 Yeah, so the German Revolution of November 1918 it had an immense colossal impact on the course of international events. It meant like the end of the First World War and of course the Russian working class was looking at it with you know with startling inspiration to break their isolation right from from the Russian Revolution and of course a successful German Revolution can aid them economically right and of course spread the socialist revolution further to the west. So mass demonstrations broke out in celebration of hearing this excellent news of Germany in Russia and would have also meant the biggest blow to world capitalism since the Russian Revolution itself. So the ruling class was terrified at hearing about this event. They were terrified of Bolshevism and the British Prime Minister Lloyd George he basically summed up the entire you know situation when he said that the whole of Europe was was filled with this period of revolution. Now Germany was a key country right it was at the center of Europe. It was the most industrialized country in Europe you know opposed to Russia when of course the revolution broke out in Russia was a very backward country and it would have meant like a successful revolution would have meant the end of capitalism you know the whole of Europe would have gone communist and that was not only the genius of the capitalists as I said who were very worried but also Lenin himself who said that he was prepared to give up the Russian Russian Revolution for one in Germany and the working class also had a very strong Marxist traditions right stretching back all the way to Marx and Engels and the German workers movement had been also at the center of the second international in the pre-war period so there was enormous potential and it would have changed as I said like the entire course of history there was also have meant like no Second World War no Holocaust and basically all those strategies would have been absent had the working class been victorious and in fact you know in Germany power was at the hands of the workers of the sailors of the soldiers but tragically however the German proletariat failed to actually seize this opportunity and to actually create a German socialist republic which would of course set a light the whole of Europe so very rapidly the workers you know who actually had power in their hands through their councils that basically sprung up they basically just handed power over to the social democratic leaders which they in turn just disbanded the workers councils that were set up and murdered the best of the workers leaders and rescued German capitalism and over the five years of the revolution basically just continued all sorts of struggles were taking place but then finally the defeat of 1923 Mende Niel in the coffin for the immediate prospect of a world socialist revolution and of course also consolidated Stalin's control over the coming turn so Germany had been the cradle of Marxism both Marx and Engels spent a great amount of time in educating and building up this German labor movement and the German social democratic party the SPD ever since its foundations basically gave allergen you know to Marxism and was seen as the embodiment of of German revolutionary tradition and it was the biggest party and it was a Marxist party you know the biggest party in the world before the war and with the huge apparatus as you heard like yesterday had big support in the working class that even set up trade unions itself and had yeah a third of the working class vote in in 1912 which is about 4.2 million people have voted for for the SPD they had 90 daily newspapers so huge apparatus and huge authority within the working class and in words they were talking about Marxism they were talking about Marxist ideas and therefore all eyes were on Germany that if there was going to be you know a revolution then surely in Germany it would be successful surely you know Germany was the country where where you know it would happen however what's important to realize is that this party the SPD grew up in a period of economic upswing in capitalism there was a boom and it was basically sowing illusions in capitalism that basically through a gradual strengthening of the working classes organizations that also we can then improve the working classes conditions so basically find a very peaceful you know roads into into socialism and that has caused you know the degeneration in particular of the SPD leadership who were very detached and from from the actual situation on the ground and they limited themselves therefore instead of actually fighting for revolution just limited themselves to fighting for reforms and and basically revolution in words but you know their day-to-day deeds were reformist and of course you know as Marxists we're not opposed to fighting for reforms obviously we do that but we also also say that how important it is to raise the consciousness right and link our fight for reforms to a fight for socialism link to a revolutionary program and that's exactly what the SPD leaders were deserting away from so this resulted in in very sharp and theoretical debates within the SPD now Bernstein was one of those you know leaders who was basically on the reformist wing of the party and was coming out with these revisionist ideas and then opposed to him was Rosa Luxemburg right on the left hand side of the party and was having these sharp debates against the you know the the degeneration that she was witnessing and out of this polemic you know her famous work reformer revolution basically brought about however Kautsky who was you know the main leader of the SPD huge authority and was actually like you know trained even by Engels himself had like real connections