 First introduce myself. I am Dr. K. Deepanjan. I am a STEM professor at the Department of History at Tetsuo College. And I will be the moderator for today's talk for the webinar. And I am extremely pleased and delighted to have Professor Chinnarao as the speaker for today's talk. I also welcome head of our department, Dr. Tatongkala, who is also present with us. And I welcome other faculty and students of other departments who have joined for the talk. And to briefly introduce Professor Chinnarao. Professor Yagheri Chinnarao is a chairperson at the Center for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. He was formerly the member secretary of Indian Council of Historical Research and also lecturer at the KR Narayanan Center for the Latin Minority Studies at Jamia Milia, Islamia, New Delhi. He has held various teaching positions in different universities across in India and abroad. To name a few, he was a missing professor at Kona's Technical University, Lithuania, Instituto Italiano di Studi Oriental di Rome Italy, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University at South Africa, School of Humanities and Social Sciences at Jacobs University, Bremen, Germany, a visiting fellow at the Institute of Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Center for South Asian Studies, University of Edinburgh, Scotland. And in India also, he is a missing professor at the Nehru Studies Center, Madurai Kamra University, Sri Chankracharya University, Caledii Department of History, University of Caledii and the list is quite long and it goes on. So these are some of the positions he holds and apart from this, he has authored and edited monographs of books of more than 15 and he has journal articles of more than 30. And apart from this, he has delivered keynote addresses, presidential addresses and lectures in number of conferences in India and abroad. And he holds and his membership of various professional bodies and organizations of various reputed institutions in India. And his research interests include Dalit Studies, Discrimination and Exclusion, History of Education, Affirmative Action and Human Rights. So this was a brief, very, very brief bio note of Professor Yagati Chinarov and it's a very long and illustrious CD office, office all the years of academic experience and academic profile and experience. And personally, for me, it gives me immense pleasure to have him for the lecture in our department because he was my PhD supervisor at Javananderi University JNU and it is a personally an immense pleasure to have him here. And thank you, sir, for accepting the invite, for delivering the lecture for Department of History at Tetsuo College. So not taking much more of your time. So I would request Professor Yagati Chinarov to start with the proceedings. Thank you, sir. Thank you, Jay Panjan, for that generous introduction. So now that we're an academic, so we have to do our business. It's nothing great that I have done. So I try to do some research on my area. And good afternoon to you all. And at the very outset, I thank the organizers, Department of History at Tetsuo College, Dimapur, and for extending the invitation. And, you know, to deliver this lecture. And I'm not an authority on the subject, but I make use of this opportunity to share some of my research ideas which developed during the last two and a half decades or so. So the, and some of you may be too familiar with these ideas. And please bear with me if you feel like it's a repetition for you. And for the, after completing my presentation, and any question answers, I'm happy to respond. My present at today's lecture generally deals with the debates centered around the concept of social exclusion, which has become central to the newer discipline that has in recent years gained significance within social sciences in India and predicated on vigorous intercontinental and interdisciplinary framework. This discipline, still in its formative states, has immense potential in crucial revisionist interventions in exploring and conceptualizing political economy and statist interventions in relation to groups excluded and marginalized in different forms of traditional structures and modern practices of governmentality that have subjected to many omissions in traditional disciplines. It's also significant to the possibilities it offers in understanding the challenges from the peripheries and the bottom and a deeper engagement with the epistemic modes vital to critical reexamination of ideological underpinnings and the political structures and the processes, especially given the wide reconning of the inherent relationship between cognitive justice and social justice. In this presentation, my pleasure locates the framing of the concept of social exclusion with the broader context while paying attention to its grounding within the Indian context. And in relation to the particular mode of exclusion of the largest marginalized groups in India, that is Dalits, which constitutes 80% of the Indian population. The social exclusion is construed as denial of equal opportunities imposed by some groups of the society on certain groups, leading to a state of inability to an individual to participate in the basic political, economic and social functioning of this society. The term social exclusion is so evocative, ambiguous, multidimensional and expensive that it can be defined in different ways. Am I audible to all of you? Yes, sir. You're audible. Thank you. So, however, the difficulty of defining exclusion and the fact that is interpreted differently in different contexts at different times is a theoretical opportunity. Rather than single definition of exclusion, it is interesting to understand the disputes surrounding the term exclusion, that