 I'm scared of it, but let me start with what is going on in London. Nobody knows, I think, it's a great answer. There is obviously lack of certainty politically. There's huge lack of certainty about Brexit. Theresa May is a lost majority of the election. It's clearly undermined her control of her position and it's made her government much more open than it was. Felly, mae'r cyflawn i'r perffodol yn gyflawn, a'r cyflawn i'r perffodol, sy'n mynd i fod yn rhywbeth, oherwydd mae'n bwysig, ond mae'n ddweud i'r cyfeirio cyffraffau cymunedol yma, yn ymddangos i'r cyffraffau yma, yn cyffraffau hyfforddol yn cael gwir yng ngyfl wedi'u cerddfforddau. Mae'r cerddfforddau yn gweithio'r cyffraffau a'u gwirio'r cyffraffau a'u cyflwyd i'r cyffraffau, a'u gwirio'r cyffraffau. meantime the opposition which did better than expected in the election is still studiously to meet by my main babe or what do you think the British and the European Union? Whoever thought that what we should do is have a referendum to settle the question of the EU and so for all I think we would say that they would have the same plans that they did. But it happened, but perhaps the most critical new development dwi'n meddwl, dwi ddim yn ei bryd, gweld i'n meddwl i'r ffordd yn ôl i'r pobl y ffordd yn cwmhwyddiadau, gwybod i'r bodig, fel yr ymddangos cyfan mawr. Mae'n dwi'n meddwl a'r cyffredig. Rwy'n meddwl i'r bodig yn gweld i'r bwysig sydd ei bodai am gweithio'r gwyach ac yn hynny yma. Yma'r bwysig yn mewn hwn i'r bwysig, mae'n iddo ei fod yn ymddangos a'r bwysig i London. But it's not just for rental services and other businesses, but the pharmaceutical industry, the car industry, the universities. What is sometimes called the flat-white economy? They're all beginning to talk about the fear that too hard a break so it could be seriously damaging. I think that is going to play a role in the next few months. One interesting fact to me about these developments is that quite a lot of them, and I cite particularly examples yr unrhyw ddechrau am y cyfnod yn ymddangos am y cyfnod bwysig fel y cyfnod ddechrau. Mae'r ffordd i'w'r bwysig wedi bod ymweld o'r oedden nhw, o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod yn ymweld, ond o'r cyfnod o'r migrasiynau, a'r syniadau yw'r cyffredinol sy'n gweithio am y cyfnod yma, sy'n gwneud y cyffredinol o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod yn gweithio, bod llunio'r cyfrifau hynny wedi bod yn beth gweld iawn â'r cynflwybyn ymlaes mwy ym mwy erbyn. Teau eu dynnu ar gyfer y cyfrifau o'r amser mewn cyfrifau yn gofio'r cyfrifau, gallwn y cyfrifau cyfrifau yn gwybod yn teimlo, mae'n eu hynny sefydl i gweld cael eu cyfrifau oedd yn mynd i'r ein cyfrifau i'r symbol, felly rwyín amdangos i chi ganddo i. Ier i bobl yn ymrydrif, mae'n meddwl sydd yn gwneud fawr i'r llunio'r cyfrifau, Ie dweud yr oedd ynghylch oedd Ffyrdd Brydynt yn gweithio'r Gwmwyno i'r gweithio a'r Выsr Gwmwyno ar yr ystod, yn diolch i'r ystod. O hynny, i'r cyflugwlad yma, yn cyd-i'r cyflugwlad hynny, ond yn ddylai'r cyflugwlad ar y glasgrwyff yn gweithlo yma, a'r cyflugwlad yma, i'n gyfrifio ar gyflugwlad yma. Mae'r cyflugwlad yma yn y gweithio'r gweithio yn ei ffyrdd yma yw'r cyflugwlad. A, in the case of Brexit in particular there is a massive amount of legislation that does need to be got through, not just the repeal Bill, but a lot of associated legislation to put in place new arrangements for a post Brexit Britain. Getting all that through, both houses is going to be very challenging and I think that is encouraging in some ways because it does mean that MPs ought to have a greater say in precisely what happens ac mae gennym ei gallu rhesysgu ac yn rhesysgu. Felly dyna'r cyfaint cyfaint cyfaint sy'n rhesysgu yn London. Yn y brosodus yn teimlo, ac yn bwysigol y dda Blynedd wedi'u gweld cyflwyno sy'n meddwl a beth sy'n y pwneud ar gondwsgynosaeth a brexit ac chi'n erbyn. Felly peidio'r gweithio bod yn oedd yn oed gyhoedd iawn, ac mae'r ddweud yn ddim yn i gydag o London. Mae rhyw cael yn y dechrau dwi'n dweud Llyngodd e still doesn't really know quite what it wants from this negotiation, but the rest of the European Union sees it as, if you like, an enlargement negotiation in reverse. And they know how to have enlargement negotiations, and they're producing all the papers and documents and so on. They are taking, I think the rest of the European Union is taking a very maximalist position in almost every area that it has discussed so far. I don't just mean the budget, I would also refer to EU citizens and so on, Mae'r cyfnod yn