 Rwy'n gofio gyda'r ffordd. Nid yw'r cydweithio yn gwybod yw'r gweithio? Nid yw'n gweithio yw'r cydweithio yn gyfer mewn gwirio. Mae'n gwirio'n gweithio oherwydd yng Nghymru'r Hwyl Fylltys i ddifus gyda gael mynd cael ei gwybod. Mae hyn yn gwirio'n gwirio'n gweithio i gael i gyfnodd gyfnodd gyda'r newydd. Yn ymgyrch ar gyfer gweithio, mae'n gwirio'n gweithio ar gyfer gweithio yw'r cydweithio Mae'r drosbryr yn y Merthyr yn Indio, a'r gwneud hynny oherwydd mae'n ddau gennyddiad yn ymweld ymweld. Mae'n ddweud o'r llwyddiadau rhan oherwydd ymddangos yn y cywbeth. Felly mae'r syniad wedi arferio mefyddangos, mae'n ymweld yn cymdeithasio yn yw, mae'n ymweld yn cymdeithasio ar ymweld. Mae'r bwysig o'r biofataeth oherwydd mae'r byw yn hynod... Ieis caws i ni i'r adилаeth yma a angen cymaint i'r adeach i ddiwan. Rydw i'n meddwl gwybod yn rhywbeth aturthiol a'r adeach ein bod ni'n trafodau, ac byddi'n rhefrwyngo'n li i'r adeiladau. Rydw i'n meddwl i'n meddwl i'r adeiladau. Rhywun yn bwysig i'r gymryd yn rhoi, dweud. Rhyw i'n gwneud i ddim yn bwysig, knowi ddim pob, tynnu nhw, ddim awr, dyma'n gael... As Yr Ystafell, wedi'i dyfnod i wedi gwneud unrhyw ymddangos cyfrannu i unrhyw unrhyw i'rMarth Fath am yn Dairam Salih Diasbara? the language attitudes identities and linguistic varieties in the Damsala diaspora. My research looks at the association between these three parts and I will claim that the salient aspects of my findings are valid representations of the Tibetan Damsala diaspora. I can make such claims I will argue because the subject matter is a salient feature for the Tibetans living in Damsala. I've got quite a lot to get through, so I might skip some tables at the end, because I've got, yeah, anyway, here we go, so. In terms of some background information, this is Tibet, approximately according to what the authorities in Damsala would equate to. It's 2.5 million kilometres squared in size. What I'm going to talk to you about today is some of the salient identity constructs. This is quite useful to show you that there's something called the Chukusung Three Main Provinces of Tibet. In terms of vocabulary, I'm going to be talking about Ud Sang and Amdol and Camelot. Ud Sang is the main region on the plateau. Amdol is this guy up here and Camelot is here. The Tibetan Thomas region is essentially mostly Ud Sang, for example, and Lhasa is in Ud Sang. In terms of other vocabulary, it's going to be worth mentioning at this stage. We're also going to talk about Sanjos and Shijaks. Shijaks is the Tibetan word for settlement, and in the Tibetan diaspora, those born in India or might often refer to themselves or be labelled with the Shijak identity construct. Sanjos, which is new arrivals, are those that come from the Tibetan regions in the PRC, the People's Republic of China, that come into the diaspora. It's worth mentioning. I can't quite say it. That's Darren Sala there. That's some of the major vocabulary. Also, I'm going to be talking about three, I might be talking about three abbreviations quite a lot. Instead of Tibetan Darren Sala diaspora, I'm going to say TDD, Tibetan Darren Sala diaspora. Then there's the PRC, which I mentioned, and the CTA, which is the Central Tibetan Administration, which was previously called the Government in Exile. To sum up the history as briefly as I can, if we look at the last 100 years, in 1913, Tibet claimed its independence, its de facto independence, as it's sometimes referred to. By 1950, the People's Liberation Army invaded Tibet and there was a joint share of power on the surface, or you could argue that the existing Lhasa government was a puppet state of the Chinese. Until 1959, where you had the Tibetan uprising and then the Dalai Llama went into exile. More recently, it's probably just worth pointing out that a salient aspect of the history could be viewed in terms of the protests, especially in the late 80s, and the protests around 2008 to do with the Olympics in Beijing, and the self-immolations that were committed by Tibetans as a form of protest. To talk about the Tibetan Darren Sala, the TDD, Tibetans began residing in Darren Sala in 1960. It's viewed as the capital in exile, or the hub of the Tibetan diaspora. 127,000 Tibetans reside outside the Tibetan areas of the PRC, and that's approximately 3% of the Tibetan population as a whole. According to the demographic survey of Tibetans in exile produced by the Planning Commission of the CTA in 2009, 94,000 Tibetans were living in India across 41 settlements with just under 14,000 living in the scattered settlement of Darren Sala. 70% of Tibetan refugees in South Asia belong to the former provinces of Utsang and Ngari. We're just going to talk about Utsang, so 70% belong to Utsang, 25% to Cam and 5% to the Andal province, according to Rubio. Darren Sala is a place that Tibetans view as one that facilitates the opportunity to go abroad. This adds to the notion of the transient aspect of living in the diaspora. 3,220 Tibetans living in Darren Sala stated that they intended to migrate. A second salient issue regarding the transient population is that approximately half, or slightly over half of the Tibetans that came into exile from the Tibetan regions in the PLC have gone back. This is due to temporary visas and end of their education or a lack of opportunities for them to subsist. According to Rubio, again in 2004, those that returned to Tibet are ostracised and persecuted by the Chinese authorities. Tibetans born in India also feel the constraints of living in the diaspora due to questions about rights and land ownership and such like. OK, so just to talk about the language briefly. Tibet belongs to the Bodic branch of Tibetan Burman. A salient aspect of it are the multiple varieties within Tibetan. Tanaj recognises 220 Tibetan dialects spoken by approximately 6 million people. One of the defining aspects of the linguistic boundaries of these dialects or varieties is