with with Marx and Engels he himself was more concerned about you know keeping unity within the party was just turning a blind eye to all of these issues and and basically just paid lip service you know to to the revolution now what brought this degeneration all out in the open was was you know in August 1914 when the First World War broke out and the SPD leadership instead of actually explaining you know the real course of the war you know explaining the imperialist interest are at stake here they just spoke about defending the fodderland and actually saying that that isn't a true like internationalist position trying to of course find excuses but they were social social souvenirs right and in the German parliament the Reichstag they all voted in favor for the war credit and it's only Carl Liebknecht who was also on the left with with Rosa Luxemburg who voted against the war credits so it's one person against 110 who voted again you know for the for the war and he was basically now turned into you know this this anti-war hero this true revolutionary internationalist and had huge you know a good basically representation like in internationally not just in Germany but it was not only in Germany well sorry but it was also like in practice right what this actually meant this vote was that these so-called Marxists of the SPD basically voted in favor for sending millions of workers to go out and and kill each other which also proves right you know that Rosa Luxemburg was right to call out on this opportunism of the SPD but also that Bernstein's theory of a like a peaceful road to socialism was proven immediately false and incorrect workers rights was taken away like that overnight and this whole you know question that was posed by Rosa Luxemburg either we fight for socialism or we end up in barbarism is exactly what you know what was proven correct and what they were faced with and this betrayal of the German SPD you know as we said yesterday dealt a crushing blow to the international it was such a huge you know surprise even as we said to Lenin who you know what the authority of the SPD leadership was so high that he yeah thought that it was a forgery by the German general stuff he couldn't believe this this newspaper forwards of the of the SPD and thought that yeah it was just false but internationally therefore the only true like Marxists and internationalists were reduced to only a handful of people who actually stood you know firmly for the principles of Marxism and so it was only Lenin Luxemburg Liebknecht Colony and John McLean and of course he had the you know the Serbian party for example also voted against the war credit and so at the at the congress in Zimmerwald Lenin kind of joked that all of the internationalist could fit in only two stage coaches by then so that was the that was the stage you know of the second international and Rosa Luxemburg actually described it as a stinking corpse it was just that basically and it meant it meant the end of the second international it's completely collapsed but out of this Luxemburg and Merin and Liebknecht they you know a tendency was formed around them after this betrayal right and it became known as the international group and it was basically this nucleus around which later on the the communist party was to crystallize but on New Year's Day in in 1916 thank you at Rosa Luxemburg's instance they took the decision to launch a journal called Desparticus you know and so the Desparticus League was basically formed now by 1917 the war awareness of course engulfed the masses of the workers in you know everywhere but also of course in Germany and the soldiers at the front were of course also sickened by the war so mass strikes broke out against the war and real ferment was growing not just a monster working class but also within the party itself within the SPD and and this ferment was reflected within the party when a split was taking place you know you had of course the yeah the the right wing I guess that stayed with you know with the SPD and a more left wing you know split was was taking place that was called the independence to you the uspd which took about 120 000 members of the SPD with them so it was basically quite a quite a significant split but this also makes in a very important political point because the fact is that Rosa Luxemburg and Carl Liebknecht up until the war broke out never actually built a really well organized you know political homogenous faction within the SPD and to train up those cadres right basically how Lenin and the Bolsheviks had done within the was called the RSDLP so the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party because if they did right if they had like strong cadres in the party within the SPD sooner rather than this loose network that then existed then obviously by the time that the war broke out they could have let this split right they could have taken these people with them and actually provided you know a revolutionary alternative for them to join and they could yeah it created basically a revolutionary organization that would arise out of this anger right and arise out of this great betrayal and they could have answered this they could have provided that leadership and not let these reformists basically lead this split in the usbd they were simply too late like the building such a cater organization cannot be done spontaneously as we know and therefore they lost a great opportunity to to win over the masses basically now the split of the SPD also took place when the excellent news of the February revolution you know came out and reached Germany and it had an electrifying effect on on these conditions the German working class rose up even further again like moved into mass