its usage in different contexts by tracing the history of the idea and decoding the multiple meanings of the term. The term social exclusion is, as it is foregrounded, emerged in the late 20th century in Europe as a key concept among analysts and policy makers seeking to understand and formulate directives of approaches to alleviate some of the negative social effects of economic restructuring. Thus, the term has an evident appeal for politicians and policy analysts. In Western Europe, those meanings are embedded in the emergence of the term in French political rhetoric and specific institutional history of the European Union. The term social exclusion was originally coined in France in 1974. It refers to various categories of people who were not protected by social insurance at the time and labeled as social problems and identify as mentally and physically handicapped, suicidal people, aged in-valids, abused children, substance abusers, delinquents, single parents, and multi-problem households, marginal social persons, and other social misfits. However, in the 1980s, this stigmatizing and narrow view of social exclusion was superseded as the term became central to French debates about the nature of neo-poverty associated with technological change and economic restructuring. Social exclusion in this context was not simply equated with poverty, but broadened to refer to a process of social disintegration in the sense of a progressive rupture of the relationship between individual and society, which was occurring due to increasing long-term unemployment, particularly unskilled workers and immigrants, and the inability of young people to enter the labor market, greater family instability, and isolated single-member households, increasing number of homeless people, rising tensions and periodic violence in the low-cost housing settlements on the peripheries of cities, what we call in Indian context juggies in the cities, and this dissipation of the social fabric of society seemed to be a consequence of the long-term process of transformations in the structure and organization of economic life. Social exclusion and its theories and models. There are five models or theories that are available to us and mostly developed while studying the racial discrimination in the United States by the economists to begin with and later joined by the psychologists. The methodology that was employed to study the racial discrimination was applied to study the caste discrimination in India. What is the rationale for upper-caste discrimination against Dalits? Excuse me, sorry to intervene, sir. Do you want to present the PPT? If it is required, not otherwise, not for myself. If the audience wanted, you can do that. So in 1957, Gary Becker offered a rationale in response to a similar question, that the racial discrimination, that the white males discriminate against their black counterparts because of they have a taste for discrimination from which they derive utility and this taste emanates from prejudices that an individual from one group holds against individual of another group. In this case, blacks and women. The Gary Becker, his full name Gary Stanley Becker, was an American economist and an emphasis. He was awarded a Nobel Prize for economics in 1992 and received the United States Presidential Medal for Freedom. Becker was one of the first economists to branch into what were traditionally considered topics that belong to sociology, that is, including racial discrimination, crime and drug addiction, etc. Becker wrote his dissertation in 1955 at the University of Chicago, which examined the economics of discrimination. At that time, economics was strictly study of market behavior and market economies. Becker challenges the past era of economics by bringing the new investigation of social matters of economics. Becker's contribution to discrimination was unpopular with the people arguing that his theory was not part of economics. So the after Becker, in 1973, Kenneth Arrow formulated the belief theory to grasp the validation of discrimination. People determine it because they believe or perceive that people from another group are on an average, less productive, and therefore they make their decisions about hiring and wages for the other group members based on their belief, which may be wrong and may result in discriminatory outcome. Followed by Becker and Kenneth Arrow, in 2010, another theory put forward by George Zekarlov along with Rachel Cranton brought into the social category or social identities and their norms into realm of economic decisions. The identity theory postulates that cultural norms determine how individuals in the social group behave towards others as individual choices are socially framed. In its application to race and poverty, the identity theory implies that the behavior of whites towards blacks is determined by group norms which perpetuate distinction of us and them. The white thinks that things of blacks as them rather than including them in the category of us all. These division norms based on us and them are what others call it oppositional identity results in discrimination. All these three theories, the taste, belief and identity theories, the discrimination results from prejudice which is embedded in an individual psychology. Social psychologists have also provided further insights into the causes of prejudice and motive of discrimination. Garden Allport treats prejudice primarily as something which is rooted in in the individual psychology. The psychology of prejudice produces stereotypical, that is the false beliefs among the dominant group and the discriminatory behavior towards the subordinate group. A view that is similar to taste theory. Herbert Blumer questions Allport's theoretical