 Ladies and gentlemen, it is indeed a high honor to welcome His Excellency Volodymyr Zelensky, President of Ukraine, to the National Defense University. We also extend a warm welcome to Ambassador Markarova, Secretary Austin, the Chairman, Service Secretaries, and so many other distinguished visitors. Thank you for joining us this morning. It is fitting that today's address takes place at NDU, where we prepare the next cohort of national security leaders to understand and overcome current and future national security challenges in defense of our freedom and way of life. The security of the United States and our partners, friends, and allies depends on thoughtful, well-educated, and strategically-minded leaders who understand how to use all instruments of national and international power to prevail in war, peace, and competition. Today, Ukraine is fighting an existential struggle that bears witness to the importance of superb leadership in unwavering moral and physical courage. Developing leaders who can succeed in war and peace is what we do here. That is why we believe an NDU education is a uniquely valuable investment in national and international security. Over the years, we have educated more than 5,000 international partner students from over 152 nations, and this year is no different. We have 143 international fellows from 80 different nations, and they study alongside students from all U.S. military services, 30 different U.S. federal agencies, and four private industry firms. Being mindful of time, I will finish by saying how honored we are to host this important address, Mr. President. And now, ladies and gentlemen, it is my distinct pleasure to introduce the 28th Secretary of Defense of the United States, the Honorable Lloyd Austin. Mr. Secretary. Well, good afternoon, everybody. Thanks for being here. Lieutenant General Plain, thanks for that kind introduction, and for all that you do for this outstanding institution of higher learning. And thanks to you and the whole team at the National Defense University for hosting all of us today, and I should add, on pretty short notice, it's great to see General C. Q. Brown and other department leaders here today, and Mr. President, welcome back to Washington. It is an honor to have you here with us today, and we're especially moved to have you here at NDU. We've got a lot of students and future leaders in the audience, and we also have some proud students from Ukraine. Where are you? And they're going to all remember this day for a long time. Mr. President, I think you know that NDU's mission is to educate our joint warfighters and other defense leaders in the type of rigorous, critical thinking that we need in this time of testing. And I think that the entire NDU faculty will tell you this. So long as free people seek to defend their rights and their sovereignty, students here will study the example of Ukraine. This is an institution that teaches leadership, and Mr. President, you are living proof that a single person's leadership can help rally and embattle democracy and inspire the free world and change the course of history. We're here today for a simple reason. On February 24th, 2022, Russia launched an unprovoked, all-out invasion of Ukraine. In over nearly two years of atrocity and aggression, Putin has continued to wage his reckless and lawless war of choice. Mr. President, Ukraine's fight for freedom is one of the great causes of our time. And the United States is proud to stand with you and make no mistake, America's commitment to supporting Ukraine against Russian aggression is unshakable. Ukraine matters profoundly to America's security and to the trajectory of global security in the 21st century. And that's why the United States has committed more than $44 billion in security assistance to Ukraine's brave defenders. And together with President Zelensky and his team, we have rallied an historic coalition of some 50 allies and partners. And our friends and allies have contributed more than $37 billion in security assistance to Ukraine. And the capabilities from our coalition are making a crucial difference on the battlefield. Ukraine has taken back more than half of the territory grabbed by Russia since February 2022. And the Russian military had been badly weakened. You know, Putin tried to demoralize the Ukrainian people. Instead, Putin demoralized the Russian military. So together with our allies and partners, we are determined to help Ukraine consolidate and extend its battlefield games and to build a future force that can ward off Russian aggression in the years ahead. Ladies and gentlemen, Dr. King once said that the ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy. We're living in just such a time. And we must all decide on where we stand. So we are determined to help Ukraine fight to defend its territory and its citizens. We are determined to deter Russia from any further aggression, including against our NATO allies. And we are determined to show the world that America will not flinch in our defense of freedom. If we do not stand up to the Kremlin's aggression today, if we do not deter other would-be aggressors, we will only invite more aggression, more bloodshed and more chaos. America will be more secure if we stand up to Putin's increasingly aggressive Russia. America will be more secure if we stand up for our bedrock values. And America will be more secure if we make it clear to would-be aggressors worldwide that they do not get to decide which countries live or which countries die. Now, despite his crimes and despite his isolation, Putin still believes that he can outlast Ukraine and that he can outlast America. But he is wrong. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, America's commitments must be honored. America's security must be defended, and America's word must be kept. Mr. President, we last saw each other a few weeks ago on my most recent trip to Kiev. And in your capital city, I saw firsthand the determination of Ukraine's outstanding troops and the resilience of the Ukrainian people. And on this visit to America's capital, I hope that you will meet a similar spirit of fortitude and resolve. So, Mr. President, thank you so much for being here today. And the floor is yours. Thank you so much. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Too much for me. Now, thank you so much. I'm great honor to be here. General Plain, Mr. President of the National Defense University, thank you for your warm kind words. Thank you so much. I want to start by saying thanks to Secretary Westin, the huge man, big friend of Ukraine. Thank you very much for your personal, no, really, thank you for your personal leadership during this time for supporting us, supporting Ukraine, and defending all three worlds. Chairman Brown, thank you for your vision and support, and special thanks to Secretary Diltorum and Secretary Wormus for all your invaluable support to the Ukrainian Navy and Army. Thank you very much. And it's a real honor for me to be here, to be and speak here at this university and known for its years of dedication to fine-tuning the defense of freedom. The world not just knows the names of those who've studied and taught here, it really fills the impact of the choices they've made or the guidance they have given as mentors. And if you look at it that way, Ukraine definitely deserves to be here, represented by our brave warriors, our people, and I believe as equals. Ukraine has left its mark on the world that something you can feel has probably felt most strongly now in Moscow. And it's going to keep being felt there even more so until we tackle this enemy of freedom. Ladies and gentlemen, in many speeches and lectures given in places like this university or similar ones, people often talk about after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. As soon as you hear that, you get what they are talking about, the time period, the emotions, the leadership involved. And most importantly, it's about how freedom spread like ripples in a plong-throw central Europe and the Eastern Europe and across the world. The world really did change after that wall came down, starting a new era. They said it would be a time when freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy would lead the way globally. And that wasn't just talk. Nations that had been under the thumb for so long and could only dream of freedom started walking that path. But the ones who used to suppress freedom, they didn't give up their dreams either. Since 1989, freedoms, enemies got stronger, trying to turn their annoyance at freedom's success into a comeback. They channeled, fenced into terrorism, stored up trouble, spread hate, stalked the bias of local conflicts, trying to turn them into full-blown wars, or at least freeze them like incurable tumors stifling the freedom of nations. They brought back the nuclear scare. Every decade, paled on more problems and not one year in the last Saudi plus years was safe for freedom. 2022 turned out to be the year when one of the biggest enemies of freedom, with its all-out and just and unprovoked war, tried to smash everything beloved since the Berlin Wall fell. Russia's war on Ukraine isn't just about some old-fashioned dictatorship trying to settle scores real or imagined. It's not just Moscow trying to split Europe again. It's Putin, Putin attacking that big ship that happened back in 1989. He's fighting Ukraine. But really, he's up against all of free United Europe. He's wrecking everyday life in Ukrainian cities. But his real target is the freedom. Freedom people enjoy from Warsaw to Chicago to Yokohama. He's trying to make democratic countries lose hope, pushing the idea that dictatorships with a bit of market economy are wearing this global face off. This isn't just about competing systems. Russia still got the means to mess with democracies worldwide. Putin's got bodies in this. Each one a threat to any free nation, to regional or global order, to human rights and democracy, be it Hamas, Iran, North Korea, or others. No accidents here. They are all linked by their hate, hate for freedom. Putin's crafting his own ideology and at his core is complete disregard for human life, for freedom, and for respecting any kind of borders between countries, between people, even between truths and lies. He's spreading this ideology, looking for allies even here in America. His weapon against you right now is propaganda and disinformation. But if he sees a chance, he'll go further. Now he's shifting Russia's economy and society under what he calls war treks. Sadly, he's had time to do this. But the direction of these war treks is clear. I'm sure you see it. Russia is set on more than just Ukraine's land resources or our people. It won't be satisfied with just a part of Ukraine or even all of it. Ukraine is just a stepping stone for Russia, a way to act like that old empire that died in 1989 and to challenge the lead of freedom wherever the Russia star likes. Putin must lose. So that everyone else who sees Russia's war on Ukraine as his personal lecture at the so-called University of Aggression gets the message loud and clear. Putin must lose. And now I want to share three points about Ukraine's impact, the impact I started talking about at the very beginning of my speech. First point, no matter what some Tsars might want, anywhere in the free world, you won't hear phrases like, after the collapse of Europe or after freedom in Europe has fallen because you'll never hear after the fall of Ukraine. And we are going to stop Russia right at the start of its global war against freedom, right where the first front line is on our land in our skies, at our sea. Ukraine is the first front, but we've got to make sure and we can make sure it doesn't come to having a second or short front against freedom somewhere in the Baltic countries or another part of the world when there's a chance to defend one country's freedom to avoid fighting in other lands that what should be done. The current generation of free nations should learn from past battles in Europe that destruction spread by dictatorship is too greedy and it needs to be stopped right at the start. And I wanted to remind everyone that exactly, exactly on this day, December 11th, 82 years ago, the United States with soldiers, officers, generals, Americans, sons, daughters, just like those present here now had to join the continental war in Europe. And now it's without American boots on European ground defending freedom against Russia aggression, American breadlies, high marks, 155 caliber artillery, a Tecum, Patriots, F-16s can get the job done in Europe. Exactly how global freedom needs it. The whole world is watching us, observing what destiny of the free nation could face to live freely or to be subjugated. Ukrainians haven't given up and won't give up. We know what to do and you can count on Ukraine and we hope just as much to be able to count on you. So my second point is this. There are two key things, confidence and security. They are crucial for internal stability in countries