliament a new anti-corruption court, as a finishing structure for the independent anti-corruption system. And coming back to the IMF and the World Bank, I have here the very promising meeting with Christine Lagarde and David Lipton, and with the President Kim from the World Bank. If you read the statement, very much satisfied with the results of the reform we reached. And we agreed about the, from the political point of view, everything is clear. We have a political will and decision is already made. From the legal point of view, discussion about wording, how to implement the recommendation and advice of the Venice Commission, this is the question of the legal expert, and we hope to do that as soon as possible. But we are, I'm the only Ukrainian president who reached such great results in cooperation with IMF, because beforehand we have only one tranche from IMF and then stopped, and Ukraine stopped keeping promises. We have now four tranche, three memorandum, which is fully implemented and fully fulfilled. And we receive $8.7 billion in the most difficult time of our history. And I just want to remind you that we do that during the Russian occupation, during the Russian legal annexation of the Crimea, which definitely influenced on the living standard in my country. But at the same time, during the last half a year, during the last session of the parliament, we implement one of the most difficult reforms in the country, pension reform, healthcare reform with a very strong anti-corruption component, decentralization reform with a very strong anti-corruption component, education reform, finish of the judicial reform, launching of the very important law on privatization with the British law system for the investor who wants that with absolutely transparent procedure, state procurement law with a very strong anti-corruption component. And of course, we should keep in mind what attack now Ukraine has from Russia, from the side of the propaganda campaign, from the side of the fake news. And I think personally that fake news and populace now is one of the biggest danger not only for Ukraine, but for Europe. And I'm extremely happy that in all European countries and in the United States, question for the information security, question for the fake news, start to be the part of the national legislation, the point for the European Commission interest, the special NATO trust fund for the strategic communication and cybersecurity. And this is their interest to try to imagine Ukraine is country with no success. No, we don't give them any tiny chance because we have an economic growth 2.5% in 2017 during the war. When our main industrial potential in Donbas is occupied, we have estimation for 3.8% of the GDP growth in the year 2018. We have a serious program for the reform for improving the investment climate in the year 2018. And I want to thank our European partners for the very strong support of Ukraine, not only in the question for security when we build up on the most efficient army on the continent, but also on the reform. This is Poland who support us in the decentralization reform. This is the Lithuania who support us in the investment climate reform. Both of these countries support us in the anti-corruption initiative. And we would be very much welcome improving the cooperation in this different sphere because this is the confirmation of our European vector of development. Thank you, President. Before we discuss Russia, which is an important element in the analysis which you all three of you have given, there is a specific question I want to ask President Duda because it's very much on the mind of other European Union member states. You have a very important ongoing discussion, I'll put it in a nice word, with Brussels, with the European Commission about the rule of law. Without going into the details, there's a procedure, there is a lot of talk publicly and obviously also privately. At what stage are we and how do you think it will be solved from your side and from the Brussels side? What I can say. Yes, we have what is the most important for me, dialogue with European Commission. And this is really very important because, believe me, this is something new. A few months ago there was no dialogue, there was dictate from the members of European Commission. Now situation changed a bit. I can understand why they were so unobjective in assessment of the situation in Poland and our reforms in judiciary. We established institutions and we made a changes which function in European Union countries, in Spain, in Sweden. This is nothing new in the area of European Union, in European states. So I don't understand why our changes, our reforms are anti-democratic in Poland and the same institutions in other countries of European Union are correct. I don't understand it. There seems to be, well, I will not argue that case. I'm afraid there is the second deck. This is more political problem than the problem of real problem of institutions. It depends who from Poland you would like to listen. I can say that standing of European Commission was absolutely one-sided. I don't agree. We are an equal European country, an equal member of European Union. We are sixth country in European Union. So please, be objective. This is one thing. I hope that European Union came back to the table of dialogue and I hope that we find the solution. This is not a very comfortable situation for European Commission, especially during the Brexit to create so big crisis, because in my opinion this is kind of crisis, of course not as big as Brexit, but one of the crises touching European Union. But the dialogue is the most important, dialogue and objectivity. Mr. President, you talked about fake news. In my opinion, fake news are one of the most dangerous tools of hybrid war. This is modern kind of war in a contemporary world, because this information is very dangerous. Well, I don't think you're implying that European Commission is spreading this information. I need to say before you. In my opinion, European Commission was then disinformated from Poland by our current opposition in Poland, who lost the power after election in 2015. Maybe, President Daria, you want to react, because obviously this is a topic which has been discussed not only in the European Commission, but also in the Council of Ministers and your various other informal meetings. Yes, and I tried to go out from internal affairs and discussions which have been mentioned by President Duda. We do have phenomena now in European Union that some countries have different understanding of some procedures and some solutions. And we got backlash between some member states and institutions in how to implement one or another thing. And recently we saw examples that institutions tried to imply in force by force some decisions which made very bad mood between the member states and gives very bad image for population in some countries. So what we are now seeking and we're trying to, especially from other countries, say that any question we need to return back as it was before, we need to find consensual solutions via dialogue. You cannot enforce by force anything in European Union, all decisions via discussions and joint solutions. And I'm not taking now place good or bad. This is not for me to evaluate. What is important for me as a head of state and neighbor saying that no matter how difficult the situation is, we cannot blame and shame each other. We need to find together consensual solutions, because Europe is about understanding and agreement, not about enforcing, beating or using the instruments which never been used before. That's the main probably strategic and technical element because we have not only rule of law questions in future. Maybe we will have immigration