construct of prejudice as a set of individual feelings and argues that race prejudice exists in the sense of group position rather than in a set of individual feelings which members of one racial group have towards members of another racial group. Blumer shifts the locus of the origin of prejudice from individual beliefs to attitudes of the group about the relative status and material benefit, benefits associated with the membership in the group harboring stereotypical beliefs towards the other. The extent to which the dominant groups perpetuate advantages for their own and disadvantages for the subordinate groups is crucial factor for the group outcomes. In Blumer's notion of prejudice, there are four basic types of feelings or attitudes that always seem to be present in the race prejudice by the dominant group. A sense of superiority, a feeling that subordinate race is intrinsically different and alien. A feeling of proprietary claim to certain areas of privilege and disadvantage and advantage. And perhaps the most important, a feeling of you know feel that subordinate race harbors designs on the prerogatives of the dominant race. Thus Blumer shifts the axis of prejudice away from individual sentiments towards the collective interests of the collective interest in maintaining a relative group interest. The focus is on group position and a group efforts rather than an individual for material interest and high social status. Hence, prejudice becomes an operative mobilizing instrument for preserving the advantaged position of the dominant group. They are real materialist interests at the stake in the effort to the dominant group to preserve its privileged position and also the more intangible and psychic benefit of the high status advantage. Building on this, William Diaryty and others brought further insights to the role of economic or material interest in shaping the racial identity norms. Racial identity norms shaped by the relative income gains from racial or non-racial or mixed strategy in social interaction. Identity norms determined by the relative income gains are the productivity of identity norms in social interaction from each other, each of the identity norms. The most significant aspect of this theory is that by bringing the relative income gains into the norm of, norm formation of racist, secular and mixed identity in social interactions and it captures the underlying conditions that brings change from racial norms to individual norms or non-racist norms and mixed norms of discrimination and makes the theory dynamic in nature. The, all these propounded theories suggest that social exclusion and discrimination is a group concept based on group identities such as race, color, religion, ethnicity, caste or gender. In the case of group exclusion, all individuals from the group are excluded due to their social identity irrespective of the economic standing of an individual within a social group, thereby making discrimination is neutral to economic status. For instance, what we call scheduled costs or untouchables face discrimination based on their caste identity, irrespective of their financial status as the people belonging to higher cast do not make any distinction between the economically weak and better off among the discriminated group. Therefore, policies to provide safeguards against discrimination such as reservations are based on the social identity of the group rather than that of an individual. If the discrimination is neutral to economic status, the criteria for legal safeguards and policies have to be cast and not economic status of the individual within the group. Addressing social exclusion requires a holistic approach which promotes the involvement of excluded populations in community life, ensuring access to basic services, promote behavioral change, increase in income and address other key elements of exclusion. Discrimination is a particular kind of exclusion and that can take either an active or a passive form. Active exclusion through discrimination will see agents systematically refusing to hire or accept the participation of members of a social group despite their formal qualifications or even lower qualifications for some times, while routinely favoring members of a group who are equally or even less qualified. The consequences of this discrimination can lead to deprivation indirectly. The passive discrimination in which the discouragement and lower self-confidence result in poor performance or through direct routes that limit access to income or education, that is mobility enhancing. In the social science literature, there is a general agreement that the core features of social exclusion, its principal indicators and the way it relates to poverty and inequality. The developments in social science literature enables us to comprehend the meanings and manifestations of the concept of social exclusion and its applicability to cost and ethnicity-based exclusion in India. The concept of social exclusion, thus, essentially refers to the process through which groups are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the society in which they live. It emphasizes two crucial dimensions involving the notion of exclusion, namely the societal institutions of exclusion and their outcome in terms of deprivation. To understand the dimensions of exclusion, it is necessary to explore the societal interrelations and institutions which lead to the exclusion of certain groups and a deprivation in multiple spheres, that is civil, cultural, political, and economic. Thus, for a better understanding of the concept of exclusion, the site into the societal processes and institutions of exclusion are as important as the outcome in terms of deprivation for certain groups. Amartya Sen