strikes against the war and the old regime felt his ground moving under its feet and in October 1918 rumors started to spread that this naval battle that you know they were basically the German high command was was decided on was simply basically a gamble to risk 80 000 people's lives for just to save the honor of the German navy now that was like the spark basically that was the straw and sparked resistance that began the revolution itself and so on November 3rd a mutiny took place in one ship in Kiel and spread all over the North Sea with 100 000 sailors taking a part in this mutiny and it was also unprecedented because one town after another you know like workers started setting up workers councils in solidarity with with the sailors even of course the mood was also within the army so the army set up their own councils as well so it was it was enormous like a spread like wildfire basically and it was basically you know those councils are you know essentially the same as the Soviets that we've seen in Russia from 1905 and again in 1917 so they were organs of power and war is often you know rightly said like war is often the midwife of revolution and that was the case in Russia and it was also the case here in Germany and the chancellor is Prince von Baden he basically realized that the game was up he just saw no other way than to ask for the Kaiser to abdicate he's like we have to give the masses something here and of course the Kaiser didn't want to abdicate on the country his advice was to you know he said well take your most loyal troops go out with bombs and fire throwers and just crush this revolution just bring it down but the answer to to the Kaiser was sire you have no army it's all it's all gone and he stopped only refused to believe this he was like no no you have to put it down you have to he just was so out of touch like actually the star in 1917 so out of touch what was happening on the ground so it was this quite like this funny episode where he learned about his abdication from the chancellor himself so he hurt his second hand and and he basically just took the train the next day to the Netherlands and stayed the rest of his life there in exile and the whole monarchy just disintegrated so with no army and no police and the masses on the move the ruining class you know the final sort of option that they had was to look towards the workers leaders themselves and to basically diffuse the situation to save them and in other words they looked at this new breed of careerists that floated to the top within the SPD and these big leaders were Abbott Noska and Scheidemann now these leaders did not want a revolution they were very much opposed to the revolution so they were asked basically to come into this government to you know stop this revolutionary wave of what was happening and in fact you know Abbott very famously said his famous code was I hate revolution like sin he was completely opposed to he detested it basically he was terrified of this whole situation and he was a liberal democrat all he wanted was to be in opposition in a germ I mean in a bourgeois like democracy and and not deal with all this mass but the mass of of workers in moving in revolution in 1918 well well who do they look to right they didn't look to Luxembourg and Liebknecht who were very small right a small organization they looked at the SPD this party that they have built for decades right with the huge apparatus and huge prestige so it was very like you know normal that you know all of the you know direction was basically in in their hands so shortly after this news of the abdication of the Kaiser Scheidemann was in the Reichstag he was just eating his soup when he heard like these masses arriving to the Reichstag just shouting wanting to you know hear from the leaders what needed to be done now the Kaiser is gone was the next step just you know tell us and they were of course screaming their socialist demands and he's just kind of like being swept away by the moods not really knowing like you know what to do so he just went on to the balcony and kind of spontaneously announced that Abbott was now the chancellor and almost like as an afterthought he said oh and long live the german republic now this was this was a huge you know blow because as soon as Abbott heard this news who is by the way just a supportive like you know very much in favor of the monarchy but basically he was absolutely enraged and his face turned livid he banned with his face on a table it was furious at Scheidemann's like presumption he said you have no right to proclaim a republic you cannot do that but it was simply too late it had been done and so the SPD leaderships like first act as as chancellor was to ask this prince von baden to just accept the regents office hoping to restore a constitutional monarchy but prince von baden realized he was like no this is not what the masses want this is not like gonna gonna work so he said you know what we we basically i will give up my power i will give up this government and handed it over on the 9th of november to Abbott noska and Scheidemann to the to the SPD and said well you should take it you take the reins of the government and you smash this revolution you bring it down and uh and so basically they did and that's and this is again a very important point because it's often the case that the role of of like the the reformist leaders of workers organizations is to hold the masses back right they they are always the last line of defense for the capitalists to to you know to rely on to to hold the masses back send them home and say this is how we do it in a civilized way you can have what you want just go home basically so you have the situation here right where the working class