the mutual unintelligibility. The foremost distinction between the varieties of the Tibetan language of phonological, lexical and syntactical and 80% of the Tibetan population in the PRC are a marginalised group of rural peasants and nomads and so they're generally considered to be monolingual. Kipuri in 2009 identifies the simulation policies as a deliberate attempt to deny indigenous groups their own identity and cultures and cause indigenous varieties to die out. So, as Tanajus states, Tibetan in all its forms must be regarded as an endangered language condemned to an irreversible decline if not outright extinction within two generations, if the present linguistic policies in the PRC continue. It's worth noting that that was in 2003, so maybe that's not quite the case. In the diasporate culture, the Dalai Lama claims that the diasporate culture is a lot more pure than the Tibetan culture inside Tibet. One of the salient features of this diasporate culture is something which Anand calls the diasporate culture of preservation. So, there's a need to protect traditions and the Tibetan culture, all things Tibetan. However, Yang Dong Dun Ddu criticises this cultural conservativism saying that this has led to the culture being ossified or there's periods of inertia and Clifford describes this as forming acts of impurity within the Tibetan culture itself. There's reason though for them to want to have a salvage mentality of their culture. The CTA claim that 7.5 million Han Chinese live in what used to constitute Tibet while the Tibetan population remains at 6 million. Sering Shakya argues that the Tibet issue though has no political expediency and uses Palestine as a comparison. Continuing the idea about the diasporate culture of Tibet, it's often bombarded with notions of orientalism or stereotyping or it's often romanticised. So, Rubio refers to this as the mythos of Tibet and Anand calls it Tibetan Exotica. So, for example, peace and non-violent descriptions of Tibetans originating from the diaspora are politicised notions of Tibetan culture and identity that are unprecedented and distinctly modern and are a reaction to exile as opposed to colonisation. So that's an example of how they're politicised but then Anand will also, Anand says or asserts that Tibetans are laboured with the victim of Chinese brutality or Western exoticism. So this victimisation paradigm is one that he argues depreciates the idea of Tibetan agency in the diaspora and depoliticises their culture, the diasporic culture. So you have an ebb and flow between them being accused of not being political and their political ambitions or whatever being depolitical. OK, so what this research is going to investigate, what I'm going to show, the linguistic repertoires and speech practices of the members of the TDD, the language attitudes and the identity constructions. The data for this research was collected over a period of a year in the TDD and it combines quantitative and qualitative research instruments. The results for these three data collection techniques which I'll talk about in a minute and the data from those were triangulated and they facilitated comparisons, correlations and contextualisation. The research incorporates an interpretive perspective in conjunction with a strong motivation to use informant descriptions of linguistic and cultural items. So to talk a little bit about language attitudes, in the most basic concept an attitude can be defined as a disposition to respond favourably or unfavourably towards an object, a person or an institutional event. However, this doesn't discount the idea that you can have numerous interpretations of a particular event or person etc. Attitudes are defined as latent hypothetical characteristics or psychological constructs where direct observation is unachievable. However, Gunther et al 2009 argues that mental and emotional phenomena are no less real than physical behaviour. Language attitudes are also considered to be an integral part of community competence. The major implication therefore is that speakers are capable of making linguistic choices with each choice having different consequences in terms of perception for the listener as well as the speaker. Finally, Lambert talks about the three components of language attitude being cognitive, effective and cognitive. The major dimensions along which views about language vary in social psychology framework are social status and group solidarity. Social distinctions between a standard and non-standard linguistic variety reflect a relative social status or social power with language vitality attributed to the value of solidarity. In-group solidarity or language loyalty reflect the social pressures to maintain a linguistic variety even one without prestige, one with covert prestige. Colmys argues that in a diasporate situation symbolic value or hyperisation of value can be attributed to heritage varieties. However, migrant varieties face extinction within generations according to chambers unless extraordinary initiatives are taken. To end, I'd also like to talk about a cat. However, interlocutors can exaggerate linguistic features to cause diversity among linguistic varieties as well as converging in acts of accommodation. This is in the cat theory. Does that make sense? Interlocutors can pronounce the differences in linguistic varieties to show their identity or language loyalty or they can accommodate other linguistic varieties in acts of convergence. These are my research questions, which I've gone over already. It's looking at linguistic varieties. The intelligibility reported among Tibetan variety speakers and the identity constructs as well as the attitudinal aspect which reports on to see whether there's a paradoxical situation where prestige and stigma traits are both reported. Wether a member of the TDD will act both favourably and unfavourably towards another Tibetan variety? It's possibly