refers to various meanings and manifestations of social exclusion, particularly concerning the causes or the process of discrimination and deprivation in a given society. Exclusion could occur through direct exclusion, violating fair norms of exclusion, that is, unfavorable exclusion, or through inclusion. But under unfavorable conditions, again, violating fair norms of exclusion, that is, unfavorable inclusion, or through deliberate government policies, that is active exclusion, and through unintended attempts and circumstances, or exclusion caused through inability of some persons when compared to other persons. The mainstream economics have further elaborated the concept of discrimination that operates particularly through markets. Social exclusion can occur in variety of ways that it is important to recognize the versatility of the idea and its reach. The social exclusion in Indian context. In India, exclusion is embedded in societal interrelations and institutions that exclude, discriminate, isolate, and deprive some groups based on groups' identities, such as caste and ethnicity. The nature of exclusion revolving around the caste system particularly needs to be understood and conceptualized. The fundamental characteristics of the caste system is based on fixed civil, cultural, and economic rights of each caste, which restricts for changing, for change, implying forced exclusion on one caste from the rights of another caste, or from undertaking the occupations of other caste. Exclusion and discrimination in civil, cultural, particularly economic sphere, such as occupation and labor employment, is therefore internal to the system and a necessary outcome of its governing principles. In the market economy framework, the occupational immobility would operate through restrictions in various markets, such as land, labor, credit, and other inputs, and services necessary for any other economic activity. Labor being an integral part of the production process of any economic activity would obviously suffer market discrimination. The caste identity, however, has been a dominant factor in the discourse of social exclusion. The social stigmatization of Dalits, the unique characteristic of the caste identity, makes them vulnerable to the social exclusion in multiple realms of the society. They suffer the most from the unequal assignment, entitlement of rights, and opportunities, the opportunities including physical, social segregation, denial of freedom, restricted social participation, and deprivation of many social privileges. In the course of fulfilling their rights and privileges, they often experience caste-based discrimination and violence. These human rights violations have been an endemic feature of Indian society and have identified several debates, initiated several debates, and discussions in the contemporary India. Amartya Sen draws attention to various meanings and dimensions of the concept of social exclusion. He draws a distinction between situations where some people are kept out or left out, and where some people are included forcibly, deeply unfavorable terms. As mentioned earlier, the two situations are described as unfavorable exclusion and unfavorable inclusion, namely through differential treatment in terms of conditions of contract, which would reflect the discrimination in the prices charged and received by the discriminated groups. This can be inclusive of the price of a factor inputs, consumer goods, prices of factor production such as wages for labor, value of land or rent on land, interest in capital, rent on residential houses, charges or fee on services such as water and electricity. Discriminated groups can get lower prices for the goods they sell and could pay higher prices for the goods they buy, as compared with the market price or the prices paid by other groups. Amartya Sen argues that it is important to distinguish between active exclusion, that is fostering of exclusion through deliberate policy of interventions by the government or by any other willful agents to exclude some people from some opportunity. And the passive exclusion, which works through the social processes in which there are no deliberate attempts to exclude, but may result in exclusion from a set of circumstances, then further distinguishes the constitutive relevance of exclusion from that of instrumental importance. In the former, exclusion or deprivation have intrinsic importance of their own. For instance, not being able to relate to others or take part of life of the community can directly impoverish person's life in addition to the further deprivation it may generate. This is different from social exclusion of instrumental importance, wherein where the exclusion itself is not impoverishing, but can lead to impoverishment of human life. Secondly, the exclusion and exclusion and discrimination can occur in terms of access to social needs supplied by the government or public institutions, or by private institutions in education, housing and health, including common resources, common resources such as water bodies, grazing land and any other land of common use. Fourthly, the group, particularly the untouchables, face discrimination from participation in certain categories of jobs as the sweeper being excluded from inside household jobs, because the notion of purity and pollution of occupations and their engagement in so called unclean occupations. To sum up this argument, the major fields are agents through which the delegates face exclusion. In the civil and cultural spheres, untouchables face discrimination and exclusion in use of public services, roads, temples, water bodies, and institutions delivering services, education, health and other public services. In the political spheres, untouchables