had power in their hands you know through the councils that they set up everywhere and therefore the you also had you know the the army coming from war so they were armed and you had these armed massive demonstrations taking place all over the cities even in berlin and the old government was suspended in mid air but of course again who did who did they then rely on is is those leaders is those svd leaders so the the working class had power in his hand but was simply not conscious of that fact they didn't they didn't realize this and now this in itself is a very normal stage right of of consciousness and how it develops uh because you know what communists need to do you know as lenin said was to patiently explain our revolutionary program to you know be with them and and and put our case forward um and thus this is exactly the sort of like you know the the methods that they apply to in the menschewiks one right in february and where the workers were also not conscious of their powers so they had to put this slogan of all power to the soffias and trying to explain you know in this period up until october when finally the workers actually seized power this is what needed to be done but this leadership was simply absent in germany it wasn't it wasn't being done and prepared for so events moved on quickly and on the 10th of november at a meeting of the of the berlin workers workers and soldiers council they basically officially proclaimed you know itself to be the representative of of the revolutionary people and so they took this decision to set up a council of people's commissars under the control of the executive council so this term commissar was obviously like um you know an attempt by the social democrats as well to steal a little bit of this enormous prestige of the russian revolution you know showing how much they were prepared to go in words but actually not indeed to fulfill you know the and to sort of complete the the revolution now the aim of ebbett schiedemann you know and the other social democrat leaders was to re-establish their authority right of the of the capitalist states you know as quickly as possible and so the immediate threat of of the revolution when it began to subside the german bourgeois put their full weight behind you know this call for a constituent assembly as a means of undermining the workers councils um and so the same bourgeois who yesterday had solidly you know supported autocracy now came forward as democrats so first they were monarchists and now they were you know proud republicans um and so they gave up they i'm sorry they gave the workers basically the right to vote and they gave the workers you know all sorts of democratic rights the right to strike uh they even granted them an eight hour day even though the capitalist couldn't afford it but it shows like at the point is the ruling class was prepared to give up everything to give them all of these concessions in order to just say to them well you know anything basically to save their system right and they wanted to attach just very clear condition to it yeah yeah you can have all of those you know concessions and these rights just go home you know stop here and go home and so the question of the national assembly was therefore a bit of a controversial one um because here the Spartacus group who was very new very inexperienced and say politically in inexperienced as well um they they didn't really they basically took the wrong position because Luxembourg and Liebknecht recognized that the majority of the workers were in favor very much in favor of the national assembly most workers saw a parliamentary like democracy at least as a step forward from the monarchy that they had in the past um and so they they basically well Luxembourg therefore said well we as communists we should take you know part in this constituted assembly and use it as a platform to put forward our program our revolutionary demands um and of course expose the whole capitalist regime but the party youth were decidedly against it they basically saw the national assembly as just another parliament as just another reformist thing uh that they didn't want to take part in because they were so inferior to the workers councils which is obviously correct of course it's inferior to it but it wasn't enough to just denounce you know the the national assembly and reject it and just to call for a revolution they ignored that under the conditions you know profiling in Germany in 1918 where the working class had not yet taken power it was necessary to march shoulder to shoulder you know with the workers with the masses participate in their elections and offering a revolutionary program um you know of action and this is exactly what Lenin was trying to emphasize and argue for in his work left-wing communism you know and if you're tired saw them against these ultra left tendencies but now once the assembly was set up and all of these concessions were granted to the workers the SPD leaders made this case well forget then about the councils let's just dissolve them let's have this national assembly or this um yeah national government have your democratic elections because this is basically what we want and this is also what grant you reforms right it's through these councils i mean through this the government so you don't need the councils let's just dissolve them and that's basically what happened and this ended the the first phase of of the revolution so after the november revolution the ruling class was looking you know to strike a counter-revolutionary wave and counter-revolutionary blow basically against the revolution so the german high command led by ebbott made plans to occupy berlin with a number of loyal troops to establish a reliable