 Fantastic. Thank you. So, good afternoon everyone and thanks to all the organizers for allowing me to join the caravan, so to speak. So, I've got a rather large topic, and so I'm going to unashamedly build on what has been presented by Caroline, Gora, Warren and Kloss, and really a very strong continuity with what they shared with us the last two days. I want to start with a poem, move on to a few factoids. I was hoping to tell a soap opera, but it'll have to be a very abbreviated case study, and end off with a couple of takeaways, policy takeaways that is not KFC. But let me start with a few words from an artist from Kinsasha. Think of Kinsasha as, if you will, a parable for African cities. Shouldn't even try to follow the West. We could not catch up with it, even if we tried. We would do better to follow the last one in the race, the hungry one, and follow the rhythm of East footsteps, the time of that hungry one. Of course, hunger signifies a lack of freedom. Somehow we have lost the equilibrium between the physical question and the beyond that creates the freedom. Ready to accept and eat about anything. Hunger reduces one to a mere survival. But beyond that hunger lies something else. Kinsasha is not only stomach, we have the capacity to open up to that something else. But we haven't yet managed to surpass the problem of hunger, of death, of illness, of suffering. We haven't yet overcome the rupture. And then, hunger and death do not only signify closure, they also enable the creation of an opening. If not physically, then at least mentally. Now, you've heard a lot of the data, and it is dramatic. We'll be doubling the urban population. And as you would have heard from Caroline, is that the problem with this is that as this growth unfolds, slum formation is growing at a slightly faster rate. And what I really want to draw your attention to is that as we look at this over the next 40 years, what is important to really come to terms with it, and I suppose carrying on on the theme of the political economy of what's going on, is that a large number of these people will remain incredibly poor, i.e. a GDP per capita below $1,000, even in 2050, and that there are two parts of Africa that will grow dramatically over the next 40 years. That's West Africa and East Africa. They will both double their populations in just the next 40 years. And most of those people will remain incredibly poor. This graph shows you the population below a $2 per day line. And what is incredible about these trend lines, and this is based on the international futures forecasting model. So for those of you familiar with some of these, is that this is a fairly robust one. And what is important about this is that if you look at this trend line, in terms of Central Africa, you can see by 2050, the dramatic growth, reflecting of course the demographic transition that we will be seeing, and then West Africa is the same story. Now if we turn to GDP per capita number, and I think that the point that was raised by Kloss yesterday, that we really are talking about very, very different policy agendas, if you're talking about a less than $1,000 per capita context with weak state institutions, and if you're talking about a $40,000 context, right? So I think that one of the challenges, of course, is to keep this range in mind, but also to think in a fairly differentiated way about how do we frame these problems. So what this indicates to us again is that if we look at the trend line for Southern Africa, and if we look at the trend line for Northern Africa, predictably, there's significant increase because it's often much higher base already. But if we look at the areas that is really going to grow, we're talking about, by 2030, numbers that are still below $1,500. Now the really disconcerting thing about this is that the genetic coefficient for Africa already sits at 0.54, according to you in Habitat Data. Now what is troubling about this, the fact that it is similar to Latin America, is of course that it doesn't have the industrial base that Latin America works of, right? So you're talking about a very large proportion of the labor force that hasn't gone through that particular economic transition, and you're already sitting at this number at a context in which globalization and in its current manifestations, of course, we know as reproducing greater income inequalities. So it is then not that surprising when you look at the distribution of informality in Africa in terms of living conditions, and again this is your Habitat Data, and what was really useful about a 2008 report was that they differentiated between the different deficiencies that define slums, right? So if three of those characteristics are prevalent, then it is severely deprived. And then you can see the difference between Latin America and Southern Asia in terms of the second component. So firstly, the prevalence is lower, but also the number of people who are extremely deprived is in a very different scale. So we're talking about really very, very different conditions here. So this I suppose is a real echo on the previous speaker's points. I thought it was important to just keep this in mind and highlight a couple of what I would call really profound structural obstacles. The first is that most African governments remain stubbornly opposed to the idea that they've got to come to terms with what's going on. So there's a deep-suited association between African nationalist projects connected to the idea of rural land, a true African identity, which makes it and which is deeply embedded in the ideological constructs that govern a lot of these countries and the political parties in a post-liberation movement era. Secondly, you're talking about really small formal economies, which means the tax base is tiny. So to do anything is really difficult because you just don't have the resources in a context of high poverty, but most importantly also most of the fiscal powers remain at a national level. Thirdly and really importantly, even though informality is the norm outside of Southern Africa or South Africa and parts of North Africa in terms of economic reproduction and social