worth. I've talked about the Chukusun regions, the Udzankham and Amdol. Within these regions are multiple varieties associated to that identity construct which I'm talking about in terms of Tibetan varieties. You will have Amdol varieties, Cam varieties and Udzank varieties. It's called in Tibetan it's K, Udzankh. If I say that, you'll know. Udzankh or Amdol K or such like. Sorry, I don't know where I am. I've done that twice now. Just to go back to the intelligibility aspect. One of the main things I wanted to look at with regard to that was a polynomic language situation which is according to Jaffe, a polynomic language is defined both by its internal variation which would be phonological, morphological and lexical multiplicities and by speakers' recognitions of linguistic unity and diversity. Jaffe talks about Corsica. You'll have multiple varieties of Corsica with speakers retaining their own linguistic variety with increased comprehension. That's what I want to see what was going on here, if that was going on here. The research instrument. I used the questionnaire survey interviews in a verbal guise test. Each research instrument was perceived as advantageous to the research as a whole. The large sample size of the questionnaire survey would allow for an adequate representation of the TDD. The controlled aspect of the verbal guise test and interviews would provide informants with an opportunity to express their perceptions of Tibetan identity and linguistic circumstances in depth. It's also worth pointing out that the key aspect of the research under investigation was the collection of data regarding TDD members' perceptions and attitudes as opposed to behaviour. While questionnaires and interviews might be fairly self-explanatory I also want to maybe talk about the verbal guise test very briefly here. A verbal guise test sought to elicit indirect attitudinal responses to the fall linguistic, to the four diabetic varieties of Andalke, Camke, Utsanke and Shijak. As well as the Chukusum varieties, I think I mentioned Sanjos and Shijak. Shijak was a diasporic variety, a diabetic variety that my master's research picked up on, that members of the TDD were self-reporting. The verbal guise test is a variation of a match guise test, which is a social linguistic experiment technique first used by Lambert in 1960. Both tests were used to elicit indirect measurements of language attitudes. Verbal guise tests and match guise tests present informants with a number of voices that they can evaluate principally in regards to status and solidarity traits. So what they're doing, if you don't know, is they want to control all of the variables apart from accent. So they have a numerous dialogue, one dialogue spoken numerous times by, if it's a match guise test, one person doing impersonation, if it's a verbal guise test, by in this case four different people. So all of the other variables are controlled apart from the accent and then informants can rate their attitudes towards these accents. So the accent variable was conceived as an appropriate variable to measure TDD members' attitudes. The example I give is to do with Welsh. Boris Giles and Jeff Vell asserts that the Welsh accent can also serve as a marker of ethnic identity. The mere possession of the Welsh accent was as effective as eliciting a favourable reaction from Welsh subjects as speaking the language itself. So there you go. Right, to look at the data, tune. So right, this is going into my data. Again, in terms of abbreviations, QS is the Questionnaire Survey and that's the verbal guise tests. Overall I had 801 informants for the Questionnaire Survey, 56 for the interviews and 156 for the verbal guise tests. So the Democratic Survey of 2009, oh thank you, that's very kind. Excuse me, you can hear me all right now. So the Democratic Survey 2009 stated that 55.6% of the Tibetan population in Darum Sala were male and 44.4% were female. So in terms of being representative of the Questionnaire data is quite good for that. It's quite similar to the Demographic Survey done by the Tibetans. According to the Demographic Survey, 59.3% of the Tibetan diaspora population in 2009 was aged between 10 and 34 years. The Questionnaire Survey maybe is more representative. The means start at about 25 to 32 years. So the question had been more representative perhaps. 64.7% of the verbal guise informants and 84% of the interview informants were born into bed. So again, looking at the Questionnaire data, 58.3% of QS informants said that they were born into bed and then you have 41.7 were born in the diaspora. I don't know whether to pre-empt it. So what I'm looking at in terms of the identity aspects of the informants was the saliency of the language, the Tibetan varieties spoken and the... June, third one gets a prize or something. So the saliency that came from my masters and the pilot studies were the Tibetan varieties and the identity constructs. A salient aspect of those were the place of birth things. So Amdol informants, and maybe perhaps previously put it that they speak Amdol. So I wanted to further investigate this and also to see what varieties and what identity constructs were spoken in India. So we've talked about Shejak, so we'll see how pronounced that is. So in terms of... I don't know again, these three here. This is probably the most representative and I want to sort of develop that theme and that theme of the language as well. I did that by... So this is where they state their place of birth to be and then I also asked in the Questionnaire what their identity was. So these are the identity constructs. While the single item case of Tibetan was the largest category, the subsequent five categories for the Questionnaire survey data were all multiple items. So 18% of informants stated that they were Tibetan and Camper. 13% described themselves as Tibetan and Utsang. 10% described themselves as Tibetan and Utsang. 