ymddangos, ac mae'n cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r negatio, ond mae'n cerddwyd yn cymryd ac yn oedol yn Lund. Mae'n ddigon i'n ffrustrasiad o'r brosl oherwydd mae'n cydweithio'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r brosl o'r Llyfrgell yng Nghymru. Mae'r ddiweddau'r bryddiadau yn ymddangos o'r bryddiadau o'r bryddiadau i'r bryddiadau o'r bryddiadau. Mae gweithio wrth gostol yn mod i'r mi gyflawn iそi siaradau arsiaethu fe'i gynhyrch ac yn mynd i'r cyd-dynnu yma yn y 20, 30, ac i gyd-dynnu yma chi'n gwneud yma wnaeth yng Nghyrgrifennu continuegofaniaeth, yna'r ffordd yn gwybod i'r rhaglendon. Rydyn ni'n gweithio yn ymddig i'r rhain o erbyg gyda i eu bodai yma i fy ddraen iawn. Mae'n anffodus yr eistedd arill i gyd-dynnu ar y ddraen a'r Unedig. pan'r rhaid i'r unrhyw ffordd ymgyrch ar unrhyw bwysig, y ffyrdd ymgyrch ar Brythnos, ond rywbeth yn ymgyrch ar y Uned, rydych chi'n enw i'n ddiddordeb yn 4 o 5, gyda hynny'n ffeith yma. Ond yw rhaid i'r rhaid i'n ddweud, mae hynny'n ddiddordeb yn ymgyrch ar unrhyw bwysig, a ydych chi'n ddweud yma ar unrhyw bwysig, ac mae'n ddweud ar y bwysig yn ymgyrch ar y bwysig, I think they still feel that there are people in London including ministers who would like to do an Al-Aqat relationship. There are so many obvious examples of that, the full benefits of the single market without free movement of labour, some EEA-type deal like Norway without any role for the European Court of Justice. I think the feeling in Brussels correctly, in my view, is that ministers in London have not really absorbed the nation, maybe Felly mae'n oed i'r rhaid i gyd, felly mae'n cyfrifio'r ddysgu a dwi'n dechrau'r ffordd fel gweithio. Y proses ydy'r gweithlerydd yma i wneud ybryd i'r llunio'r gweithio a'r adegwyddiadau. Mae'r ystyried gan hyn yn cael eu gwaith yng nghwylwyr, mae'n gweithio'r adegwyddiadau, mae'n gallu bod yn cael ei gwybod, byddai'r adegwyddiadau yn brosol i'r adegwyddiadau, ond mae'n cael ei gweithio'r adegwyddiadau a'r adegwyddiadau, felly mae'r cerddau o'i hawdd y gallu cynnig i'r gweithio o arddangosio amser a chart yn ni'r sig Prifhysgwrmarth hon. Felly y bywch sy'n ei wneud i'r negosiadau cynghorwf yn anghyddorg sy'n bwysig i'w cyfrydych chi'n ddim yn gweithio i'r gweithio i'r cygraedau. Mae'r gweld yn Llanddon wedi fydd wedi i'w wneud hynny oes i vom. Mae'r cyfryd dd interviews mount yno i ni! Mae'r ffordd ychydig yn y negosiadau heddor fel Ymerlodd y wrth yn ni'n gweld creaseid yn y negosiadau, er oedden nhw'n mynd i'r mhagaf cyfryddol yn eich negatio, ond yn rhoi eich negatio rydych chi'n bwysig wrth ymlaen gan y Sèl ein bobl i'r Cymru i'r Sèl i'r bydd oedd y Llyfrgell yn ymlaen a'u gweithio hefyd yn ei hynny yn cyfathiant arall oedd ar yr iawn i Eurupu gan bod y ddadwch gwrthwyr lleidio gweithio'r prwyaf o'r ysgolach. Gweithio'r Sèl ymwysig yn ddod i'r cyfleu gallur ymlaen i'r husiant yn gweithio'r Ysgrifenni Gweithio. y budget, y gweithio ar gyfer y Gweithredu, y Gweithredu Brynysg Gweithredu, ond y gweithio ein gweld o'r Ynrychi Gweithrwydd a'r Gweithredu a'r Ynrychi Gweithrwydd yn olygu ar gyfer ar fod y Gweithredu'r Ynrychi Gweithredu, mae'r gweithredu yn amlwg y gweithredu, allwn i'n gweithredu. A dyma'r risg, rwy'n ei ddweud, ale mae'r risg, mae'r gweithredu, maen nhw'n gweld y dyfodol yn y cyfrifetio'r gweithredu. Undid y debut eich bod yn creu ddweud, ddweud hynny i ddweud i'i ddweud yma'r hynny, ei wneud hi'n trefnol gweld yn ddweud i'ch ddweud hynny fel oedd yn rhan trefn Pwg yw wneud. Ond mae fath gweithio'r gweithio lwyneb yn alsieit pwg. Mae'r codi'r Constituuntol yr Gwaith geithredu Llywodraethol yn osir i dweud, mae'r gweithio yma i ddweud mewn cîm cysylltu'r rhwng. Mae'r gweithio'r cysylltu'r rhwng yn ddechrau'r rhwng yn llwyddiad, The two things that everybody can agree on in these negotiations now, July 2017, are number one that there isn't enough time, everybody can agree, including people in London who didn't always see this, that the idea of negotiating a complete article 50 deal and a new trade relationship by about October or November of next year is completely untenable. And I think it is also widely accepted that it would be difficult in a formal way just simply to extend the article 50 deadline. You can be done, it's not out of the question, but it's one, as everybody knows, that requires unanimous approval of the entire European Council. And I think it's never been likely because as soon as you start extending a deadline like that, you weaken the EU 27's bargaining position against the UK. If you can always