face discrimination on account of political rights and participation in decision making process. Due to the physical or residential segregation and social exclusion on account of the notion of untouchability, they suffer from a general societal exclusion. Since there is a societal mechanism to regulate and enforce the customary norms of rules of cost system, the untouchables generally face opposition in the form of social and economic boycott violence which acts as a general deterrent to their right to development. Amongst the marginal groups, although the scheduled costs and scheduled drives are worse off in terms of deprivation, cost identity in particular, has fundamentally worked against the scheduled costs in many spheres of social life in mainstream society. Unlike scheduled drives, the scheduled costs mostly live in the mixed cost villages in the mainstream society and remain vulnerable to discriminatory practices based on group identity. Despite the constitutional safeguards and specific legislative measures to address the issue of discrimination based on cost identity, the exclusionary nature of social relations continues to persist as far as the scheduled costs are considered. The prevalence of cost based discrimination and other related oppressive behaviors often restrict their access to opportunities and push them into the morals of socially excluded life. There are numerous research studies and experimental accounts to suggest that the lack of equal access to essential public resources and services among scheduled costs is not always accidental but an outcome of active social discrimination at the societal as well as the institutional level. Historically, the cost system classified people into their occupations and status of each cost had a specific place in the hierarchy of social status. Babasaheb Dr. B. R. Ambedkar described cost as a hurry institution which is familiar and unexplained in nature. Ambedkar challenged some of the established scholars of the time, particularly on the category of cost. According to a French Indologist, Emile Sennard says, cost is the close, traditional and independent organization which comprises chief and council in which the members are linked by similar occupations and they gather during festivals. At the same time, they have a particular notions of marriage, food, ceremonial pollutions. Sennard argued that the process of process particular jurisprudence which maintains power through penalties over its members and those who do not obey those courts of law are excluded from that group. On the other hand, John Nussfield interprets cost as a class of a community which disowns any connection with other class and can neither intermarry, eat nor drink with any but persons of their own community. Sir Herbert Risley argues that the cost may be defined as a collection of families or a group of families and with a common bearing a common name which usually denotes or associated with the specific occupation claiming common descendant from a mythical ancestor, human or a divine. SV Ketker defines cost as a social group having two characteristics. Membership is confined to those who are born members of and include all persons are so born and the other definition is members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside the group. Ambedkar asserted that aforementioned views on cost reduced to an isolated unit and failed to explore relations within the whole system of cost. Ambedkar questions Sennard's view by asserting that the idea of pollution is linked to priestly ceremonialism and it will remain as a feature of cost till cost maintains with religious flavor. Ambedkar also scrutinized Nussfield for not analyzing the exclusiveness related to cost and lamented that Nussfield has mistaken the effect for the cost. For Ambedkar Ketker means misconceived the prohibition of intermarriage and membership by auto agency as two separate characteristics which are the observers and reserves sides of the same model because if you prohibit intermarriage the result is that you limit membership to those born within the group. Despite too many disagreements with Ketker, Ambedkar appreciates him as one scholar who tried to explore the cost system and emphasized the emphasized on prohibition of intermarriage as the essence of cost and Ambedkar elicits that cost in India means an artificial chopping off of the population into fixed definite units each one preventing from focusing into another through custom of endogamy. Thus the conclusion is inevitable that endogamy is the only characteristic that is peculiar peculiar to cost and if we succeed in showing how endogamy is maintained we shall practically have proved the densest and also the mechanism of cost. However the 19th century since the 19th century the link between cost and occupation has become less rigid and it became easier for people to change occupations and this change accelerated with an economic boom which has taken place in India since the early 1990s. Legally untouchability in India was prohibited by the constitution of India. To give an effect to this article parliament enacted an untouchability offensive act in 1955. Based on article 1917 abolition of untouchability its provisions are implemented by the respective state governments and union territories and coordinated by the government of India. The act provides penalties for enforcing untouchability or any disability arising thereof like for instance preventing a person from entering entering a place of public worship and offering prayers or taking water from sacred tank well or spring. To make this provision provisions of this act most stringent the act was amended in 1976 was also renamed as protection of civil rights act 1955 and the government