10% described themselves as Shejak. 9% described themselves as Tibetan and Amdol and 5% described themselves as Tibetan and Shejak. And then what I do here and with looking at the linguistic varieties I present the data overall but then we'll categorise it by the place of birth category. So looking at the salient aspects again, there were eight salient identity constructs in the Indian category and three for the others. Sorry, if I go too quickly to say but I'm trying to rush for it a bit. So there's that. So essentially it's interesting maybe that Shejak's as prevalent as it is. Shejak and Sanjo identity constructs can be used in very pejorative terms. So it's interesting that Shejak comes up as much as it does but it isn't the same as how Utsang is reported in the Utsang category or Amdol and the Amdol or Cam in the Cam. Okay, did I miss a bit? Yeah, let's do it. Okay, so just looking at the interview data a particular aim of the interviews was to report how informants expressed their awareness of identity and cultural identity. The homogeneous Tibetan identity construct is central to the circumstances of the members of the TDD. Informant 4 stated that he was not aware of the narratives of the Tibetan issue yet conversely in exile being a Tibetan not only meant coming from a particular ethnic origin but it was also an expression of Tibetanness with the responsibility to exist and remain as such. China was used as a function of other in the Pan-Tibetan identity construct. This helped accentuate the nationalistic themes. Excuse me, Sanjos from Tibet were not associated with a Chinese identity construct and Shijaks were not associated with that of an Indian identity construct. The homogeneous Tibetan identity did not take precedence over any of the regional Tibetan identity constructs and vice versa. Tibetan membership was reported by informants as to not only have a particular place of birth as a requisite but was also dependent on the identity of your parents and that of Buddhism. The fact that they didn't have a home provided also to be a binding factor where moral and cultural rights in the eyes of the informants connected them to Tibet so one informant gave the example of the association and the influence of blood and belonging as opposed to politics and law. The inclusive nature of Tibetanness among the intra-Tibetan groups allowed the research to surmise both the multiple intra- and pan-Tibetan identity constructs are evidence of yet also sustained in part by the diasporate culture of preservation. Interview informants reported that regional difference is now firmly set within the Tibetan identity construct creating the concept of other than us and sameness. This concept allowed Tibetan members to be aware of and express both intra-Tibetan group and pan-Tibetan constructs simultaneously. There were pronounced differences between Sanjos and Shijaks. Shijaks were seen as westernised or having characteristics that came from western influence and many informants used children as an example of this so Sanjo children were seen as suffering as they were removed from their place of birth maybe disjointed from their families whereas Shijaks were seen as spoiled. Informants 7 said, I think Tibetans born in India and Tibetans born in Tibet live apart specifically talking about the relationship within Darun Sala so it can be described as being quite disjointed. Informant 35 described the Sanjo identity construct they were known for not knowing how to behave they fought and were often drunk in public and they spat on the bus so this possibly is an example of the stigmatisation of the Sanjo identity and it still existed to some degree but there was also conflicting information as well so it was now the case that Sanjos were often seen as being very good business people having good business acumen or being very kind or assigned status traits basically. So Shijaks were also roundly criticised by Sanjos. Tibetans in Darun Sala also not only have another construct with regards to the Chinese element but also view Indian as another construct and foreigner or Inkshi or Western as another construct with which to compare themselves. Aspects of the diaspora. Many Informants talked about the loss of tradition in their culture and exile and as a result the loss of Tibetan identity Informants born in both Tibet and India referred to themselves as being refugees and they were able to articulate this sort of multiple this refugee narrative in multiple ways and to contextualise the concept. The refugee identity was seen very negatively particularly negatively however there was evidence in the interviews of a dislocation from Tibet especially with Shijak Informants I asked several of them if they would return if there was a hypothetical situation where Tibet became free the next day would they return and many sort of backed off and said well they would return but maybe not so quickly. Language was the salient part of how they recognised their identity so I've got some quotes here one Informant said that language was the pillar of our country another said if I don't know Tibetan then I don't have any value and another Informant said if I'm being Tibetan and I don't speak Tibetan then there's no use saying I am Tibetan there's no identity language is also being Tibetan so that's a very salient aspect this emphasised again or brought up again the idea that there was a personal responsibility to aid in the preservation of Tibetan and Tibetan culture the nationalistic emphasis on ethnicity and Tibetan culture items enabled the desperate culture of preservation to not only be a heritage culture of reminiscence but also one which allowed TD members to be active or activists maybe similar to a protector of the faith one of the salient features of difference between regional groups including Shijak was how people spoke Tibetan Informant stated that they thought speaking was the only or