 Hello, welcome back to the run-up. Well, we're talking about the candidates for Saturday's election, and especially their manifestos that they have presented to the people of Nigeria. We are being joined by Mr. Biodun Shoumi, a public affairs analyst. Welcome to the program, Mr. Shoumi. We also have Mr. Shagun Shokweton, a chairman, accountability, candor, and transparency network. Welcome to the program, Mr. Shokweton. Thank you very much. And then we have a political scientist in the house as well, Mr. Omoshola Deji. Welcome to the program. Welcome to the program. OK. Well, as a person, I am more concerned about the fact that we've been having manifestos all these years, and they don't seem to be followed to the letter. And that is my greatest concern right now. But for now, let's just get to look at the manifestos so far presented by the candidates, without having a particular candidate in mind now. But we've heard the manifestos of especially the three or four leading candidates, because everybody wants to identify three or four leading candidates. But there are other candidates. We have 18. So the other 15 candidates all have given manifestos. But so far, how do you rate, how do you assess the manifestos that have been given by these candidates, and how you think this can translate into a better Nigeria tomorrow? Let me begin with Mr. Shokwomi. Yes, manifesto, just statement of promises, intentions, statements of intents, on what you intend to do when you get to a program. It's a different thing when people get elected and then get into office. Other variables come in. Other subjective factors, even objective factors can come in and they rule the manifesto from being implemented. Again, you also have people presenting manifesto under the guise of believing that that's what the public wants to hear. And if that is what the voters want to hear, they would rather say that without any intention to implement it or any capacity to deliver on those promises made in the manifesto. This is the pattern globally. It's not peculiar to Nigeria where manifestos are not there too strictly or are even abandoned in some cases. These are facts and realities. In relation to our current presidential elections, the 2023 elections, we have had many beautiful manifestos. All virtually all the aspirants came out with their own idea of how they intend to deal with the problem. You have one coming out with, for instance, you have Matikou coming out with a purely capitalist-oriented manifesto based on the regulation of the commanding heights of the economy. You have Etinubu coming out with a liberal market perspective in his manifesto. And you have Obie coming out with a clearly entrepreneurial, private-settled manifesto. In all the three leading candidates, in my view, they are the three most leading. You also have Kwakwanzo, he has his own manifesto tree, which I have issues with. They all have brilliant points. They have their strengths. And they also have their weaknesses. The problem is not the manifesto. The devil is in Aso Rock. Is when you get into Aso Rock, what are the variables coming to it? How do you tend? How do you end up implementing them? For instance, all the aspirants did talk about restructuring in one way or the other. All of them actually touched on it. But when it comes to the practice, you may now need to consider who is better placed to restructure the country than the other. They call it different things. In the case of Matikou, he was actually clear. Restructuring would be spoken about the same thing. I think they will call this reform and regionalization, which is basically about restructuring the country. And Kwakwanzo also did the same thing. And even went as far as mentioning some specifics. So probably the problem is the whole of good manifesto is a subjective evaluation to determine which one is better or not. So it's always very good. It depends on who you talk to and what are the factors and the parameters being considered. But they all have good manifesto. The reality now is, are they all able to deliver on the manifesto? Do they have the strong will, the character, the political will, the character, will they have the backings in the National Assembly to ensure, for instance, that they're able to rule the restructuring agenda through? Because if you don't have the figures in the National Assembly and you don't have a bipartisan agreement, you may not be able to execute it. And that is exactly what I mean by the reality comes in after people get elected. There are other variables, other factors that come into play. You have the issue of the negotations to ensure that all interests are well protected. And this could take some time. So I think, luckily, Nigerians need to focus more on capacity to deliver on experience, on track record, and also political courage in leadership, audacity, of course. Audacity to give hope to our people. And that is what matters. In terms of implementation of manifesto in Nigeria, we always have a problem with that. Because you've never had a party having to talk of the mass of reps and the Senate at any point in time. So you find yourself having to negotiate with those who are probably opposed to what they are trying to do, or to your party's agenda. And that is always a problem. So today, we have never been able to modify or amend that constitution significantly, simply because of this problem. Because you have to talk in the National Assembly, and you must have to talk in the state's houses of assembly. So these are the practical reality between promise and reality. So all those who spoke about we would do the structure, and we would do this, do that. Everything depends on the numbers in the National Assembly. So at the end of the day, you may have it happening, or it may not even happen, depending on who wins the presidential election and the composition of the National Assembly. OK. Well, when Mr. Shoumi was talking, Mr. Shokuton, I'm coming to you, I remembered a novel that the past president of, the as well president of America wrote, The Audacity of Hope, a very inspiring novel. I have that, and I really loved it. But right now, let me just listen to the manifestos. We've read them. Especially