also notified the PCR rules and 19 to carry out the provisions of this act. As the cases of atrocities and scheduled costs were not covered under the provisions of PCR act of 1955 and parliament passed another act in 1989 to take measures to prevent the atrocities committed against them. This act known as scheduled costs and scheduled tribes prevents of atrocities act 1989 became effective from January 13, 1990. For carrying out the provisions of this act the government of India notified the scheduled cost scheduled tribes of prevention of atrocity act rules on March 31, 1995 and these rules were amended and amended and amended and finally the last amendment came in December 2015. Cases also go unreported owing to the dependency of Dalit communities for their livelihood and the fear of backlash backlash by the perpetrators as they hold social economic and institutional power in the area. Dalit victims also do not receive any kind of support from the police or administration to register human right violation against them. From its review with various state governments and scheduled cost scheduled tribe commissions viewed that a large number of cases of atrocities go unregistered mainly because of reluctance on the part of police officers to register the cases. The notions of purity and pollution have been particularly resilient in relation to drinking water resources. The studies also confirmed that fact and found that the persistent conflicts were reported with regard to drinking water while complete denial of access to particular water source that could be a well tank, tube well and so on designated as upper cost water source was quite common. What was the what was even more common was that imposition of differential behaviors on Dalits. In our one third that is about 36 percent of the villages surveyed the Dalits were denied entry into village shops. This usually meant that the Dalits were not allowed to come up to the counter to other customers but were made to wait outside or at some distance from the shop. In about one third of the villages the tea shops discriminate Dalits against Dalits by asking them to be seated separately and widespread practice of two glass system. The social status of the cost providing services such as washermen and barbers is dependent on their denying the services to Dalits. Such denial of services to Dalits is always demanded by non Dalits discrimination by washermen and barbers were found present in as many as 47 percent of the villages. This was not 19th century or 20th century I'm talking about this is in the 21st century where 47 percent of the villages barbers and dobes doesn't extend their services to Dalits. The cost system is based on deprivation and division of people into social groups to which civil cultural economic rights of each cost are predetermined or hereditary. The indicators and forms of stigmatization that social exclusion takes on has been described taking a historical case of Peshwa rule by Ambedkar in his paper inhalation of cost. He points out that under the Peshwa rules the Maratha country the untouchables were not allowed to use public streets if a Hindu was coming along lest he not pollute the Hindu by his even shadow. Discrimination in schools take the form of denial of access to education and skilled development among the Dalit children. This reduces to quality of human resources and employability for quality jobs and force them to relay on low-ending manual wage labor in forming and non-forming activities. Denial of education leads to increased illiteracy, low functional literacy, high dropout rates and limited-scale development and discrimination in education leads to high representation of manual jobs, low wages, low income and ultimately high poverty. The Dalits were prevented from you know in 25% of villages Dalits are prevented from entering into ration shops. In 33% of the villages public health workers refuse to visit their homes. In 14% of the villages Dalits are not permitted to enter into panchayat buildings. In 12% of the villages Dalits are forced to form separate line at polling booths. In 48% of the villages Dalits are denied access to water resources. In market access 35% of the villages Dalits are banned from selling produce in the local market. 47% of the village milk cooperatives prevent Dalits from selling milk and 25% from buying milk. The question persists as to why Dalits have poor access to resources which directly or indirectly determine the level of income and capabilities to secure other resources of income. Why is the ownership of agricultural land or non-land capital assets low compared to non-Dalits? Why are the unemployment rates are high particularly among the Dalits compared to non-Dalits? Why are the daily wage earnings of scheduled costs and scheduled trade in non-form activities low compared with non-Dalits? Why is the Dalits literacy rate and education levels are much lower when compared to non-Dalits? From the preceding discussions we may conclude that the concept of social exclusion is a process of blocking the development of marginal communities, disintegrating people and communities into mainstream of development. With a series of institutionalized social systems, the most affected population is Dalits who lag in all spheres of developmental activities. The crime rate curve therefore with his visionary mission provided a comprehensive framework for the development of people in general Dalits in particular. Given the complexity and crucial relevance of these issues to large groups of people the issue we are presently discussing assumes greater significance. The establishment of social exclusion programs of study in various institutions holds the promise of more specialized knowledge to overcome