one of the only differences in terms of identifying intra-Tibetan group relations awareness of linguistic divergence didn't sign a shibboleth function to create an exclusive form of language or communication but it served as a marker of identity right so looking at language excuse me QS Informants were presented with five categories in terms of reporting their language oh I've missed sorry QS Informants were presented with five different categories in the language section Tibetan, Hindi, English, Chinese and other please specify they could choose all or any or other which they liked in total there were 34 categories that came from the results three of which were single case items of English, Tibetan and Ladaki and there were 31 multiple item cases in total 23 linguistic varieties were recorded and apart from three Informants everybody else said they spoke Tibetan 59% said they spoke Hindi in total regardless of single repertoire a multiple repertoire 71% said they spoke English and 22% said they spoke Chinese 80% of Informants reported having multiple repertoire with a mean average of 2.6 while the data suggests that having a multiple linguistic repertoire is the norm for the majority of Informants these Informants lived in a community where 19.1 of the speakers a self-reported monolingual speakers almost exclusively in the Tibetan language and then this is looking at the linguistic varieties categorised by Place of Birth again so in the Amdol category there were eight different responses with five linguistic varieties in the Cam category there were 15 with nine linguistic varieties 12 in the Utsang with seven linguistic varieties and 20 different categories in the Indian category with 14 linguistic varieties it's worth drawing your attention to the number of responses given of Tibetan, Hindi and English in the Indian category so 67.4% of India category Informants Shijak Informants stated that they had this as their linguistic repertoire so I'm going to go on so that was the linguistic categories and then I specifically asked about a Tibetan variety speaking so QS Informants were presented with five categories Utsang, Cam, Amdol, Shijak and other please specify again they were instructed that they could answer all or more or whatever they liked so in total there were 41 category responses eight of which were single item responses and 33 multiple with 22 Tibetan varieties recorded in this section okay so yeah I don't know what time it is so maybe very quickly it's worth just again in terms of saliency whether it's multiple or single so the wily script you have to write Utsang K like this because it's silly so that's Utsang so I shouldn't have said this so that's Utsang K and that's Shijak K and that's Cam and that's Amdol yeah I tried to do my own and Nathan said it was cute so I just stuck with this I think he was patronising me yeah well I assume so there's a saliency of Utsang K and Shijak K where they're reported in multiple single singular repertoirs and then the main single repertoirs you can see Shijak and Utsang again okay so all other Informants reported having multiple variety, tibetic variety repertoirs and by far the largest category was Utsang K and Shijak K tibetic varieties of Utsang K and Shijak K predominantly feature in the large so these are the salient results again predominantly feature in the large multiple tibetic repertoirs often in conjunction with Cam K which probably can be explained by the number of Cam Informants Amdol K also featured but to a lesser degree so 56% of Informants reported having multiple tibetic varieties with the mean average being 1.9 so while 56.7 report multiple tibetic varieties the largest was the one tibetic variety category and that was 43.3% of Informants so then looking at Tibetan categories by Place of Birth again excuse me the largest response for all of the major Place of Birth categories is the single case response which is no surprise okay I'm going to move on sorry I'm going to start going a bit quickly and this is the tibetic variety responses the salient features of the tibetic variety responses within the Place of Birth categorisation so the Place of Birth categorisation corresponds with the large numbers of tibetic variety speakers of that category Amdol speaking Amdol etc apart from the Udang category where it was the first Udang K was reported as the second most widely spoken variety with similar percentages throughout the Place of Birth categories Shijak K also featured strongly throughout the categories in the Amdol and Cam categories the third largest tibetic variety with 53% and 47% respectively and in the Udang category 51.4% of Informants stated that they spoke Shijak K so the data presented here in this section allows the research to surmise that the majority of Informants report themselves as having multiple tibetic variety speakers often retaining the tibetic variety most associated with their intra-tibetan group and acquiring chukasum and diasporic tibetan varieties however the data suggests that the TDD speech community accommodates mono-tibetic variety speakers as well as multiple ones so more interview Informant information several Informants explicitly expressed the notion that they believed only speaking one tibetic variety was problematic the chukasum multiple tibetic variety repertoire were reported as having three-dimensional elements while the Shijak tibetic variety was not seen as three-dimensional but one where it was one-dimensional when Informants from Tibet were asked if they spoke Shijak a typical response was to say well yeah but not exactly so there was some reluctance to admitting speaking Shijak K Informant 45 recognised the polynomic tibetic variety model in the diaspora stating that he believed for every ten tibetan in Downsala maybe eight of them would have different ways of speaking so Sandra Informants Informant responses to labelling a tibetic variety in their