the ones that we felt we should pay close attention to. Are there some things that you would rather have in the manifestos that seem to either be missing or they were not given the kind of prominence that they needed to have given in these manifestos? Mr. Shokuton, do you have any item that you would have loved to be in these manifestos or given more prominence than it was given? Well, thank you. So for me, to say first of all that I agree with everything that Mr. Shoumi said, in addition to that, I think it's, I think it's very, very important to understand, for Nigerians to understand that the manifesto of any political party and thereby their candidates is supposed to be the contractual documents between that candidate and his party or her party and the citizenry. And being a contractual document, therefore, means that it becomes the reference point to measure performance by. This is what should be the standard. Unfortunately, that has not been our experience. Our experience has been that the manifesto is regarded as just a right of passage, if you like, or fulfilling righteousness. Just another ritual to perform in the electioneering process. You know, you have to have a manifesto and everybody knows this, so everybody does one. I do think that any of the parties have done these manifestos with a clear and very deliberate objective of being held accountable to the content of those documents. So when you say what is, what maybe what's missing in those manifestos that I would have love to see, I think in terms of specific policy areas, areas of focus, I think all of the manifestos have been really very similar, you know, approaching the governance issue from different angles and from different areas of focus, perhaps, but they all addressed the key issues that Nigeria is contending with, whether you're talking about infrastructure deficits, whether you're talking about, you know, the governance, the atmosphere, or the rule of law, and all of that. What I think is missing, and I think we need to really begin to look into this and see how we can do this, what I think is missing is an action point and in climate, if you like, and if you're at a time table to say that, okay, you don't all of this, you put in your ideas in terms of social infrastructure, you put in your ideas in terms of the structure of the country, you lay down your ideas in terms of power and all that hard infrastructure like that, you lay down your ideas in terms of the economy, agriculture, and so on and so forth, education, the health sector. In each one of those areas, is it possible or is it impossible? Is it that it is impossible for each of the candidates to put timelines and implementation plans? They don't have to be very exhaustive and learn project implementation parameters, for example, but is it not possible or is it impossible to say, for example, you know that you've got a four-year term and in those four years, this is what I will achieve in this area within this time frame. That is very, very missing in all of these documents and once you take that out of those documents, then you find that all those documents you represent are just pieces of paper, it becomes very difficult for you to hold anybody to the thing that are in those documents because they have not been specific. So if I decide that I want to take somebody on, for example, on the issue of restructuring, they can say, look, I've done my bit, I tried all that I put and that would be the end of the conversation. So if, for example, I want to hold the APC government, the current incumbent APC government on the issue of restructuring, remembering that they were very, very, very elaborate in speaking to that issue. In the manifesto, they released in 2014, leading up to the 2015 elections. It's possible for them to say, we did our best. For example, there has been some level of devolution of powers from the constitution that we had before coming down to the constitution that is the current review that is going on. They could argue that there will be some devolution. They could argue, for example, that the president has, via some presidential orders, addressed the issue of restructuring to some degree. But you see, if there had been very specific promises with very specific timelines, with very specific implementation plans, then all I have to do is whip up that document and begin to tick it up. You see, this one you said you're going to be within this timeframe, you have not done it, therefore you are paid. And on the basis of that, then for the next elections, it's very easy for Nigerians to say, look, you've performed and this is your scorecard, or you didn't perform, and this is why we say so. So for me, that would be a very, very significant missing element in all of the manifesto. And I think that all the political parties are guilty of this. Of course, in addition to that, or aside from that, the will and the character to implement the manifestos is a completely different question. And one of the candidates have been, you know, happy on this and saying, look, everybody has a good manifesto, but who is going, who has the intention and the integrity, proven integrity, a proven track record of fulfilling their promises in the public space to go ahead and implement those manifestos. So that is a different conversation. But I think that it would be very beneficial to Nigerians and to Nigerians and to the electoral process if our manifestos can become a bit more measurable as these trues in those in business, what you do not measure, you cannot entail. So there are no frameworks for measurement of these promises in all of the manifestos. Okay. Well, very important timelines, time frame, with which they want to implement these things, maybe first hundred days, like all of them want to celebrate, first one hundred days I'm going to do X, Y, Z. That's a very good point, Mr. Shokweton that you brought. Okay. Well, just briefly before we take a break, let's go to Shola. What are your thoughts generally? Just very briefly so that we can take a break and return. Well, my thoughts as regards the campaign so far is that the manifesto has showed that the candidates knows what the key real problem is, especially