 On the other side, you have a new tower block built by some architects for people who are so rich that they have water on swimming pools on their terraces. That is the issue that I think we're trying to deal with here and share with you. How do you avoid that? How do you avoid making cities that are forever exclusive in terms of their agencies and constituencies? And ultimately, and this is the great political point, and why it was so encouraging to hear Angela Merkel yesterday speak about this, and we have so many key politicians here, it is a political decision whether you let a city like Mexico City just grow and grow and grow. This is another picture taken from an airplane. I know that next time one of us would fly over the city, the boundary wouldn't be there. It would be far further up. It would be chewing up this valuable piece of green, which is so important to the sustainability argument that we'll hear about tomorrow. So we have choices. You can either go this way, which is Mexico City today, or you can do, and I'm not being particularly pro-American here, but why not for a moment, what the fathers of New York City did, that they decided about 150 years ago to, yes, create a density, but to create a wonderful urban lung at the middle of it. This is Central Park in a strange view, but you see the relationship between the density of the buildings, one of the highest real estate values in the world, ultimately a livable city because of the relationship of the two. So again, I stress that for us in the urban age, everything we've been looking at is trying to understand the connections. Now we have choices. I repeat that again. We can either do what visionary architects do, visionary architects were the ones behind the Pudong Financial District in Shanghai. Unfortunately, in this case, they followed it. And there it is. Now again, it's not an issue of aesthetics, it's an issue of what is it like on the ground. We know the experience of walking around these spaces. We know, as Richard Sennett will talk about later, that this is a brittle environment which cannot change with society as the economy changes and society itself changes. These are fixed elements which don't connect to the ground in many ways and don't connect to the fabric of society. Something that of course in many of the Indian cities we're beginning to see emerge, especially on the fringes of the fast-growing cities. We have a choice as in Shanghai either to do more of this, which is to get people round, and to do as they've done now to stop bicycles where they have, in fact, 9 million bicycles in Shanghai, to stop bicycles from central streets, why? Because they cause congestion. So these are interesting issues that I think politicians and others need to address. And this is why Philip Broder and other colleagues at the LSE and TIS have spent so much time doing research, which I cannot of course summarize in a short presentation here, but permeates many of the presentation by LSE colleagues over the last two days. And again, I say reflected in the documentation that you have. But they are the issues that lie behind the construction of the new Mumbai. What is it going to look like? What is it going to feel like when all these new buildings, all the cranes that you see are there? Will we have a city which has the grain and the intensity and the vibrancy of what has been there in the past, without in any way romanticizing the city of the poor? Those are the issues that I think are important to discuss and we will in Daravi. It is a political issue. Cities and mayors are becoming critical figures. Saskia has argued sometimes more important than even nation states in mobilizing action on the ground, even of a global nature such as climate change. We'll be discussing the impacts on that. And it gives us enormous pleasure, particularly in London, to see that New York, Mayor Bloomberg, and I know there are colleagues here from there, is trying to copy what London has done. This gives us enormous pleasure. I have to repeat. And will it ever happen there? It depends more on the governance structure than it does on a will. And I think this is something that we will be discussing and have really focused on on the urban age over the last couple of years. These are the cities that we've visited. We are starting now in a new cycle, 2007, looking at four Indian cities. We will be moving to South America next year to Sao Paolo and then our third year, 2009, will be in Istanbul and looking at city regions there. I'm not going to go through this in great detail because I think we've summarized and understood what the issues are. But I just want to stress that in this new cycle of work that we're doing collectively with the Herhausen Society, not only are we having a conference, we are creating a body of work, of knowledge, which will hopefully be reflected back into the cities and countries that we've been working. We are developing the Deutsche Bank Urban Age Award, which will be given every year in each of the city regions that we are visiting. We are developing a very rich website and e-bulletings, which update everyone who's been involved. And in fact, we will also be publishing a large book in a few months time. Now I've stressed that we have looked at the DNA of cities. Probably this is the first time that a group of scholars from different parts of the world have looked at things like where people of different age actually live in cities as diverse as New York, London and Shanghai and Berlin. And I'm not going to go through this in detail, but just look at the average age of people in Berlin. It's getting old. It's a city which is aging. You then look at the four Indian cities we've analyzed and you see that these maps are all squashed down at the bottom. They're young. This is the potential for the future. It's where the average age is between 10 and 29. And therefore, impacting on the decisions made there I think is absolutely critical to what happens. Harnessing the energy is critical to a success. We've looked, not only because we're at the London School of Economics, Howard, but because it is important to understand the role of cities as part of the global economy. We'll hear more about that. And it is fascinating to see how cities of course are becoming more and more service-orientated rather than otherwise orientated in terms of manufacturing and other things. We've also interviewed people in these cities to understand what the themes are, what worries people on the ground. And in India, the word planning comes up number one nearly as the bigger concern. In Sao Paulo, it's transport. In Berlin, no one has a job, so it's labor markets. So it's interesting to see it from the other side and what actually happens there. Now look at what happened in cities over the last 10, 15, 30 years. These are cities which are in blue over 1 million people. And look at the concentration in your continent and in Asia. And look at, again, how cities have grown in yellow, Tokyo on the far left of this map over the last 20, 30 years. And then what's going to happen in the next 10 years in blue, where the greatest growth is going to be? Well, the greatest growth clearly is again in these areas where at the moment there's a fast-developing economy, strongly changing society with enormous impacts, I think, on the ground. I mean, you have a choice, again, either to grow like this, Shanghai. This has showed what's happened in the last 15 years in terms of density. Or Mexico City. You go exactly the other way. And it becomes a vast, nearly endless city, which is the title of the book we've given. It's a city that you literally don't know where it ends, which has no skin, no barrier to it.