repertoire as Shijak K was diverse what was often qualified as Shijak K in one instance was also then labelled as Shijak K in one instance or Three Province Speaking Tukasun Shijak K consisted of was perceived to be consisted of a dominance of central Tibetan but not Lhasa K so these varieties were often considered to be provincial typically it was described as mixed and this was often described as mixed and this was often described as mixed and this referred to not only the mixing of Tibetan varieties but also the mixing of Tibetan with English and Hindi many of the Informants emphasised that there were many different varieties of Shijak K the status of Shijak K was often reported in contradictory terms by both Shijak and Sanjo Informants from anything from normal or local Tibetan to mixed or what they call Ramalu which is maybe neither fish nor fow to an overtly overly simplistic language to one Informant said they which Shijak Tibetans can't speak in Tibetan Sanjo Informants from the Udzang region or group did not perceive the Udzang Tibetic variety they spoke and Shijak as being the same linguistic entity Udzang Informants stated that they shared similar experiences to other Sanjo Informants when entering into exile in terms of comprehension abilities of Shijak varieties the stigmatisation of Shijak was a defining element of how this Tibetic variety was perceived I don't know Right I'm going to Oh sorry I'm lost again Sorry I'm a bit conscious about time Right So maybe I'll go for this bit quite quickly Okay So we've previously looked at what Informants stated they spoke in terms of linguistic varieties and specifically Tibetan Tibetic varieties So I also asked in the questionnaire for them to report their understanding or comprehension and I think we could maybe do this quite quickly So for example 65% of Informant questionnaire Informants stated that they spoke Udzang whereas there was an increase of 83.1 in terms of what they comprehended So that might be too tricky Okay so really if we just look down this side and I'm going to show you a couple more tables that are very similar If you look at the Tibetic varieties and then the non-Tibetic varieties if we look at this there's sort of huge increases in comprehension which are fairly consistent and then the opposite is the case for non-Tibetic varieties So then I looked at them within the place of birth constructs So this is the Amdol Informants place of birth construct and you can see again you have the similarity in terms of the increases but not the Amdol okay and then because you know, yeah well and then mirroring the previous table not the same sort of incremental increases So then looking at the CAM this is exactly the same huge increase but not for the varieties associated with the place of birth and then the same for Hindi, English and Chinese the same for Uttang exactly the same the responses within each category were the same and then finally even in the India place of birth the responses were the same So that's quite interesting that was so typical and salient in terms of how it was reported Okay Okay, I'm going to do some damage limitation because I want to show you the table for the verbal guise test Polynomic evidence was reported quite comprehensively So even though it was, maybe it's worth saying even though it was reported comprehensively it wasn't a given you weren't assumed that if you had increased comprehension you could comprehend all diabetic varieties Informants often reported comprehending specific ones but not comprehending others So it wasn't so clear but it was definitely a feature Right, so moving on to the verbal guise So I conducted a verbal guise test and I hadn't done one before so I used two audios Essentially I did two verbal guise tests in one maybe so I could compare the results There were 15 trait rates that I put into five subcategories so I'll show you So if we look at this this is the cognitive trait rates so there's intelligence, sharp-minded and educated just to explain this So all of this data are statistically significant correlations So for example these are the place of birth categories of the Informants So there was a statistically so L is low and H is high and times two means it was statistically significant in both the audios For example, CAM Informants there was a statistically significant I'm going to say this a million times there was a statistically significant correlation between CAM Informants and low ratings of the amdol voice with the intelligence trait So again, a salient thing throughout I'm going to try and summarise them A salient thing throughout the results of the verbal guise test were Informants say Informants from a particular place of birth category rating the voice most associated with that category high So it's fairly in both tables you can see it's fairly consistent And also I guess the other thing worth mentioning here is how the she-jacks possibly stigmatising the other varieties I'm going to move on So that's two of the tables for the traits This is another two so continuing the theme Maybe I'll come back to them that's the other one and then I wrote down a summary of the results so just to fit all of that information into a sort of paragraph essentially the data suggests that Informants assign cultural value to a particular Tibetan variety they most associated with their place of birth identity construct regarding both solidarity and status traits yet they also assign positive traits to other Tibetan varieties conversely Informants were also unlikely to stigmatise other sorry Informants were also likely to stigmatise other Tibetan varieties indicating a paradox where Tibetan varieties were assigned both positive and negative traits In turn this is allows for the suggestion that this indicates the concept of otherness and sameness which interview Informants are deluded to There was a particular emphasis on Informants from Tibet