and a firm government because berlin was particularly the center of extreme turbulence extreme inequality in stability and there were continual strikes and mass demonstrations so as far as ebbott was concerned this was not like the center of the government but it was the center of anarchy it was just complete uh yeah a mess basically so they wanted to you know establish law and order so the spd leaders were leaning more and more towards all these reactionary you know troops and reactionary groups one of which such you know one of the the famous one is the fry corpse right who were these ultra-reactionary gangs often officers drawn from this pro-monarchist military and sons of aristocracy and you know stuff like that so they were determined to put a block onto the onto the revolution and even if that meant bloodshed so one of the ministers noska uh who became the minister of defense he said that he was prepared to be the bloodhound of revolution it's exactly his quote so he just wanted to do whatever it takes even if it meant you know killing these revolutionaries so towards the end of december 1918 an alliance of the monarchists and the counter-revolutionary elements of various you know descriptions all came together and basically started this this vicious witch hunt against the spartacist league in particular who were of course the representatives of german bolshevism and an organization also called the anti-bolshevik league was set up which was financed by the government money and and also plastered walls you know with posters in towns and villages you know basically slandering the the spartacist leadership and now just to like take a step back here because and and to realize you know the bolshevik factions so in russia formed 15 years before the actual you know russian revolution took place but in germany you had the first phase of the revolution which was over the counter-revolution was trying to you know raise its head now and it's only now that the communist party was was set up and and formed as an actual tight organization so in late december 1918 under the influence of the october revolution in russia pressure mounted within the the spartacist league to transform itself from this very like loose knit organization to an actually tight you know centralized organization and so the communist party or or the kpd was basically formed in russia along the lines of the bolsheviks so within a few weeks this small very inexperienced party had to face up monumental challenges because in berlin in early december sorry in early january there existed an acute crisis in in the government a few usbd ministers had resigned as they did not agree with the government's actions and fears of rumors started to spread about a possibility of a coup and at the same time a campaign of denigration was carried out against a meal eichhorn who was a left-wing policeman or police president i would say of berlin because he was regarded as a threat because he organized a new left-wing police force of 2000 armed workers who were basically you know ready to defend the revolution so to reassert the authority of the capitalist state the social democrats wanted to remove him but of course he refused to go and this kind of you know started to spark this this this mass protest that was coming up and it was called for by the berlin executive committee on the fifth of january in order to defend you know the gains of the revolution and to the shock of everyone including the communist how a million people came out you know onto onto the streets to to show their loyalty to the revolution and against the government and so on and spontaneously a revolutionary committee was formed and they had this idea well let's just get rid of this government let's just like overthrow this government and let's do this now so of course how this committee was not providing the correct leadership right they didn't really know what to do and and it's filled to give a coherent direction you know to the to the mass movement which eventually then began to disaster pay and so the masses after all could not be you know kept in a permanent state of readiness so they had to you know the this is basically the tricky part right because they needed firm leadership at this time and you know when they're trying as as mark said right like an insurrection is an art it cannot be something that you play with and they were kind of playing with it and this is how this is where things ended up badly because the government saw this like this organization they saw you know how the masses were kind of like not sure what to do and they kind of desesipating they saw a sign of weakness there and they started to step in using military means um and of course the fry corpse element were called out as well to smash the workers and to try to drive out the workers and so as far as the counter-revolution was concerned there was going to be no negotiations it was a horrific bloodbath and 300 of these workers were just put against the wall and shot on the spot and this basically marked you know the the end of the oh yeah of the Spartacist uprising basically that this so-called Spartacist uprising or Spartacist rebellion wasn't like a conscious strategy pursued by the Spartacist this offense started by the government provocation and intended as a pretext to crush the movement but it's not just that the Spartacists struggled as well to hold you know the workers back because anger was so high in Berlin uh and the working class and in January it just simply reached a boiling point but this makes an important point right because again the Communist Party was too small it was too inexperienced it didn't have you know decaders so they couldn't give this insurrection in