 I'll be looking at the issue of remittance receipts by households in Ghana, and specifically looking at how they are distributed, and also the impact that these remittances have on these households investment in basic education. So by investment in basic education, well, in terms of the variable that we use, we construct a variable which is an aggregation of all spending on children who are in basic school. That is from primary one to junior secondary school three. So primary one to GHS three. By now, we are all familiar with the importance of remittances, its role in the development of developing countries. And this is attested to by the growth in various services relating to remittances, especially relating to international remittances. Now, we think that it's important for us to explain what you mean by remittances in our context. By remittances, we are referring to a cash or in-kind transfer from one household to another, and for which no direct or explicit repayment is required. So from the data set, we made sure that we were stricken ourselves to those transfers that meet these criteria. And those were the majority of transfers anyway from household to household. Clearly, it's important to know the impact of remittances. There's often the perception that remittances are often used for consumption purposes without much of it going into the investment decisions of the recipients. So this is an attempt to look at the impact of remittances on a component of human capital being education of children. These are our research questions. The first one simply looks at the distribution of remittance receipts. And then we pose a question, what is the impact of remittance receipts on household's investment in basic education? And then the third one is basically a look at the implications of the first two, the responses of the answers to the first two questions on welfare distribution in Ghana. A lot of work has been done on remittances. And for the purpose of this paper, I think the relevant ones are those to do with the impact of remittances. Now, there have been various studies on the impact of remittances on various aspects of well-being, right? There are some that look at the impact of remittances on well-being as projected by consumption expenditure, pay adult equivalent. There are those that look at the impact of remittances on agricultural productivity, or also on education. Now, in terms of the impact of remittances on education, a lot of these have looked at the impact on schooling, right, in terms of schooling and remain to attendants. And for Ghana specifically, two papers, two papers of notes that I want to mention are those by DiMabrim Pona Seidu and also by Pigbone. Now, DiMabrim Pona Seidu used GLSS data. They used a number of the waves of the GLSS data sets and employed a pseudo-panel approach to look at the impact of remittances on investment in education. But they proxied investment in education by schooling and remain to attendants. Pigbone proxied investment in education by schooling, by expenditure on schooling, but they focused on this one region of Ghana, the northern region. I think they collected, I don't really remember the source of their data, but I don't think they used the GLSS, that the Ghana Living Standards Survey. For this paper, we employed data from the most recent wave of the Ghana Living Standards Survey, which is the 2012-2013 data set. And in terms of methodology, for the first research question, we'll simply employ descriptive statistics to look at the remittance receipts as well as remittance sizes. And we'll look at various categories of households and how these differ amongst these households. The second research question, which has to do with the analysis of the impact of remittances on investment in basic education, is carried out by employing counterfactual framework. And I'll just quickly describe it in a more generic sense, because we adapted this depending on the particular flavor of the impact of remittances that we looked at. I will explain that soon. So essentially, this begins with a specification of an education expenditure equation. And then we divide the sample into two, right? A sample of households who receive remittances and households who do not receive remittances. Then using these subsamples of households, we then estimate the education expenditure for these different households. So essentially, we estimate an education expenditure, sorry, an education expenditure regression for a remittance recipient scenario and also one for a non-recipient scenario. With this, we are then able to estimate for each household, right? What that household's education expenditure would have been in a situation where that household were to receive remittances and also in a scenario where that household does not receive remittances. And then using the treatment effects literature, we are then able to calculate the average treatment effects on those who actually receive remittances. That's the 8080 and also the average treatment effects for all households irrespective of their remittance received status. Now, we also employ the propensity score matching approach to do something very similar. Very briefly, this is the equation of the regression, the outline that we used for the expenditure on education regression. Essentially, a very simple regression. On the left-hand side, we have the mean average spending on basic education. So for each household, we calculated the amount of money that that household spent on all those, on all children of basic schooling each, who are actually in school. And so I think I've already explained what follows. So for each household, we are able to identify the, an estimate of its spending on basic schooling in a scenario where that household receives remittances and also in a scenario where that household does not receive remittances. Now, regarding the receipt of remittances and the expenditure on basic education, some random and descriptive statistics are shown on this slide. Now, there are various ways of categorizing households, right, in terms of their remittance received status. We find it useful to look at essentially four categories of households. Households that receive domestic remittances only. Then households that receive international remittances only. And then households that receive both forms of remittances. And then finally, households who do not receive any remittance at all. And these are the percentages. I was a bit surprised by these. I thought that probably some of them will be higher than they actually are. But it turns out that about 32% of households in Ghana receive remittances. And of these, they by far the dominant group, right, is those households that receive domestic remittances only. And a very small percentage receive only foreign remittances. And even a much smaller percentage receives both domestic and foreign remittances. And the third column, we see the average expenditure of these households on basic education. Right. Now this particular table shows the mean amounts of remittances received. Now the means here calculated over those who actually receive the remittances, right? So, well, of course the fourth category of households those who do not receive remittances are even if I'm here, right? You're just interested in the mean remittances received. Now we see that the highest in terms of mean amount of remittances received, right? Is those who receive foreign remittances only, right? Followed by those who receive both foreign remittances and domestic remittances, right? I think it's quite clear from this table that, yes, even though the receipt of domestic remittances is by far the most common, in terms of magnitude, right? The receipt of international remittances is the most important. And for the whole country, the mean remittances received by all households that receive remittances is 848.4, basically 848.5 Ghana cities per year. Now, this chart throws further light on the percentages of households that receive remittances. And what we've done here is we look at the percentages of households that receive remittances across various income quintals. And we deducted from the various household incomes, the amount of remittances that these households receive because the income variable has also remittances as part of it. So we deducted the remittances received from the income, from the incomes of the various households and then we generated these quintals. And we can see that, well, between the receipt of domestic remittances and foreign and international remittances, clearly, as there's a confirmation that the receipt of domestic remittances is by far the more common one. And you see that very low percentages of households across the quintals receive international remittances. And this is a similar chart for the mean amount of remittances received across quintals. Now, these are exactly the two. Now, we can see that basically there's a reversal, right? When it comes to the mean amount of remittances received, is the receipt of international remittances that's most important, but when it comes to just the percentages is the receipt of domestic remittances. Since I'm running out of time, let me just look at the results of the impact evaluation of remittance receipts here. I've already described generically the approach. What I show here is the results from essentially two approaches. The going by status and module in status, the invest probably to weighted regression adjustment approach and also the propensity score matching approach. In a nutshell, for the impact of remittance receipt on households investment in basic education, there isn't evidence that there's an impact, right? And then for the impact of, so we look at that and we also look at the impact of the receipt of domestic remittances only on households investment in basic education. And we see that over here too, there isn't a favorable impact. Actually, the results suggest that there might be even a slight negative impact. But in terms of the impact of receipt of international remittances only on households investment in basic education, we see that the results are quite strong, suggesting that there is a considerable favorable impact of the receipt of international remittances only on investment in schooling in basic education. For some reason, well, we couldn't get any outdated generated and error message. So we couldn't get any results for the propensity score matching one. But I think that the main story doesn't change. To conclude, we note four main points that there appears to be very little effects on investment in basic education if we are looking at the receipt of remittances in general. However, once we take into account the receipt of international remittances, we get a slightly, we get a different picture. But we have to note that those who receive international remittances are very small percentage, but nevertheless, it's very important in influencing investments in basic education. This strongly suggests that there's an opportunity for enhancing Ghana's human capital right through migrant remittances, especially international remittances. Thank you.