stigmatising the she-jack voice in the verbal guise test specifically regarding the traits of trust, affability and also respect and then I don't know very quickly I'd like to just try and summarise the salient results then I'm done so I'm nearly done looking at the research questions again the research produced three salient conclusions specifically associated with the first two research questions firstly the research suggests that Informants have multiple Tibetic varieties but also there is evidence to suggest a polynomic language situation exists in the Tibetan and Damsala diaspora secondly there is evidence to suggest that Informants from Tibet and the diaspora acquire and develop multiple Tibetic varieties which are amalgamations of numerous Tibetic varieties there were two summary conclusions relating specifically to the third research question regarding identity firstly Informants expressed strong associations to both regional and pan-Tibetan identity constructs which allowed for the validation and acceptance of all non-diasporic and diasporic intra-Tibetan group identities despite examples of stigmatisation secondly the diasporic she-jack identity construct is a salient feature of the TDD which allows for the concept of an intra-Tibetan identity construct model which validates this construct as well as the guchu sum ones so often it's the case that they talk about guchu sum, cuchu sum ones so often it's all the identity constructs are based around Kao Mand or Niu Tsang whereas I'm trying to say that maybe there's evidence to suggest that there's you can attach the diasporic cultural construct to it as well which hopefully is validating or it proves that they are validating it two summary conclusions regarding the enquiry into linguistic practices and identity associated with the first three research questions are made firstly, Tibetan varieties are markers of intra-Tibetan group identity which indicates retention of a particular Tibetan variety and the development of a multiple Tibetan variety model which suggests informants are likely to develop multiple Tibetic varieties and increased abilities in multiple Tibetic variety competences secondly, a shift to a standard variety appears to be overrun by the idea of a multiple Tibetic variety model data associated with the first research question enquiring of linguistic practices was also contextualised with data produced by the third and the fourth research question to produce two summary conclusions firstly, a Tibetan variety firstly, as Tibetan varieties are integral to intra-Tibetan group identity the Shijak variety spoken by Shijak Tibetans are distinct entities most notably the Shijak Tibetan spoken by Shijak speakers differs from the Shijak Tibetan spoken by Tibetans from Tibet although the awareness of the Shijak identity through the awareness of the Shijak identity construct and the increased usage of English and Hindi within the Shijak variety of Shijak secondly, speakers from all four of the major Tibetic varieties present in the TD assigned both prestige and stigmatisation of both status and solidarity traits in particular the Shijak variety was associated with attainment and education status traits yet the variety was also stigmatised as impure which was a data attitudinal data from the questionnaires not from the verbal guides about purity conversely, Sanjo varieties particularly Amdol and Can varieties were assigned high rates of solidarity and stigmatised regarding status traits yet were also assigned status as pure varieties and therefore of value finally, the last summary conclusion relates to the contextualisation of the data produced by the third and fourth research questions and states that the Pan-Tibetic the Pan-Tibetan identity constructs and Intra-Tibetan identity constructs function in a mutually beneficial relationship where having the identity of one values having the identity of the other and vice versa and that's me questions Chinese, then there was a money that was only less than one class because that is the only population that needed Sanjo and there are no more than those coming in and that place works as an opportunity and that leads me to wonder what kind of children what kind of parents would stand their kids along to these spaces and I have the principle most of the children come from South and the West of Tibet which is more in his interpretation it is more religious so my question is have you looked at religious identity in correlation with language attitudes right, yeah one of the limitations definitely is the emphasis not on looking at the religious aspect I would argue that you couldn't really my opinion I would argue that you couldn't really differentiate between one group being more religious than the other in terms of Tibetan identity it was I think now because of how many people do come into exile I think what you're saying is obviously happening previous to that and what's reported in my research many informants would say the opposite that the best schools are for the Sanjo, the children coming into exile and across the board within the People's Republic of China I think there's a motivation to send your child there to get a Tibetan education Chinese education could be viewed very well as well but the religious aspect perhaps that you're talking about I think associates from how I see as a cultural one as well I think you're missing out yeah definitely I think it's valid I think when you said I'd be quite reluctant I'm not Buddhist or anything like that I would be quite reluctant to define them as religious extremists in any way whatsoever I think what you're missing out maybe is an economic aspect if you've got a relative that's going into exile you can give them your kid and they'll get free education whereas in Tibet the part of Tibet I was in this woman that taught me Tibetan couldn't afford to go to school because she couldn't afford the books yeah