as regards the basic. So the manifesto has likely covered a repetition of what we can over the years. We'll provide these, we'll do them with base, salary on time, we trust, we'll cover the security. So it has likely been a repetition of the challenges that past competitors promised to eradicate but still succeed. So they are kind of reoccurring it but what I think should have stand out is for the candidates to now say how they are going to achieve what they've said. If a candidate stands on the podium and says I am going to end in security. We've had that a number of times. We should be able to kind of like give us a little bit of the background of how you intend to at least tackle it that will make us to select whoever we think is right. Because all of them are basically the same people. They are strategy, not in details, but at least stand them out. For example, we say you want to turn that you have for consumption to production and economy. How do you intend to do that? We don't have electricity, we don't have some key infrastructures that are determinate to the success of that. How do you intend to achieve that? And if you say you want to make the economic viable, you want to provide infrastructure, how do you intend to do that based on our gridling resources when we are using majority of our finance to service debt? These are crucial things that the candidates should have addressed. It's easy for any candidate to come on board and promise everyone that. But how do you intend to achieve those things? We are promising and we balancing it with the resources that is on ground and the track record and capacity as a person. They are kind of like you. So the manifesto has been largely addressing the basics and the reputation of what we've had. It's just like more of a copy and paste kind of thing from past administration now. For example, the renewal of the APC is more like a plagiarized one of the 1990s, MQO, ABUALAC, the Peter O'bill Cosocial Fund, production appears to be in big times. There's no proper kind of strategy of how we intend to achieve that based on the reality of what we have in the country. Right now, Mr. Tipua-Hubaka has been preaching unity but at the same time, I think even us are in test to come about that and if what we are seeing in this party now is anything to go by, that contradicts what he's saying in terms of going all out to unify the country but he hasn't been able to unify his own party. So they have likely come up with the basics but what will make them to achieve it and how they will push out things is missing in the old manifesto itself. So for me, it makes it kind of like uninteresting, uninspiring because we've not gotten any new thing. So to say, what could have been the new thing? This has been a repetition of what we had in the past is for them to tell us how they will be able to get the ground running, how they will be able to achieve the network with a structure, manpower, foreign policy, a lot of things for them to move away from all this space, it will provide some even go to the podium and they don't say any of these things. They'll be like, vote for us, will you vote for us? And I have watched series of campaign. There's even nothing like manifesto there. They just say dance and everybody goes home. For me, that's based on the volatile situation of the country now. That will lead us to nowhere at the end of the day. Okay, thank you, Shola. We'll take a short break and when we return, we'll go into specifics and especially like I said at the beginning, I'm concerned about why it is not, they seem to always get away with it. They promise one thing and they're not able to do it. Maybe they need to be one proactive measure or the other from the citizenry, I do not know. When we return, gentlemen will deal with some issues. Stay with us. You're welcome back. It's still the run up and we're looking today at the presidential candidates and their manifestos. It's funny anyway that we seem to lose track of the fact that this election will be national election, like there will be presidential election and there will be national assembly election, which means we'll be electing the senators and the members of the House of Representatives. And nobody's talking about the senators and members of the House of Representatives, even though they are the people who are closest to us, whose constituency office is we can access and who we can take our complaints to, even though that is a debatable issue, whether they are close enough to us or not. But at least these are the people that are from the grassroots, but we don't seem to be talking about them. Maybe we'll talk about them tomorrow and see what we can say. Or maybe it's because it's too wide. Everybody in what state can you be talking about at the same time? But today we're dealing with the presidential candidates and their manifestos and all the issues around that. We have Mr. Biodun show me a public affairs analyst here. We also have Mr. Shagun Shokweton, Chairman Accountability, Kanda and Transparency Network and Omar Sholat Deji, political scientist. Gentlemen, we're back here again. Mr. Show me, let me come back to you. When you were talking about a particular, you used the word devil in Asurog and we just wonder, because this administration, for instance, could have had it all because they have a loyal, if you ask me, they have a loyal national assembly, the House of Representatives and the Senate. They were loyal to the presidency, but it seems as if Nigerians still have cause to complain that everything, all the pillars that they rode on to power were maybe not fulfilled the way we should have seen them fulfilled. For instance, they talked about security. Is it better now? They talked about corruption. Is it better now? And you pointed out also, they talked about restructuring. Did they do anything about it? And so many other things that were promised. What do you think really constitutes this devil in Asurog? What are the issues that you said? It is when they get there that they find out that it's almost impossible. What do you think are these things that make it so difficult for anybody with even the best of intentions to fulfill their promises