actually an organized form uh and also or basically to hold the masses back when was needed right from a premature uprising um that would basically end up in repression which it did and again underlines the need to build this revolutionary leadership like the Bolsheviks had done but the damage had been done and the SPD used this rising as an excuse to hunt down on Carl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg as the main leaders of of you know of the of Bolshevism basically in Germany and killed them and this is the true vengeance you know of the running class they saw Liebknecht and they saw Luxemburg at the head of the revolution and the only way that they could destroy the revolution was to destroy them physically um and and that's why they that's basically what they did and that was the greatest strategy you know that befell the German revolution because these were the leaders they had the authority they could have led this communist party you know in the right direction because Rosa Luxemburg you know just before basically she was killed she was realizing more and more the need to have a centralized you know organization and a Kda-Built organization but again because there was no such you know Kda-Base an organization at the time when Rosa Luxemburg was killed and also meant that no one was ready to step up you know and play this role there was a lack it was a real lack of leadership um and that was the inexperience you know of the party that would also lead to future catastrophic um mistakes and the revolution is not just one act right revolution has many acts and in fact revolution and counter-revolution can come very close together and as Marx often you know remarked that the whip of counter-revolution can also push the revolution forward and that's exactly what happened because um but because like um you know this um this whole you know counter-revolutionary wave that was taking place in Germany also meant that you know the uspd was getting you know more and more members towards them because workers wanted to organize themselves to fight against this counter revolution and so they had explosive growth from about 300 000 members to 750 000 and their program also moved more and more towards the Bolshevik and German communist party and this also led to this very significant historic decision to leave the second international to basically accept its 21 conditions of the of the third international and to create the largest communist party in the world outside of Russia and basically joined the the third international so it seemed like the basis was now set you know for for a successful socialist revolution in Germany but the social you know democrats who had saved the capitalist system from the immediate danger uh the capitalist cast basically did not want to stop there they said okay well you had your job you had your job done so well done but now we have to you know let you go and we want to re-establish real authority over like the strong man government and to to install a military dictatorship basically and so in march 1920 they staged a coup where they wanted to bring in this man called Kap who is the nationalist civil servant to take the lead and you know famously this event got to of course got to be known as the kaput and so they were told okay the social democrats you have to disarm you have to go of course they refused and so the social democrats called on the armed forces to come out and defend them but the armed forces refused because they basically became part of this anti-Bolshevik league so the trade unionist and of course under the under the call of the social democrats were now forced to rely on the workers to try to hold the coup back so for 20 years they ridiculed the idea of calling for a general strike and now they had to because otherwise they would be arrested so it was actually like to to save their own yeah save their own you know prestige sort of thing so they called on the workers to come out and to their surprise this general strike was solid masses of workers the biggest movement of the working class since the revolution just came out it paralyzed the whole of berlin paralyzed cities everywhere and kap was supposed to be the imposed prime minister and he couldn't even find a stenographer you know to write down instructions because everyone was on strike however the leaders of the communist party were of course still ultra left they still had the wrong you know political stance and so their initial response to this event was oh well the workers should actually remain neutral in the struggle because this is between two you know reactionary camps fighting over this not realizing you know what what the workers like you know general strike was sort of impact that had so when it did when the general strike turned out to be solid and so successful they had to turn a 180 and say oh actually we are in support now of the general strike but this ultra left infantile stance only again served to isolate the party right from winning over the masses because these huge blondes again you miss opportunity to connect you know to to the mood of the masses so this whole series of battles that took place in germany eventually all culminated basically to the crisis in 1923 which was the revolutionary situation in the occupation of the roar by the french army because of the failure of the germans to pay the reparations for the first world war which resulted in crazy like hyper inflation for example like a statistic that comes to mind it's like the price of one ag in 1923 so if i mean i don't know if anyone wants to have a guess you can leave it but if anyone wants to say a number you can but guess like how many eggs you could buy in 1918 with the price of 1923 