well yeah sure I'm not sure you still have to pay for books you still have to be somewhere if 70% of them are rural you have to live in a non-rural place I don't think it's quite the case sorry is that yeah we're both right I specifically looked at how it was reported as opposed to actual existences I did collect data on actual existent of actual examples no I didn't really analyse it properly enough to know but I think that English for example is assigned huge amounts of status so you can speak English to be cool you can speak English to be educated or whatever so there might be spheres where they might be prevalent Hindi movies are very popular that if you ask most she-jacked about what they do with an evening it's watching Bollywood movies so yeah maybe yeah again but I don't know sorry well I think my well because the nature of filling out a questionnaire perhaps I think if you have a negative where it if you have a well I think you'd have to talk about a questionnaire fatigue or something I think you'd have to talk about how not all of the informants would be ultra-ultra motivated to fill out the questionnaire I don't know what you're like with filling out questionnaires I get a pop-up on the Guardian online to fill out a questionnaire all of the time do you ever get that? and so I often just do it to be nasty and even then I get bored after but after three questions you're like I think the significance is the degree so you might have a negative response to 0.1 or 1. something 800 informants I think that's pretty good coming I wouldn't argue that a questionnaire is some well as I said there's a motivation to do it and it's not something done in a laboratory I think what you said at the beginning was that it was about perceptions rather than what actual behaviour yeah but if you have like with the comprehension I think you're talking about so they're all so there's minus four I think that it's fairly similar I don't think the minus four is any less telling or more telling than having plus two I think they're all pretty much similar and then if you look at the comparison between how the larger examples are fairly similar I think there are indications I wouldn't swear blind because it is self-reported that is the nature of self-reporting Peter Right so the question I was done in when I did the pilot I had both English and Tibetan but it came apparent that the English wasn't needed or wanted or the interviews well these are spoken essentially the differences we're talking about spoken varieties so it was in a standard yeah so yeah it had I don't know I tried my Tibetan especially these days very good so in terms of constructing well when I constructed the when I constructed the questionnaires what I did was to I worked at the Gudjusun Association for a number of years at the Ex-Political Prisoners Association so I was involved in translation from Tibetan to English then so there's a Tibetan translator there but I gave the questionnaire before I produced them both for the pilot and the one I used I gave it to this guy at Gudjusun and then another four or five people and so it was done by a process of what's the word committee as such That's not the point I'm trying to explore it's rather that it was written in a variety which nobody actually speaks No it's written in a variety which everybody can read but nobody speaks and the Amdo and Camus are more or less divergent in terms of no the written will be the same so for example campers so for example camper you'd say camper but with the same spelling somebody from Amdo was Amdo wa so the wa and the pa are written identically but the pronunciation is different Does that make sense? In terms of the interviews they were done again with translators and ones that could speak English to a proficient level without a translator so there were the majority of the interviews were done just with me and in English some 20 so I can't remember off the top of my head some 20 so interviews and then the rest were done with a translator relating to the person from that place of birth so again the main element was looking at not behaviour but reported awareness the legitimisation of that was based on the saliency of this and the saliency of awareness so I did collect some data on behaviour but it wasn't in my thesis Sorry Can I ask if you thought about to like you as an outsider researcher in getting it wrong and that made a factor in the answers that relates back to the one of the perspectives I took was trying to be accountable and explaining being very open about what I was and therefore what the responses might be if I had been female talking to a female informant it might be different, definitely it was the other salient aspect of that I found that because of again the saliency of the responses the subject matter also the fact that they wanted to talk about this the fact that it was relevant, the fact that it was seen as important and the fact that they had the role of being ambassadors of the cultural, they were very open topics the research didn't come out of so I first lived in Darren Salar in 2004 and I didn't I was just living and working there and what came up in this was fairly everyday stuff I didn't really, I've contextualised what they know or really I spoke English and then Tibetan to some degree for as much as I could I was told that I spoke I was told that I spoke Shijak someone said I once spoke Uge or Utenge so the most I could possibly talk about was my connections with Guchisum so I'd know the students very well and I'd hang out with the students and initially if I struggled to make a point in Tibetan or something it was fine or whatever, there wasn't a big difference between prestige or status with speaking one or the other but I didn't really research that but in my anecdotal evidence it was fine environment it's a huge tourist hub so they speak, they hear everyone can hear multiple varieties yeah, yeah