and for international peace. There's no human community where evil hasn't tried to take over at some point. Crime and terrorism are threats to any society. Aggressiveness and disrespect for freedom are unfortunately found in many parts of the world and often hatred rules the streets and hearts. And there's no defense against this except for these two things, the confidence of those who believe in freedom and the security guaranteed by the defenders. Defenders of freedom when they come together, cooperate and uphold rules that are mandatory for everyone. Together, we must uphold the rule of law, our institutions and alliances that protect democracy and ensure security, including NATO, so that nowhere in the world, not even in the darkest corner of the planet, is there a temptation to think some other order can dominate the world other than freedom. America and all three nations need to be confident in themselves, in their strengths, in their leadership, so that dictatorships doubt themselves and their power to undermine freedom when the free world hesitates. That's when dictatorships celebrate and their most dangerous ambitions ripen. Every one of you here understands what it means for a soldier to wait for ammunition, waiting for weeks, months, without knowing if support will come at all. Every one of you with command experience knows what it means when instead of moving forward, you are just watching, waiting for armor or equipment while your enemy is satisfied and preparing for assaults. Any of you with a son or daughter in combat zone just couldn't get it if they were told that protecting lives could wait because there's a little more debating. Let me be frank with you, friends, if there's anyone inspired by unresolved issues on Capitol Hill is just Putin and his sick clique. They see the dreams come true when they see the delays or some scandals and they see freedom to fall when the support of freedom fighters go down and people like Putin shouldn't even hope to conquer freedom. And we can show our children, grandchildren what real confidence is as was shown to us. To us when in Berlin, the great words were spoken, tear down this wall. We need no less confidence now than President Reichen had then. And I believe this is our common goals that the security established after 1989 is fully restored and preserved that freedom and then prove that when it's bonders expand in one country, freedom for all, people expands. And that next year in 2024, the aggression of the current enemy of the free world begins to collapse just like that wall. And we can make it real. So moving on to the short point, ladies and gentlemen, our actual achievements are something to talk about. And alongside with our partners, we already accomplished more than anyone expected when Russia started this war. Ukraine is in a battle against a nuclear state and one of the biggest armies, but despite everything we have already regained 50% of territory that Russia captured at the beginning of this war. God bless our warriors. And we are doing these under conditions where, unfortunately, the air superiority still remains with Russia. And we are building our air shield, including systems like American Petro. Thank you very much. Thanks, United States. Thank you very much. And it's really helped and helps which protects our cities from missile attacks. Ukrainian economy has grown more than 5% this year. And it's not just a miracle. And it's the result of courage of our warriors, our entire nations, and the crucial support from America, from other global democracies, from our partners. And when cities are safe, freedom boosts the economy. And we are working with President Biden, and I'm very thankful to him, so that Ukraine and the US can produce weapons together necessary for protecting freedom. This will make Ukraine a beacon of confidence and security for all of Europe for our now-joined allies and partners. Ukraine won in the Black Sea. Yes. And now, the Russian Black Sea fleet is partially destroyed or hidden in remote base. Thanks to this, we've resumed our maritime exports, including food exports protecting dozens of nations in Africa and Asia from hunger and chaos. Next year, Ukraine will clear more shipping lanes. And by now, it is not a secret that Ukraine's response to Russian barbarism can shake the ground in the heart of Moscow. It's a proof of our true strength. Plus, Ukraine is reforming its state institutions. Even in wartime, we are fixing the system to start negotiations with the EU about joining. We keep our promises. We make more strengths. Right now, amid fierce battles, our soldiers are holding positions on the front and preparing for further actions. And we haven't let Russia score any victory this year. Yes, Putin tries to create new problems. But our tactic isn't just about waiting what Russia will do, not just about adapting to the problems Putin creates. It's about effectively solving problems, solving that the key to victory. Tomorrow, in meetings with President Biden and Congress, I'll talk about what result we can achieve next year based on our achievements this year. By pushing, Putin back will strip his aggression of its meaning. Then he will no longer be able to decide Russia as if he personally and his war have a future, expending our capabilities in the sky, especially air defense on the front. We'll remove Russia's air advantage. That's solving one of our major problems. Almost no one believed we would win the sea. But now it's a fact, and we have to win in the sky, too. Patriots and electronic warfare and drones and jets, of course, all these will help our forces move on the ground as needed. And it's crucial that politics, politics don't even try to betray the soldiers because just like weapons are needed for their defense, freedom always requires unity. And I'm confident that freedom can be stronger than any of its enemies. And I believe we can be just as effective in defending freedom now as at the free world was in 1989. And I'm as confident today as I was on February 24, when I told world leaders, Ukraine will fight. Ukraine will stand. And I'm confident that freedom must always prevail when challenged. And I thank you, America, for your support. And I believe that one day at this university, not only those who studied Russia can give lectures, but also Ukrainians who defeated Russia. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Slava Ugrini. For our students and faculty, please remain in the room while the rest of the DVs and our official party depart.