like an egg of fine 2023 does anyone have a guess five billion a billion you were close is 500 million 500 million acts you could buy in 1918 for the price of 1923 so this is the crazy hyper inflation that we're talking about money was completely devalued in fact like the middle class was collapsing people were going into rubbish bins to find food and wages had to be spent the exact same day that you received them if you waited until the next day they were worthless so it was this crazy crazy situation and it was completely bankruptcy and that sparked of course the spontaneous movement but this time unlike the spartanists which were only like a handful of people in berlin you had now this mass communist party right you know from the from the uspd or who joined the third international so he had had huge potential but again what was again you know under the wrong leadership the communist party basically was too hesitant thinking that this was not actually a revolution that you know taking place so again they dismissed the opportunity they had at hand and to be fair this was all because of the wrong advice by zhinoviev and starlin who then were of course in the control of the coming turn and they told them to go easy and in fact not to provoke the situation and let the fascist move first so all they do was you know defend themselves and have a you know the right to defend themselves sort of thing was of course completely the wrong advice and that's what happened in 1923 so again a huge strategy because all of these defeats were demoralizing you know to the working class in germany and prepared the ground you know for moving more and more towards reaction at a later date so what this whole experience shows in germany from you know 1918 all the way till 1923 is that like all of these like you know yarn and you know communist party that was not prepared for you know the tasks at hand were very inexperienced trying to learn in the middle of a revolution making mistakes making ultra left mistakes with you know the capuch and stuff but then also in the other direction being too cautious in 1923 but whilst in 1919 the communist international under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky were patiently assisting the young parties right trying to draw the political conclusions and absorb the lessons of Bolshevism by 1923 you know the leadership of starlin and zhinoviev was you know reflecting deep conservatism of you know of the russian bureaucracy and this defeat was one of the first key debates between Trotsky and and zhinoviev and starlin and Trotsky of course wanted to learn the lessons he wanted to you know try to you know see what exactly what information he had at hand to try to draw the political conclusions but he couldn't because he was isolated from information as zhinoviev and starlin wanted to protect their prestige and sweep away their own responsibility for the defeat so germany was you know was full of strategies but what did our boys down to what the whole point is is the lack of leadership right which is the key ingredient for a success of a revolution and it's our task and it's part of our heritage and we have the responsibility to learn and to understand what happened in germany to prepare ourselves right for what's the events that are coming in britain in europe and in the rest of the world in this upcoming period because more and more people are clearly looking towards joining us now as communists right and well if we are truly communists if we can't say if we are worthy of calling ourselves communists then we need to prepare ourselves for what's coming and and what we see now is like you know there is no good in trying to create a revolutionary party on the spot spontaneously in the middle of these hectic and turbidity fence but to create it in advance and you have to create cadres you have to create a network and you have to create you know the embryo of a future party and this and its events you know that affects the minds of the masses right that will transform the situation and prepare the ground for you know building a mass party in itself and this is also why we treat theories so seriously like because marxism can be defined you know as the historical experience of the working class since we are the memory of of everything that has happened everything that the working class had to go through as opposed of course to the reformists who have no memory at all and now of course Germany was a key country but now there are many keys now there are many countries now how can form this this you know this the center of the revolution so this huge potential and one successful revolution therefore in one country can spark and you know satellite the whole of europe and therefore the whole of the world and so the working class is now bigger and stronger than ever but all it cries out for is leadership right a marxist leadership the correct leadership and that's and prepared to go all the way and that is our task and that's what we will fight for and indeed as bros looksenberg said we are faced with this question of either to fight for socialism or barbarism because of course it's barbarism and the capitalism right and workers and young people and the youth are looking for an alternative and this is something that we have to provide them to fight to overthrow capitalism and really pay homage you know to to those heroes who tried to in vain in the past and you know we have this duty to carry this victory to our you know ourselves forward and forward to a conclusion because we have this duty now to build an international that truly defends marxism and the ideas of of you know of marx angus lenin and troski as thus this is literally the only way forward for our class