questions in Europe. And all these examples say that we need to look how to achieve agreements between each other, but not making bad blood between each other. Brief comment from President Poroshenko and then I go to a gentleman in the middle. Yes. Fantastic. When I was asking year 2014, 15 and 16, what I need the most from the European Union? What my country need the most? Money, weapons, advisers, definitely yes, all of them. But my answer was the most we need unity of European Union. Because if European Union would be disintegrated, no matter on what problem, that not only weakening of European Union, this is weakening of the whole democratic world. We should remember that when we launch an open discussion. We have our own experience in the judicial reform, constitutional judicial reform. When we have everything transparent, everything on a live TV, every candidate with a polygraph, everybody absolutely open competition with an independent expert, with the judges. Do you know what the reaction was? We are not happy. Then we very much happy with the procedure, but we are not happy with the results. And only now when we have candidate, we have applause that said no, you were right. This is an absolutely bright judge, bright chairman of the Supreme Court. We are very happy to cooperate with them. So everything is in dialogue. And please, the most important thing what Dali said, unity of European Union is our top priority. Thank you, President. Gentlemen in the middle, please identify yourself and a very brief question only, please. Thank you. Thank you very much. I am Jurgy Katainen, Vice President of the European Commission. I used to be Prime Minister of Finland. And at that time, when we were together with Dalia in the European Council, I initiated, together with my Dutch and Danish colleagues, the rule of law procedure. Commission or the European Union didn't have this procedure before, but we considered it was way before we entered to any problems. We considered that we should have this kind of procedure. And now we have. So I just would like to comment a little bit to President Dudes points that this is a problem between Poland and Commission. This is not a problem between Poland and Commission. If I remember right, 23 of our member states have indicated very clearly that we have a problem. We really have a problem. And that's why Commission has introduced this dialogue between Poland and Commission. Commission is a working body. And I still believe that there is a chance to correct the things. This is not a blame game. We are deeply worried, together with overwhelming majority of our member states, the rule of law development in Poland. But as I said, I'm 100% sure this is a solvable problem issue. So that's why we have high expectations of current dialogue. As President said, we have a good dialogue going on at the moment. And it's valuable. It's very valuable. And only your government and the rest of your weekend, as when we work together, we can solve this problem. If I may ask. Very briefly. I would be interested hearing your President's views on the European Union in three years' time. How EU will look like in the beginning of 2021, if you could explain concrete actions, what has happened in three years' time. Thank you, Harry. President Dider. I don't agree. Sorry. There was supposed to be a discussion on the panel between the Commission. Please come to Poland and look your own eyes on the situation in our country. Please. Come to Poland. Please. Ask the people. 70% of our population is absolutely sure that our judiciary needs changes. 70%. Why? Because it works wrong. Too long procedures. People who think that they are hostages of the judiciary. The really bad situation. So we knew that we have to do something and we promised. And we promised during last, during eight years, between 2007 and 2015, we will change it. So now, when we are on a president and my colleagues are members of the government, Polish government, and my former party has a majority in Polish parliament, we do this what we promised. This is something strange in democracy? President Duda, I suggest that, President Duda, may I just interrupt you? I suggest that, given the seriousness of this topic and also the serious remarks made by Commissioner Katiań, I think it's useful to continue that dialogue, but not do that in this panel. I want to use the last five minutes of this panel to ask you each to reply in one sentence, if you can, to two questions. One is, how do you expect the relationship is Russia to develop in 2018? And the second question is, to balance. What is your message for President Trump? President Poroshenko, 2018 and Russia. Really very briefly. I should be very genius to answer no three questions, actually, in one sentence. Because Trump and Putin in European perspective, completely different question. And I try to unite it and be as much short as possible. First of all, I want to answer let's restrict ourselves to these two questions, because we have only four more minutes. I find out the way to put third question in the first two, so don't worry. Point number one, future of European Union and Russia in 2018. The topic of our today discussion is new strategy, new approach, new agenda, or even new agenda strategies. Forget about that. We should have all European Union, all free world should have one agenda, one strategy, one voice, be as united as possible. And the basis for our unity is our values, not money. I'm absolutely confident that we win fake news and propaganda war, win information war. We would be winner in the hybrid war, because truth is with us. And I'm absolutely sure that after this winning of populist, winning of hebra skeptics, everything would be okay. And the only thing changed. Ukraine in year 2021, with the support of Lithuania and Poland, will have a European perspective for membership in European Union. Thank you. For President Poroshenko, for the time, 30 seconds. What's your message for President Trump? Okay. I think everything would be okay. I will tell him. Ukraine has an absolutely brilliant dialogue with Trump. I have a two full meeting, many phone conversation. We receive defensive weapon. We receive very strong support from the United States Congress bipartisan. And we should be very optimistic, all of us, including you. Thank you. Thank you. President, I'll come to you with President Duda. What is your take on Russia in 2018 and what is your message? You have got 70 seconds. What is my message? Leave Ukraine. Okay. This is my message. But I would like to say a few words about European Union and Ukraine and other countries. And Russia. I told it yesterday during our working lunch. We have to keep the doors to European Union open for our new countries. We have to maintain and open door policy. This is one of the most important elements of good future of European Union, in my opinion, especially during the Brexit. This is one thing. Second thing, Russia. We have to try to balance because this is our neighbor. So we should try to create a dialogue on the low level. But we have to demand respect for international law, respect for international law. It's also respect for borders, not only in Europe, in all over the world. And we have very bad examples during the last 10 years. Georgia, Ukraine. And your message for President Trump is good luck, Mr. President. Shortly after elections in Russia, of course, what we can expect is predictably aggressive and predictably destabilizing. That's what we will face this year. And we need and we know how to respond for President Trump. Of course, welcome to stay on the well stage. Don't withdraw. Otherwise, there will be no great America. Thank you very much. Thank you very much, all three, for very candid answers.