extend a deadline, then it's quite difficult to make the deadline mean anything. Something that I think we are seeing north of the border right at this moment in relation to the power sharing executive. And hence, second point, quite early on this autumn, I think people will begin to focus quite a lot of attention on precisely what should happen on March 29, 2019, and the answer that they will light upon is some kind of transitional period. We don't know quite what that will be, and it's not as simple as it sounds, but I think it's politically challenging in a way for both sides. And it's hard to agree on a transitional period if you have no idea about what endpoint you're reaching. You don't know whether it's a bridge or a phasing out. But I think it will still come into the negotiation, and it seems to me obvious that the most plausible transition period is simply a prolongation of the status quo in one form or another. And it is already clear from the way it is being discussed in London that that would be acceptable, even to those who are most enthusiastic about Brexit, so long as they believe it is not something like the European Economic Area, which people tell me were set up as a transitional arrangement. It will not be acceptable if you just thought of something that could last for 20 or 30 years, but if it lasts for three, four or five years, I think it could be acceptable, and clearly just better than falling off a cliff edge. My third point more briefly is just a few thoughts from the other side of the Irish Sea on what is sometimes called the Irish Question. As I'm sure you all know in this room regrettably, despite the efforts of some of us writing on this subject, this issue was completely ignored during the referendum campaign. There was a little bit of a focus on what you could call the Scottish Question, in my view, wrongly, because I never thought the referendum, even if it went the way it did, would immediately lead to independence for Scotland, and indeed the prospect of independent Scotland has actually receded, not increased, but it was obvious to anybody who looked at the subject that a decision to leave the European Union would have implications for this island. I think one of the reasons it was difficult to debate this before the referendum was that both the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the First Minister were very enthusiastic levers, a position that I found really rather astonishing given the implications for Northern Ireland, but that's politics. Where we've got two sins. Number one, I would say congratulations to the Irish Government for making clear that this issue is a very important one. Number two, therefore, congratulations again for putting the issue of the border right on the table at the beginning of the negotiations. I also think that the Irish Government has been very good at supporting the nation, that based the Good Friday Agreement and the peace process in Northern Ireland in general, have been something that has been very important to the whole European Union, something that I think Michel Barnier personally, as then regional commissioner, also believes Northern Ireland over the last 20 years has been a success for the European Union, not just for Dublin and London. And I think that's why the other countries also have a huge stake in making sure that that remains true. Yet it is obvious that Brexit is the biggest blow to this island in 20 years. Ireland will clearly take a hit from it almost in whatever form it takes place. I think the concern that it might interfere with the common travel area, which some people still worry about, is less important than the much more significant concern about trade across the border and customs, which is very much on the table. And it seems to me this is another, have your cake in Egypt area. Everybody agrees that there should be a frictionless border, but this is going to be a border, not between Britain and the Republic of Ireland, but between Britain and the European Union. And a frictionless border, if one country is in a customs union and one country is not, is not an easy thing to envisage. Is there an answer? I'd like to hope that somebody in this audience would know that there is an answer. There are people in London who sometimes say we can deal with this with technical solutions. I'm rather sceptical about whether that is enough. And then of course the latest suggestion out of London, actually out of an Irish diplomat, I believe, is that we can solve this problem because Ireland should follow Brexit, follow