that they made in that social contract they had with the people in the name of manifesto? Yes, Asurog is a sprawling complex on the seat of the president of the country. If you go into history, recent history, you realize that virtually everyone that enters that soul had genuine plans and they were usually perceived as good people before going into Asurog. But by the time you leave Asurog, you end up with a different personality, somebody who probably you think that was not the man I voted for or I got into that place one way or the other. Because the moment they entered Asurog, other forces come into it. And what are those forces? The forces are great. It's not only me that alluded to that. There have been so many people alluding to it. I remember Professor Sylvester Dionne, Ubena Bhatia and so many other people based on their own experience. You have the first problem, which is the overwhelming power of the president of Nigeria. You tend to have a feel that probably you are the most powerful president on earth. And that could be very overwhelming. It's not many people that can manage that or handle that in some cases. It tends to alter their personal construct psychology and their disposition to collective psychology of their people. So consequently, what you see is that their personal construct psychology gets inflated to the point that it overwhelms the collective interest which they were elected to deliver. When you look at, let me give you a good example, there cannot be any justification for room to be put on him and for Nero to travel to Cairo. When you look at the crisis surrounding the issue of currency swirl and the fact that the country, we were beginning to put next without one another before the garland security officers managed to put things back in place, our president gave us, which allowed the country and went to Ethiopia to attend the OEU conference, whereas the vice president of the country could as well have achieved the same thing, which will not diminish either our contributions at the meeting or diminish our status. So it shows a level of insensitivity right to you to the plight of the people. We now realize that we have the president whose personal construct psychology has overwhelmed the collective goals and desires and well-being of the people. He might be that kind of person. The second factor is when you get into a sort of, you are now going to be faced with different interests, competing interests in a way that while you are trying to graph it, gratify one interest, you have that net getting another interest, which in some cases may be your own personal interest. Let me give you a good example also with Guari's administration. Guari came in with the agenda to build a stronger United Nigeria where everybody would feel safe within the country. So within that context of building, developing our unity, the president tried to implement grazing reserves, no, sorry, open grazing and he was supporting open grazing and that created some tension. We have people moving into our country from different parts of West Africa and then it led to tension with the local communities in different areas, both South, West, Southeast, the middle belt and even in the north. So that created some problems and that problems were not easily overcome till now is still one of the underlining issues that we inform the selection on the part of those who usher as the president's viewpoint and the thing that is there's a major stake which they need to guide against and make sure that whoever becomes the president can protect their interests. On the other part again, you have those who have been the victims saying that look, we're not gonna allow these to continue again, a particular extraction created this problem and therefore we won't allow, they gave each extraction interpretation for obvious reasons because of all the president's. So you have those devils between reality and when you get in, even when you intend to implement it, you then face some other problem. Look, there was a time in Nigeria when in particular for my head of state, I think it's Ibrahim Babanguda, wondered why Nigeria has been able to survive all the pressures when it was in power. So when you look at the situation, when people get into office, one thing, what they do while in office is that it is conditioned by the asshole work devil which is overwhelming power in that very office, changing people's psychology and personality and then also the power game between the extractions in Nigeria and how these games are negotiated by the leadership. Interesting, power corrupts and absolute power corrupts, absolutely. This is what is playing out right now. Okay, Mr. Shopwatzon, taking from what Mr. Shobomi just said now, we had a Yara Dua in the same Asurok and he seemed to have succeeded somehow. At least he gained the confidence of the citizenry. I don't know whether because his life was cut short that is how we can, why we can sing his name as a hero but is it the will, does it have to do more on what's the makeup of the individual is or do you believe like Mr. Shobomi said that the powers that be within Asurok can make a president even with the best of intentions to become something we didn't know he could ever become before he was made the president. Do you blame it on the individual presidents or you blame it more on the power tussle within the presidency? Well, I mean, thanks for the question. This is, it's an interesting, you know, this is almost a sociology kind of question, psychology and sociology kind of question and there are a lot of theories with regards to this. I've actually come across one particular work, research finding that actually suggested that the actual physiology of the human being changes when they come into public office. A study was conducted and they found that a particular part of the brain that processes and logical reasoning and all of that was affected negatively in people that were public office and the interesting part of that finding unfortunately I've forgotten the name of that work right now. The interesting part of it is that when those people left office their brains return to normal. So I have sort of held on to the idea that of