the challenges posed to government especially in post-colonial era. Even if the government action is starting as it is often is such knowledge matters because exclusion from the domain of knowledge means preserving exclusion. The field of research it opens up allows for a critical re-examination of current theories and frameworks of understanding social exclusion through such possibility is only gestured in my presentation. Given the diversities of processes and experiences of exclusion the Indian context has immense potential to contribute to critical broadening of the field of social exclusion. Thank you. I thank Professor Yagatish Narav for this enlightening and in-depth talk on the subject of social exclusion. So now I open the floor for questions. Like the participants can either unmute yourself and go ahead and ask the question or if you can chat if you can type in the chat box I can read I will read out the question to the speaker. So any one of the two either you can unmute yourself and ask the question or you can type in the chat box please feel free to go ahead and ask the questions. There is a remark from Shivani Kumari. Please go ahead and ask. Okay you can type the question. Sir I think the participant will take some time to ask the question. So before that I have a question. Or maybe our participants are enlightened so they don't have a question or maybe they are just thinking. So before they think the difficult questions you can ask me easy question. My question was very general like we see post 1990s as you are seeing with all these acts like the SCST atrocity act and acts who came into place. But after post 90s we could see there was an increased engagement of Dalits in the political sphere as well as in the social sphere. Post 90s it was visible in India. So what was the reason we can see like more number of cases being reported under the POA act and Dalits coming out more in public as well as as I told in the political sphere. So what happened like what were the changes which happened that post 90s we could see this increased engagement or political activities of the Dalits in India. Yeah it is basically on two ways. Number one see if you look at the number of cases in various states you will one thing is that public awareness. Yes sir. Second thing is that NGO coming up you know hundreds of NGOs coming up on each state and third is that the public awareness. Okay. And because the earlier if there is a case in Tamil Hadoo unless and until the report comes or newspaper wishes to publish and are like nobody other no other knows no one else. But whereas these days you have this public media electronic media particularly. So anywhere any adversity that is occur and more so after coming up these you know new media sites you know what's up message what's ups and all these things Facebook etc. So these are number one. And second thing is that some of these states for example like you don't see SESC atrocity cases in West Bengal for about you know till 1970s and 80s because for them it is not caste atrocity is not an atrocity that is a class war. So for example like Bihar or Rajasthan or UP you know raping a Dalit women or you know amputing any part of the body of a Dalit person is not considered but whereas they used to think that like it is their caste right for the upper class. So invariably the police doesn't make any complaints we don't get to see at all. So this is one reason because the studies that I referred in my lecture it is the studies were conducted in after the 21st century beginning it's not that 19th century 18th century 21st century it's not that hello somebody's interrupting yeah. So the medium of communication and that you know these many TV channels these days you will get anything that is reported. So let me give you the you know the five-year-old case of within JNU. So the you know a boomier boy who proposed to a girl in JNU who is a she's not a Dalit but one or two structures lesser than the boy caste. So he couldn't bear it that a lower caste girl not even a lower caste sense Dalit girl a lower caste than himself how dare she could deny my proposal and in the middle of the class even he attempted to kill her with an axe and if this is a situation of 21st century only how the caste you know what you call caste-ness is imbibed with birth because just because of your born in an upper caste yeah go ahead any other Jean Blanquer. And now my microphone is also working can I say yeah please. So I just want to know that what did you say about the term social exclusion did you say that it was first introduced in 1974 because I have read in French classes that it was Jean Blanquer who was who wrote in 1965 an article a tu de la marginalité de la société occidental. So I think he was the first to who first introduced this term social exclusion in France if I'm not wrong. No Jean Blanquer. Jean Blanquer. What is the spelling I haven't come across any till now where was it published. 