Britain out of the European Union. I think one prediction I can make is that that is highly unlikely to happen. The nation that England having forced Scotland and Northern Ireland against their will that the European Union could now do the same to the Republic of Ireland, I think is a bit far fetched. And I actually believe, as an outsider observer, that a more likely scenario in the long run is actually a united Ireland. I'm not sure how enthusiastic people on either side of the border are for that, but I do think it's a possibility that people should start thinking about it. And then a few minutes down on the future of the European Union, which is sometimes forgotten in this discussion. I happen to think that however much you may feel Britain has been a pain in the neck in Europe, it has been an important member of the European Union. And I think therefore Brexit is bad, not just for Britain, but for the European Union. Losing the liberal voice of Britain weakens the European Union, and clearly Brexit is very bad for the European Union in foreign security and defence policy. And to me that points to a conclusion that has not been sufficiently emphasised in recent discussion. It is very important for both Britain and the European Union 27 to keep Britain involved in all of these areas, and finding a way of doing it is not as straightforward as some people think. Once again in some areas it raises the question of the European Court of Justice. But I think some way of involving Britain is very important. Second thing about the future of the EU and where it is now is that the condition of the European economy is particularly interesting at the moment. As I'm sure many of you have seen in the last two weeks, Britain has moved from being the fastest growing large member of the European Union to, in the first quarter, the slowest growing member of the entire European Union. I think that is interesting psychologically because one of the driving motives for Brexit was always the notion that somehow the European Union was a corpse and we were shackled to this corpse and we needed to cut the shackles in order to sail away on a global front. If we are now moving into a position which I think is quite likely that actually the European Union and the Eurozone will work, but will grow faster than the UK, I think that could have a psychological effect on the Brexit negotiations themselves. Having said that, I do worry a bit that some people are saying that the Eurozone's problems are completely over. Everything is hunky-dory. All we need to do is sit back and let Mr Macron work his magic and Europe will thrive and there is no need for further change. I still think that the Eurozone does need further reform. Banking Union is incomplete. There are still complete differences of view between France and Germany on how to run the Eurozone. When the next crisis hits, it could hit any country at all, including, for example, Italy. I think that the Euro is not completely out of the woods. Then, of course, the European Union still has many other problems that have not been resolved. What to do about refugees, how to cope with Russia, what to do about relations with the United States. I am hopeful that, just because things look better at the moment, people in Brussels and in the national capitals do not lapse back into a complacent feeling that post-Brexit everything is wonderful because I think that Brexit did send a signal about the dissatisfaction of ordinary voters with the European project. You can look at other countries inside the European Union, including places like Poland and Hungary, to see where things need to change. I also would like, by concluding comment, to hope that one consequence of all these discussions might be a re-examination of the architecture of Europe. I am not saying that the European Union should be done away with clearly it shouldn't be, but I do think that there are issues about the future of Europe that are worse to re-examining. There are many countries in Europe that are not in the European Union. There are many countries in the European Union that are not in the euro. Some kind of solution based around a multi-speed, multi-tier groupings would be a good way of resolving some of the issues in Europe, including the western Balkans, Ukraine, Turkey and possibly even Britain. I think that something like that would be worth examining in which some countries participate in certain activities in the European Union and others not. A better and more imaginative approach to Europe would help all of us.