course when you get for public office Australia political elected public office there's a very, very strong tendency that your behavioral patterns that you are used to as a person will tend to be affected because you are contending with more than you ever have especially for a country as complicated and complex and large as Nigeria. Speaking specifically about maybe the presidency of President Yardua, I hold a different opinion. I don't know if it's a popular opinion but I've never really considered that administration as being a great administration or being considered Yardua, may so rest in peace as being a hero. I don't think we have enough evidence on the table to make those assertions. I think that he did not stay long enough and indeed even before he unfortunately passed most of the time that he spent in office was spent taking care, attending to his health. So we never really saw a Yardua presidency in Nigeria as far as I'm concerned that was just a blank period in our history. The only thing that I remember him for and that I think he must be commended for is his continued insistence in those early days of his presidency. On the will of law, on being a servant leader he was one that coined that introduced that phrase more or less into a modern political lexicon in Nigeria. He was very particular about being a servant of the people and he was very particular about ensuring that an atmosphere that were the respect for the will of law is an atmosphere that he was determined to institute in the country. And that was evidenced by the fact that he acknowledged immediately that the elections that produced him were flawed and then he started the process that led to where we are today. That will always be his legacy, but beyond that I don't really see anything particularly spectacular that happened in that period. Still talking about holding our political candidates or office holders to account, especially on the basis of their manifestos. I think one of the things that I've also observed and this will tie into how they behave when they do get into office. It's very, very clear, as has been earlier said that none of them really intend, I don't think they put out those manifestos with the intention of implementing them because if they did, one of the evidence that you would have, for example, is that they would be more deliberate about putting the message out. And I had cause to say, to suggest on air on other platforms, why, for example, do we not have the manifestos distributed into, for example, say flyers, one-page or two-page flyers, maybe a fold-over flyer that puts clearly the key points of those manifestos and how they intend to achieve them. In those small documents that they then distribute all over the country, translated into different languages. You know, if they really intend, if they believe that the manifestos would have an impact and an influence on the outcome of the elections and that it would have an impact and an influence on how they govern the country, then they would have been more deliberate about putting the message in the manifesto out there. While I was preparing for this program, here I go, I decided to conduct an experiment. Of course, I have the documents with me by virtue of what I do, but I decided to assume the role of an average Nigerian and went online to look for these manifestos and you will not believe how difficult it was. I was eventually, I found the one for the Labour Party relatively easily. I just went, because you know, as a member of the public, all I should do is go to the party website and it should be there. I found the one for the Labour Party with relative ease. The one for the APC I eventually found. What I found, for example, was that there were several websites for the APC and eventually there was one that had the next level manifesto. It's still there online, as I speak, and on a different website. And I eventually found another website which apparently is now the official website of the APC and I was able to download that manifesto. As I'm speaking with you, I'm still searching for the one for the PDP, you know. And I haven't even attempted one for the NMPP. What am I saying? These documents should be easily, readily available. In fact, I shouldn't need to look for them. They should be in my face, as a voter, because the political parties and their candidates are putting those things out as the promises they're making to us. But unfortunately, that is not the case. So therefore, when they get into office, because they know very clearly that their election was not necessarily based on any of these promises. Like one of my colleagues on this panel has said before, when you go to the rallies, you don't really make any significant effort to put in out clear, actionable plans and promises to the people. No, most of the time, they abuse their opposition. They abuse the opposition a bit more. Say one or two things about what they will do. And the rally is over. This is, unfortunately, the cycle of an electionarian in Nigeria. As long as that continues, you continue to have a situation where people then get into office and then they start blaming demons. I mean, the point that Mr. Shomei referred to, I remember that article that Dr. Ruben about to put out. And look, he wasn't joking. He was saying that there were demons in Aso Rock that were preventing candidates from performing. And I found that very laughable, because you can't come to the public space and begin to blame spiritual forces for your governance failures. It's a bit of an insult to the sensibilities and the intelligence of Nigerians. I think that what happens is that politicians know that they do not hold their office. They do not hold their presence in the public space to the public. And therefore, they don't really feel that they must be voting to them and they must fulfill any promises. So they continue to fulfill the promises they make to the interests that produce them. It's one of the biggest problems we have. So you have a contending forces of interest fighting for policy actualization, rather than the public good and the interest of the average Nigerian. And I think this is the problem. So for me, until we fix this issue of