reproduction, formal regulations particularly planning ones, building regulations and so forth, penalize informality deliberately, making both the opportunity and the operating costs of the urban poor incredibly high and disproportionately high in relation to wealthy or formal parts of the city. And then for a whole range of complicated colonial reasons, discrimination, re-identity politics of affiliation remains secured throughout the political economy of resource allocation and policy making. And to miss this point is to fundamentally miss a number of the critical drivers that reproduce social inequality and cultural inequality. And then of course Africa and there's been lots of private sector think tanks saying how fantastic the recent growth rates are and so on, but Africa's entering the global markets and the global economy with incredibly limited leverage and most importantly in a fragmented way. So Asia, Arab states and so forth strike deals with individual countries as opposed to regional blocks which really is essential if one is going to think of an agenda that can really facilitate broad based growth in the continent. And then of course the cost of large scale urban dysfunction is disproportionately borne by these incredibly large numbers of very, very poor people. So these structural obstacles are really profound and to simply think at the neighborhood scale or think about governance interventions to deal with some of these questions would be missing it. So what we then see across the continent because it is driven by a particular breed of developers is this extreme splintered urbanism, which makes in a way the thesis of splintered urbanism as Simon Marvin and whatever his name is, I can't remember his name, puts forward in their fantastic book. You almost kind of find what is happening in Europe aspirational because of the manifestation in our context of exactly the same kinds of dynamics. Slum neglect essentially combined with this kind of an enclave elite urbanism trying to reproduce a North American suburban gated ideal using if you will the distributional inequalities that I mentioned before as if you will the foundation, the economic foundation for that. So we can't really escape this conclusion that despite the promising economic growth prospects for Africa of late, there is no readily available or acceptable economic and community development model to address the mutually reinforcing drivers of structural exclusion and poverty at scale. We just don't have them, right? Most of the ones we've heard of today I think are very difficult to apply in this particular kind of structural context. Building on Warren's presentation, I wanted to tell you about one story which would have been fantastic to do in a more dramatized way because this is a brilliant story but I'm going to show you a few images about the site. So Warren showed Cape Town from that perspective that aerial shot. So that's where the city bowlers with the bulk of the economies and that's the key decentralized node but it's increasingly a polycentric urban economy but this is where the poor are excluded from those opportunities and this neighborhood. It's got about 600 to 800,000 people, both for 250,000 and there's been this interesting intervention dealing with violence, particularly social violence in this area. I won't go through the detail but because I don't have time but the main point about this is that it really tried to grapple with how do you use community-driven processes focusing on unemployed youth as a way of building the knowledge system and the understanding of what is going on in this community to begin to fashion socially embedded interventions at a range of scales and with a particular kind of sequencing that is spatially informed. Now what they did was they used these unemployed youths to do door-to-door surveys in the neighborhood to produce a map of the perception and experience of crime and then offered these representations which allowed them to understand where in the neighborhood the main problems were and then they could isolate where and how to intervene and this is then some of the work that was produced, all community-driven, all community design. These were the environments before. This is the kind of stuff they did. These were the outcomes of some of these interventions. This is a soccer field play area and so on and effectively in terms of murder rates, this is the kind of reduction that we were able to achieve despite the absence of formal employment. I don't have the reasons to explain all of this but I think what it draws our attention to is when we think about design within these contexts there's a whole series of if you will sensibilities or dispositions that we've got to understand what the specific spatial fine-grained articulations are, how to be institutionally savvy, et cetera, et cetera. So to conclude, what all of this means in this particular story that I'm trying to tell is I think that we really have to take seriously some of the theoretical discussions in the African context about this idea of people as infrastructure, what that may mean. Accept the need, as this previous speaker said, for both top-down bottom-up but the critical issue I think we haven't really theorized or explored enough is this question of intermediation, is the intermediating institutions and practices. And finally I don't have time to talk about this but what I wanted to conclude on was the most important to use the possibility of non-formal job creation for young people around these kinds of things to make place as a mechanism, as the primary most important public health intervention to begin to reverse some of these systemic problems. So to conclude again with Vincent, there is a hater somewhere, a void, and this void needs to be filled. It has to be filled by us, the inhabitants of the city. The city belongs to all of them and they all have to constantly reinvent their own myths, their own stories of the street to keep going and to offer themselves a semblance of a direction of this world that keeps slipping through their fingers. The city is indeed a never-ending construction. Thank you.