1965. No but where where it was published. Oh that I don't know I just know the title of the title. No I haven't come across this as far as the current social science literature is concerned it was emerged and in the sense let me tell you two things here Shivani. Yeah the one thing is that like India doesn't accept anything if that there is a discrimination in India or the exclusion in India unless it comes from the west. Yeah because we have this colonial hangover still. Yeah okay whether you like it or not it's not my experience maybe you can enlighten me if you know so the despite there is a discrimination despite there is a social excluded groups on the basis of caste or ethnicity you know but just to give you more examples of you know the what could be the more sensitive reason to some of the atrocities of Martian people in the plain areas of like whether it's Delhi or other areas. So similarly but I'll certainly look into but I am not able to get what you are saying maybe your spelling is wrong I'm just taking the other computer Jean Blanquer is not coming at all please correct me. Okay I'll I'll send you the name later I'll just write the name. Yeah yeah yeah because I haven't come across this and in the as far as the European Union concern like French was the first one because by by late 70s even one tenth of their population it seems that they are socially excluded yeah group so from the after that you know after French all these European governments started establishing a separate department called the combating the social exclusion department you have it in Germany you have it in Denmark you have it in France you have it in other places yeah so as far as the Jean Blanquer whatever that you're saying it's for it but I haven't come across and I'll be happy if you can send me the difference okay sir okay I'll send you the text okay okay done so there is the government has been trying to project the face of growth through many high-profile projects but on the other hand social effort was sent how can the country progress if such systems are not eliminated shedding the economic growth. Uh Tatanglaka how yes you are right that's what exactly I'm trying to say that the government actions were dirty and because just imagine we have reservations except for political reservations of parliamentary elections or the assembly note even after 70 years of our independence and tomorrow we are going to celebrate 71st day of Indian constitution enactment and no department no section no government ever bother to fulfill the reservations. See the social level of this Alvo El Jimbo the how does the social exclusion causes greater levels of poverty because if you are not allowing the these excluded communities to study or to allow the education institutions they are not eligible to good jobs and they'll remain in low poverty and manual jobs and hence the high level of poverty is one small best example for you see there is another one N Changsang as per the present scenario what percentage sir there is one question yeah yeah tell me go ahead Deepanjan no sir I was reading the same question sir like yeah yeah yeah just informing you there's a question so yeah yeah yeah that's what exactly I'm just trying to try to answer now so because it's just one simple example that I just gave him if you don't allow them to education institutions are making them to sit separately or not allowing them to meet this meal schemes the question in the context of India do you think that affirmative action is the best measure that can take an empower the history of operation of all yeah it's uh but no the affirmative action is one of the measure that can start to begin with not the measure I was talking about so they are the for centuries of oppression not one day or one year or one decade because even now if you just ask the plain societies maybe you being at the nagaland may not be so familiar but if you come to plain areas then you would feel the heat of the cost or heat of the you know this exclusion just go for a house rental any area see what they would ask first what cost you belong to if you are known doesn't reveal your cost and uh some of the places uh at least in south India places like Hyderabad etc uh they even to let boats they mentioned that like this house will be rented only to Brahmins so these are some of these examples which comes immediately yeah anything else so any questions or queries any question comment anything you're welcome if there are no questions or comments we can wind up the session so so I guess there are no more questions yes there is one more question yeah what is that let me just see he raised experiences of exclusion see the as far as the theorizing the experiences of exclusion is concerned like as I told you just now in my presentation they are the five theories that are uh four or five theories that are available in front of us now uh to make it more clear to you the us uh united states develop their research methodology to study the racial discrimination and on the basis of the same methodology Indian social scientists applied the research of what you call methodology what they uh uh develop to study the racial discrimination and to study the caste discrimination in India and uh one of its first study of under that part is the there's a book called blocked by caste it was edited by uh Sukhdev Thoret and Catherine Newman it was published by OUP in 2010 and there is an uh another book that developed on the basis of applying for the same research methodology that they studied it is Vani ke Bharva uh it is published by says in 2015 that is the you know uh book on caste discrimination and exclusion so these are the two volumes that are so far available of studies in India conducted how the caste discrimination works so these are the two major works that we have it in India and no other book so far that at least i come across with your Shraigarh Sharma is that okay yes sir yeah sir i think uh okay yes sir thanks yes so i think uh we can uh there were quite a few questions and good discussion we had okay the question answer session so i think it's time we can uh wind up the session okay so i once again thank professor Yagate Chinnarao for accepting a request to deliver a lecture for the department of history at Takthar college and uh we are uh we are very much grateful and thankful to you sir and i also thank other faculty and students who attended the attended today's webinar um so thank you everyone thank you bye thank you thank you Deepanjan see you yes i'm right thank you okay