being able to hold our political contestants accountable to probably things that they make, it's going to be difficult to have them behave the way we expect them to behave when they get into office and for them to do about good governance. OK. Mr. Chokotan has just given us, I'm coming to you, Isha'Allah. Mr. Chokotan has just given us action plan. It's like the politicians know what they're doing. The politicians are answering to other powers rather than the people. So it seems as if the ball is in our own court to play it will be our choice. And to play it well will be even a greater choice. What can we do in your thinking, Isha'Allah, to make sure that we hold these people whom we have elected accountable to us? Because in these documents, I was expecting that there will be some kind of, like Mr. Chokotan said, the Yeridu administration was particular about obeying the rule of law. I was expecting that there will be something, some kind of channel of feedback, some kind of thing that will make the people know that if the people who are at the helm of affairs are going wrong, there's a way that the people can hold them accountable and say X, Y, Z that they will be open to the people. But they're just telling us we're going to do this and we're going to do that. And as the other people have said, there's no timeline. There's no time frame. There's nothing to hold them and say, OK, at this time, like my people say, a dog that will be a hunting dog, you will know when it is still a puppy. OK, so what do you think the people, the citizenry, can do to hold these people accountable? As brief as you can be, please. Isha'Allah. Well, what we can do to make a political person accountable in working performance, the only or major criteria for winning elections. If you have not heard any political office before, you're antecedent. How you live your life, your personal philosophy, your values, your vision, your scope should be the criteria for winning a lecture. We should be able to trace you back to the room. We should be able to trace what you've done with your life. We should be able to trace how you've solved problems, how you've impacted the society. Then we're making that the criteria for winning elections will be better in politics. And if you've heard any political office before, we should be able to go back and examine the performance. When I say the performance, I mean realistic examination of how you really perform the government. You are one of the road contracts where you are in office. How much do you have more in your contract? How much is the road contract in countries with similar climate, similar temperature, similar circumstances? How much are they awarding their road contract? What is the value of the road contract itself? I think those are the kind of things that we should be looking at. We should be looking at the performance of it is candidate. Deeply, if you have been a legislator, what is your performance in the National Assembly? Because if you are there and all you do is sleep, and most of the people that even want to vote for you don't even know the function of a legislator itself. And with no restating motion, with no subordinary motion, you're not participated in any debate, and even look at the floor of the National Assembly sometimes, the streets are virtually empty. These same people will go back. And some of them will win the election. So not until we make performance, the criteria for winning the election, where politicians go that the criteria for winning the election is performance. Definitely, they would go all out there to perform because they want to win the election. But if there are opportunities for them to put corners, if there are opportunities for them to buy votes, if there are opportunities for them to use force, to increase the security, just if there are opportunities for them to just use one, one kind of, to just, should I say, magumago or something, they would rather go for that. And I've studied on other platforms before the Nigerian politicians are like a student. And I can tell you from here as well with the pace in political science that some of our students, if you don't hold them well, if you don't hold them accountable, they're not ready to read anything. So if politicians exist in a policy whereby they can easily act their way without performance, just like the students who have been in various institutions, who are not ready to read. Politicians are also not ready to perform. Did you like to have that? If I can sort of, the question that you ask the director that what limits like the performance of some of these politicians, they won't be able to do it. Please round up, yes. Round up, just round up. Okay. I think we should just have a society where performers can win elections and we should have strong, ready-to-win institutions in such a way that you can't cut corners. There's no way you can provide vote. There's nobody you can address. And the security agencies are able to do their jobs. The political talks have not been until the, I think that will improve our electoral system and overall the performance itself. Power should return to the people, the ordinary people, the dimension of the majority of the population and this population should be well-oriented, should be well-educated to know what it means to elect somebody into office and to educate them against some issues such as vote-buying, not for political participation and all that. Okay. I'd like to thank you. I wish we had more time, but there's no time. Gentlemen, we've had a beautiful show on me, a public affairs analyst, Mr. Shagun Shokleton, Chairman Accountability, Kanda, and Transparency Network of Moshallah Deji, political scientists. I know that gentlemen when it comes to Saturday, maybe some of you will not be at your polling centers because you will be monitoring elections here and there, but I do hope that Saturday will come and go peacefully and that we're going to have a leader after our own heart and after the heart of God himself. Thank you, gentlemen, for coming on the program today. It's my pleasure to meet you. Okay, we'll take a break for the news and when we return, we just conclude the run-up. Stay with us.